Environmental peace (Gaia peace), premises to develop a model

Model of Environmental Communication with Gender Perspective in Resolving Environmental Conflict in Urban Area (Study on the Role of Women's Activist in Sustainable Environmental Conflict Management)

How is environmental conflict addressed by SIA?

This research examines the use of performance measurement in environmental conflict resolution (ECR) programs in United States state-level programs. Data are drawn from a survey of state administrators of ECR programs. Findings indicate that the use of performance measurement by state programs is scarce as only six states reported measuring the performance of their ECR program. Study results show many reasons for this finding: lack of staff, lack of time, lack of funding, lack of knowledge concerning how to do performance measurement, lack of knowledge as to how to measure the success of ECR, lack of cost information about alternatives to ECR, too many outside factors intervening in ECR efforts, and not all states have ECR programs. Research findings indicate lessons learned from the states that have attempted measuring the performance of their ECR programs: good management of process, personalize the program, marshall all resources, keep sight of the big picture, and be prepared for the political side of performance measurement.

The paper explores the applicability and adaptability of the principles and procedures of Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) in inter-and intra-group environmental conflicts in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). The focus of the study is on communal environmental conflicts - those conflicts that have to do with disputes over the allocation, use and management of key livelihood resources such as arable land, forests and wildlife. The main research questions of the study are: Whether and how ADR can be applied in environmental conflict resolution in SSA? What is the role of Customary Institutions of Conflict Resolution (CICR) in institutionalizing ADR in SSA? How can the formal adjudicative structures of the state such as the court system co-exist and interact with CICR? A central argument is that sustainable peace in sub-Saharan Africa is dependent on greater cooperation and partnership between the state and CICR in institutionalizing a decentralized system of environmental conflict resolution.

Environmental conflict is complex and variable, and over time, a concerted field has developed to study processes for collaboration and resolution. This article examines the evaluations of multistakeholder collaborative processes underpinning the field of Environmental Conflict Resolution (ECR). Specifically, we analyze ECR evaluations from over four decades, across different approaches, geographies, and scales. We also corroborate our findings through interviews and discussions with key scholars and practitioners in the field. We highlight the valuable empirical data from evaluations and point to a three‐pronged approach for reinvigorating evaluations that support practitioners and projects and promote broader ideals of ECR collaboration.

After reviewing the logic and basics of Environmental Conflict Resolution (ECR), this article analyzes the praise for and criticisms of ECR. This article acknowledges the initial successes in the 1970s and 1980s that led to a major period of expansion for ECR, and continues today, but argues that it must do a better job of proving itself. That is, proponents must conduct more rigorous assessments of its utility under different conditions and invest in data collection that goes far beyond present efforts. The article concludes by reviewing the challenges and opportunities facing ECR in the twenty-first century. Singled out for attention is the need for scholars and practitioners to understand ECR interventions as targeted at aggregate rather than dyadic relationships, as complex systems embedded in even larger complex systems, as time-extended phenomena, and as ripe for evaluation for their impact on substantive environmental outcomes.

The purpose of this study is to examine the evolution of network governance that interlinks politically non-neutral multiple policy actors in the dynamic process of environmental conflict resolution, beyond the traditional dominant perspective of network governance as a policy tool for consensus building and conflict resolution. With regard to network governance and conflict resolution, this chapter discusses not only the assumed positive aspects of networks but also the neglected but plausible negative aspects of networks. Based on the findings of social network analysis on the relational configurations and emergent properties of aggregated policy networks in an environmental conflict resolution process, this study reveals the dominance of the main policy actors controlling agendas over time and the resultant intensified conflicts as underlying dynamics of evolutionary network governance.

This empirical study of fifty‐two environmental conflict resolution (ECR) processes is based on an evaluation framework that specifies key conditions and factors that contribute to ECR outcomes. Data were collected on a range of ECR processes and applications. This article reports on findings from a multilevel modeling analysis that focuses on three primary outcomes: reaching agreement, the quality of agreement, and improved working relationships among parties. Effective engagement of parties is identified as a major contributor to all three outcomes. Other key factors that operate directly and indirectly through effective engagement are involvement of appropriate parties, the skills and practices of ECR mediators and facilitators, and incorporation of relevant and high‐quality information. Findings generally support the ECR evaluation framework.

