Entangled Histories of Occupation and Demobilisation: North African and Indian Soldiers in the Middle East, 1917–23

The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Middle Eastern and North African History

A Land of Aching Hearts: The Middle East in the Great War

A Land of Aching Hearts: The Middle East in the Great War

Guest Editors’ Introduction

A New European Neglected Diseases Center for Greece?

Introduction: Power and Knowledge in the Anthropology of the Middle East and North Africa Sherine Hafez and Susan Slyomovics Part I. Knowledge Production in Middle East and North Africa Anthropology 1. State of the State of the Art Studies: An Introduction to the Anthropology of the Middle East and North Africa Susan Slyomovics 2. Identity and Difference in the Middle East and North Africa: A Review Essay Seteney Shami and Nefissa Naguib 3. Anthropology's Middle Eastern Prehistory: An Archaeology of Knowledge Jon W. Anderson 4. The Pragmatics and Politics of Anthropological Collaboration on the North African Frontier Paul A. Silverstein 5. Post-Cold War Politics of Middle East Anthropology: Insights from a Transitional Generation Confronting the War on Terror Lara Deeb and Jessica Winegar Part II. Subjectivities: Youth, Gender, Family and Tribe in the Middle East and North African Nation-State 6. Anthropology of the Future: Arab Youth and the State of the State Suad Joseph 7. The Memory Work of Anthropologists: Gendered Studies of Conflicts and the Heroic Life in Middle East and North Africa Sondra Hale 8. Rejecting Authenticity in the Desert Landscapes of the Modern Middle East: Development Processes in the Jiddat il-Harasiis, Oman Dawn Chatty 9. Notable Families and Capitalist Parasites in Egypt's Former Free Zone: Law, Trade, and Uncertainty Christine Hegel-Cantarella Part III: Anthropology of Religion and Secularism in the Middle East and North Africa 10. Will the Rational Religious Subject Please Stand Up? Muslim Subjects and the Analytics of Religion Sherine Hafez 11. Defining and Enforcing Islam in Secular Turkey Kim Shively 12. Sharia in Diaspora: Displacement, Exclusion and Anthropology of the Displaced Middle East Susanne Dahlgren 13. A Place to Belong: Colonial Pasts, Modern Discourses, and Contraceptive Practices in Morocco Cortney L. Hughes Part IV: Anthropology and New Media in the Virtual Middle East and North Africa 14. Our Master's Call: Mass Media and the People in Morocco's 1975 Green March Emilio Spadola 15. The Construction of Virtual Identities: On-line Tribalism in Saudi Arabia and Beyond Sebastian Maisel 16. Youth, Peace, and New Media in the Middle East Charlotte Karagueuzian and Pamela Chrabieh Badine References Contributors Index