Foreword Gail Bingham Preface About the Contributors Part I Introduction 1. The Challenges of Environmental Conflict Resolution Lisa Bingham, Kirk Emerson, Tina Nabatchi, Rosemary O Leary, and John Stephens 2. Whose Reality Counts? Juliana E. Birkhoff and Kem Lowry Part II Upstream Environmental Conflict Resolution 3. Dispute Resolution as a Method of Public Participation Thomas C. Beierle and Jerry Cayford 4. Is Satisfaction Success? Evaluating Public Participation in Regulatory Policymaking Cary Coglianese Part III Midstream Environmental Conflict Resolution 5. Intractable Conflict Marcia Caton Campbell 6. Achievement of Relationship Change Tamra Pearson D Estree 7. Retrospective and Prospective Frame Elicitation Sanda Kaufman and Barbara Gray 8. Facilitators, Coordinators, and Outcomes William Leach and Paul Sabatier Part IV Downstream Environmental Conflict Resolution at the State and Federal Levels 9. Evaluation of Environmental Dispute Resolution Programs Andy Rowe 10. An Evaluation System for State and Federal Conflict Resolution Programs: The Policy Consensus Initiative Kirk Emerson and Chris Carlson 11. State Agency Administrative Mediation: A Florida Trial Frances Stokes Berry, Bruce Stiftel, and Aysin Dedkorkut 12. Court-Annexed Environmental Mediation: The District of Oregon Pilot Project Lisa A. Kloppenberg 13. Dispute Resolution at the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency Rosemary O Leary and Susan Raines Part V Downstream Environmental Conflict Resolution and Outcome Measures 14. The Assessment of Environmental Outcomes Mette Brogden 15. Economic Characteristics of Successful Outcomes Bonnie Colby Part VI Conclusion 16. Fulfilling the Promise of Environmental Conflict Resolution Lisa Bingham, David Fairman, Dan Fiorino, and Rosemary O Leary Index

41 Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies Vol. 43, No.3, Spring 2020 Israel’s Peacemaking under Security Challenges: Implications of a Retrospective Outlook Gilead Sher* Adelaide Duckett** Israeli Involvement in Peace Processes Israel’s first conflict began as a state-in-the-making in 1947 and intensified with its establishment as a state in the War of Independence in 1948, involving all of its neighboring states of Egypt, Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon, which were supported by Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and others. The war came to an end with the 1949 armistice agreements. These established the armistice lines including the Green Line, and an end to the war, but not a formal peace as no state yet recognized the State of Israel. Conflict continued throughout the 1950s between Arab troops and Fidayeens and Israeli forces but did not escalate into full-scale war. In 1956, the Suez crisis resulted in an Israeli invasion of the Sinai Peninsula, allowing Israel to reopen the Straits of Tiran. Israel subsequently retreated from the Sinai Peninsula, only to recapture it a decade later in the Six-Day War of June 1967. *Gilead Sher is currently the Isaac and Mildred Brochstein fellow in Middle East Peace and Security at Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy. He was chief of staff and policy coordinator to former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak, a senior negotiator at the Camp David summit and Taba talks, and a delegate to the 1994–95 Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement negotiations under Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. He is an IDF Colonel who served in reserve service as a brigade commander and a deputy division commander. Sher heads the Center for Applied Negotiations and is a senior researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS). He is the author of The Israeli-Palestinian Peace Negotiations, 1999–2001 and coeditor of Negotiating in Times of Conflict and Spoiling and Coping with Spoilers. **Adelaide Duckett is a student at the University of Chicago working under Gilead Sher and the Center for Applied Negotiations. Attacked by five Arab states, which were supported by eight additional ones, Israel swiftly conquered the Gaza Strip and the Sinai Peninsula from Egypt, the West Bank and East Jerusalem from Jordan, and the Golan Heights from Syria. As a result of the war, Israel expanded its territory significantly, but the admirable victory of the 19-year-old country fighting for its life has not been translated, as of yet, into serving the core values of a Jewishdemocratic state. In an attempt to regain their lost territories, Egypt and Syria in October 1973 launched a surprise attack on Yom Kippur, the most sacred holiday in Judaism. The fighting lasted less than three weeks and ended with an Israeli victory and no major territorial changes. The end of the Yom Kippur War marked the start of the first major peace process in Israel’s history. After a summit conference in Geneva aimed at resolving the conflict collapsed with Syria’s refusal of attendance, the U.S. began acting as mediator, concluding an Israeli-Syrian Agreement on Disengagement in May 1974 and establishing a channel of communication between Israel and Egypt. Two years of indirect negotiations, punctuated by a change in Israeli leadership in the election of Yitzhak Rabin as Prime Minister, resulted in an interim agreement reached in September 1975. The agreement secured Israeli use of the Suez Canal, an Israeli withdrawal in the Sinai Peninsula, and the establishment of a demilitarized buffer zone between the new borders. This agreement laid the foundation for a full framework for peace reached in 1978. Following the unprecedented November 1977 visit to Israel by Egyptian President Anwar Sadat, U.S. President Jimmy Carter offered to facilitate negotiations between the two nations at Camp David. Intense negotiations resulted in two documents: the Framework for Peace in the Middle East1 and the Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty2 between Egypt and Israel. The Framework for Peace in the Middle East set forth a plan for reaching a final status settlement between Israel and the Palestinians, which led the foundations 42 1 “Camp David Accords: The Framework for Peace in the Middle...

ABSTRACTExploring cases of gas and coal extraction in Australia and the U.S.A., this paper considers instances in which legal and political frameworks have been used to prioritise development interests and minimise opportunities for community objection. Two case studies illustrate the role of law and the influence of politics on environmental conflict, conflict resolution, and participation in decision-making associated with resource extraction. A range of barriers to meaningful community participation in land-use decision-making are exposed by combining legal and non-legal concepts of equity and justice with ideologies of democracy and representation. These include asymmetry in information and resources available to parties; instances of misrecognition of weaker participants; and examples of malrecognition, where community attempts to engage democratic rights of public participation were thwarted by the strategic and deliberate actions of both industry and government. This paper illustrates the limits of current legal approaches to addressing land-use conflict and contributes to the developing scholarship of environmental justice as an analytic framework for addressing complex environmental and social justice issues.

Since the 1990s, community-based collaborative approaches to environmental planning and conflict resolution have gained significant influence in the United States. As federal and state agencies engage more directly with local communities to manage environmental resources, collaboration has come to be seen as a means of increasing public participation, improving management decisions, and overcoming the divisive politics of environmental conflicts (Brick et al. 2001). The potential for collaborative efforts to successfully resolve conflict, however, hinge upon many variables. In this essay, I examine one of these, namely, the politics of geographic scale. Drawing upon a case study of a long-running conflict over historical land grant rights in southern Colorado, I demonstrate how the politics of geographic scale can serve to both hinder and facilitate efforts to resolve environmental disputes through collaborative means.

Based on a narrative case study conducted in two in-service teacher preparation programs for English language teachers in Sri Lanka, this paper explores the role of English language teachers in promoting so-cial cohesion and peace. Set against Sri Lanka’s National Policy on Social Cohesion and Peace (2008), which recognizes teacher agency and teacher education in actively working towards bridging the es-tranged Sri Lankan communities, this paper critically analyzes what it takes for teacher education to prepare prospective teachers to be cultural brokers who are willing and able take an active role in pro-moting social cohesion and peace. The paper argues that national and program level policies and curricula changes are insufficient if micro level and more personal efforts are not made to assist new teachers to develop more inclusive mindsets. Conceptually this paper is grounded on transformative approaches to pedagogy that highlight the agency of teachers and the need for teacher preparation programs to support new teachers to shape and craft their emergent transformative practices. Such approaches to teacher education identify teachers as transformative intellectuals whose role is recognized as being in tune with their social, political and historical realities. This perspective aligns with an approach in which the teacher’s role extends beyond the mere transmission of knowledge and skills in the classroom to a broader, more inclusive vision of the whole socio-educational process. The paper argues how national policies, curricula interventions, and the creation of a multicultural teacher community by diversifying the pool of prospective teachers to provide greater opportunities for inter-cultural interactions are insufficient if personal efforts are not made by teacher education programs and teacher educators to ensure that the program provides prospective teachers the theoretical lenses to make sense of their experiences with those who are different from them. Instead, mere cultural immersion lacking active measures that provide teachers with attitudes and skills to embrace diversity, results in the recreation of the existing status quo and promoting further mis-trust among communities.

This paper aims to explain the shift in Latin America’s level of conflict and internal violence relative to other regions in the world. It examines a single regional subsystem, Latin America within the framework of conflict and peace as well as the role of the United Nations. First, it aims to shed lights on main transformations and changes in terms of political, economic, social and cultural issues in Latin America. Second, the concept of the zone of peace is examined within the context of Latin America. The main activities of the United Nations in relation to conflict and peace are investigated in the third section. In conclusion, it underlines the lessons learned from conflict and peace processes in Latin America.

This paper examines the causes, dynamics, and models of environmental conflict resolution that can be applied in the construction of a coal-fired steam power plant. The existence of power plants is a dilemma because it has negative impact to the society and environment that can lead to conflict. Environmental conflicts always begin with ecological degradation which becomes increasingly complex due to social factors. Discussions of environmental conflicts often focus on ecological damage but forget about the social impacts that will result. The causes of conflicts such as competition for natural resources, poor management of natural resources and the environment, and the dynamics of natural resources that cross borders require proper conflict management to deal with them. This study offers management conflicts models in resolving social-environmental conflict.