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. International Crisis Group (ICG), ‘Popular Protest in North Africa and the Middle East (II): Yemen Between Reform and Revolution’, Middle East/North Africa Report No. 102, 10 March 2011, p. 1. 2. David Carment and Yiagadeesen Samy, The Social Underpinnings of the Current unrest in North Africa and the Middle East, Canadian Defence and Foreign Affairs Institute, February 2011, p. 4. 3. See ‘People Power in Tunisia’, 17 January 2011, at http://www.jpost.com/Opinion/Editorials/Article.aspx?id=203892 (Accessed 19 May 2011). 4. Rym Ayadi, Silvia Colombo, Mariaa Cristina Paciello and Nathalie Tocci, ‘The Tunisian Revolution: An Opportunity for Democratic Transition’, Mediterranean Prospects (MEDPRO) Commentary, 24 January 2011, p. 1. 5. David Carment and Yiagadeesen Samy, no. 2, p. 4. 6. Rym Ayadi et al., no. 4. 7. Vicky Cheterian, ‘The Arab Revolt: Roots and Perspectives’, Geneva Centre for Security Policy (GCSP) Policy Paper No. 11, February 2011, p. 3. 8. Ibid., p. 4. 9. Muriel Asseburg and Isabelle Werenfels, ‘The Toppling of Ben Ali: Isolated Development or First Domino?’, Stiftung Wissenchaft und Politik (SWP) Comments 5, February 2011, pp. 1–2. 10. Rym Ayadi et al., no. 4, p. 3. 11. International Crisis Group (ICG), ‘Popular Protest in North Africa and the Middle East (I): Egypt Victorious?’, Middle East/North Africa Report No. 101, 24 February 2011, p. 1. 12. ISTR Africa, African Civil Society Research Network (ACSRN), ‘Power to the People: Popular Uprisings in North Africa’, ACSRN, Vol. 1, 1 March 2011, p. 1. 13. ICG, Crisis Watch: A Monthly Bulletin, 1 February 2011, p. 12. 14. Moaaz Elzoughby, ‘The Egypt's Protest: An Inside View’, Norwegian Peacebuilding Centre, NOREF Report, February 2011, p. 1. 15. Muriel Asseburg and Isabelle Werenfels, no. 9, p. 4. 16. ICG, ‘Popular Protest in North Africa and the Middle East (I): Egypt Victorious?’, no. 11. 17. Ibid., p. 7. 18. Moaaz Elzoughby, no. 14, p. 1. 19. Graeme P. Herd, ‘The Great Arab Revolution: Challenges, Dilemmas and Opportunities’, GCSP Policy Paper No. 12, March 2011, p. 2. 20. Vicky Cheterian, no. 7, p. 3. 21. ICG, ‘Popular Protest in North Africa and the Middle East (I): Egypt Victorious?’, no. 11, p. 7. 22. ICG, Crisis Watch, no. 13, p. 11. 23. Wolfram Lacher, ‘Libya after Qaddafi: State Formation or State Collapse’, SWP Comments 9, March 2011. 24. Graeme P. Herd, no. 19, p. 2; and Muriel Asseburg and Isabelle Werenfels, no. 9, p. 3. 25. Wolfram Lacher, no. 23, p. 1. 26. Ibid., p. 1. 27. ISTR Africa, African Civil Society Research Network (ACSRN), ‘Power to the People’, no. 12, p. 1. 28. Anthony H. Cordesman, ‘Libya: The Three Possible Outcomes and the Role of Governance, Money, Gas, and Oil’, Centre for Strategic and International Studies, March 2011, p. 3. 29. For a discussion on this, see J. Shola Omotola, ‘The AU and NATO: What Manner of Partnership?’, Paper presented at the joint conference organised by NATO Defence College, Rome, Italy and Institute of Security Studies, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, held at Sheraton Hotels, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, February 2012. 30. ICG, ‘Popular Protest in North Africa and the Middle East (I): Egypt Victorious?’, no. 11, p. 3. 31. Ibid., p. 3. 32. Jenifer Bremer, ‘Egypt: Civil Society Success or Spontaneous Combustion?’, ISTRA Africa, ACSRN, Vol. 1, 1 March 2011, p. 3. 33. Muriel Asseburg and Isabelle Werenfels, no. 9, p. 4. 34. Fergus Hanson, ‘Harnessing the Power of the Social Media in International Relations’, ISN Insights, 31 March 2011, p. 2. 35. J. Shola Omotola, ‘Unconstitutional Changes of Government in Africa. What Implications for Democratic Consolidation?’, Sweden: Discussion Paper 70, Nordic African Institute, Uppsala, Sweden, 2011. 36. See ISTR Africa, African Civil Society Research Network (ACSRN), ‘Could Mass Uprisings Ignite the Flame of Democracy in Sub-Saharan Africa?’, ACSRN, Vol. 1, 1 March 2011, p. 2. 37. Muriel Asseburg and Isabelle Werenfels, no. 9, p. 2. 38. See Wale Sokunbi, ‘Revolution: Warnings from Strange Quarters’, 14 December 2011, at http://transparencyng.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=5986:revolution-warnings-from-strange-quarters&catid=59:guest&Itemid=37 (Accessed 31 December 2011). 39. Ibid. 40. Rym Ayadi et al., no. 4, p. 3. 41. Moaaz Elzoughby, no. 14, p. 4.

Review

This paper presents an empirical application and analysis of the social contract in countries in the Middle East and North Africa. The paper suggests a simple operational model that synthesizes a social contract’s three main characteristics: participation, protection, and provision, between a government and its citizens. This empirical “3-P” framework allows investigating the role that government provision and protection may have on citizen participation, which is particularly pertinent given the political and economic development of countries in the Middle East and North Africa. The paper compares the evaluation of the health of the social contract in countries in the Middle East and North Africa region to that of countries in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. The empirical evidence shows that the social benefits provided to citizens through improved delivery of basic services have come at the cost of impaired political participation. This feature of the social contract in the Middle East and North Africa may be considered one of the root causes of the social turmoil some countries have been struggling with in recent decades. Digital transformation is a potentially powerful channel through which the relationship between government and citizens can improve, and the paper finds that it has a three-year lagged positive effect on the quality of the social contract in the Middle East and North Africa and the effect is inversely U-shaped. This suggests that structural and institutional improvements are needed in countries in the Middle East and North Africa for the quality of their social contract to reach levels comparable to those of countries in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development.

Contents of the report are as follows: Long-term economic development: challenges and prospects for the Arab countries by Mustapha K. Nabli. Reform complementarities and economic growth in the Middle East and North Africa by Mustapha Kamel Nabli, and Marie-Ange Veganzones-Varoudakis. After Argentina: was MENA right to be cautious? By Mustapha K. Nabli. Restarting Arab economic reform by Mustapha K. Nabli. Democracy for better governance and higher economic growth in the MENA region? By Mustapha K. Nabli, and Carlos Silva-Jauregui. The political economy of industrial policy in the Middle East and North Africa by Mustapha K. Nabli, Jennifer Keller, Claudia Nassif, and Carlos Silva-Jauregui. The macroeconomics of labor market outcomes in MENA by Jennifer Keller, and Mustapha K. Nabli. Challenges and opportunities for the 21st century by Mustapha Nabli. Labor market reforms, growth, and unemployment in labor-exporting countries in the Middle East and North Africa by Pierre-Richard Agenor, Mustapha K. Nabli, Tarik Yousef, and Henning Tarp Jensen. Economic reforms and people mobility for a more effective EU-MED partnership by Ishac Diwan, Mustapha Nabli, Adama Coulibaly, and Sara Johansson de Silva. Cruise control, shock absorbers, and traffic lights by Mustapha K. Nabli. Trade, foreign direct investment, and development in the Middle East and North Africa by Farrukh Iqbal, and Mustapha Kamel Nabli. Making trade work for jobs by Dipak Dasgupta, Mustapha Kamel Nabli, Christopher Pissarides, and Aristomene Varoudakis. Exchange rate management within the Middle East and North Africa region by Mustapha Nabli, Jennifer Keller, and Marie-Ange Veganzones. How does exchange rate policy affect manufactured exports in MENA countries? By Mustapha Kamel Nabli, and Marie-Ange Veganzones-Varoudakis. Public infrastructure and private investment in the Middle East and North Africa by Pierre-Richard Agenor, Mustapha K. Nabli, and Tarik M. Yousef. Governance, institutions, and private investment by Ahmet Faruk Aysan, Mustapha Kamel Nabli, and Marie-Ange Veganzones-Varoudakis.

Histories of gender in the modern Middle East and North Africa have flourished in the last three decades, fueled in part by JMEWS. Yet much of this work is circumscribed by the nation-state, which remains the primary framing for discussions of women’s activism and gender-based reform. Existing scholarship includes glimpses of women collaborating across national, regional, cultural, and linguistic boundaries but rarely foregrounds these transnational connections or emphasizes how formative transnational spaces and conversations were in shaping gender norms. This roundtable brings together the work of gender historians whose research collectively ranges from Morocco to Afghanistan, and traces a variety of connections across the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. Its five short essays highlight modes of movement, organizing, and exchange across borders, focusing on the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. We demonstrate the many ways in which women in the Middle East and North Africa collaborated with one another and with women in other world regions in the name of national independence, women’s rights, and economic justice, often shaping gender norms in the process. But should all modes of cross-border collaboration be described as “transnational”?One area of debate that the roundtable addresses is whether “transnationalism” is the best analytic mode for studying women’s activism across local and international borders. While thinking entirely beyond the national has its own historiographical value (Ludden 2003), transnationalism as a methodological approach begins with the nation, then demands that scholars think above and below it in ways that have the potential to challenge its solidity and salience as a category of analysis. Pursuing a transnational approach, we acknowledge the nation as a salient political unit while refusing to be confined within it, whether in linguistic, spatial, or ideological terms. Another key concept running through these essays is “transnational feminism,” which foregrounds feminist cross-border collaborations in the name of disrupting systems of power (Mohanty 2013). During the colonial era, many feminists in the Middle East and North Africa engaged in transnational organizing in opposition to colonialism. More recently, transnational feminist organizing in the Middle East and North Africa has been anticapitalist, prodemocracy, and has often sought to end US military occupation in the region.This roundtable also touches on questions of what counts as “transnational” activism and the scales on which it operates. Our essays reveal how micro and macro transnational feminist organizing contributed to reshaping gender norms in the wider Middle East. Marya Hannun’s work reconstructs a web of feminist organizing that connected Afghan women with women from Cairo to Bombay. Nova Robinson’s piece reveals how Syrian women collaborated with US and Swiss feminists to try to secure representation from the “East” on the League of Nations’ Committee of Experts on the Legal Status of Women. Anny Gaul’s research demonstrates that multiple generations of Moroccan women activists engaged with ideas and movements circulating through the Middle East and beyond as they advocated for liberation. Focusing on these models of exchange and activism encourages new spatial frameworks for understanding women’s organizing. Lucia Carminati’s essay addresses such frameworks by asking how the inherent transnational nature of certain spaces, like the Suez Canal, impacts gendered subjectivities and histories in unique ways. Finally, Gülşah Torunoğlu’s essay addresses the promises and limitations of transnationalism as a method of analysis, and discusses “relational comparison” as an alternative analytic lens through which to scrutinize the interconnected feminist networks in the Middle East prior to the 1920s.In addition to highlighting the circuits and exchanges of people and ideas, this collection of essays in conversation with one another demonstrates how a transnational approach can push gender history in the Middle East and North Africa in exciting new directions. Questions that animate this roundtable include: In what ways did feminisms in the Middle East and North Africa transcend the nation and even the region during the interwar period, a time when the nation-state emerged as the default vehicle through which patriarchy was wielded and contested? What were the geographic limits of these connections? How does the fact that women of a certain class around the world had more in common with one another than they did with those who shared their national frames shape our writing of women’s history? How do these divisions endure in the present debates around global feminist movements? Our essays do not definitively answer these questions. However, we suggest that a denationalized analysis of feminism can give us a clearer picture of women’s movements and subjectivities in the early twentieth century, within and beyond national contexts. We hope that our collective exploration about the potential benefits and challenges of transnational analysis sparks further debate and inquiry.

The burden of neurological conditions in north Africa and the Middle East is increasing. We aimed to assess the changes in the burden of neurological conditions in this super-region to aid with future decision making. In this analysis of the Global Burden of Diseases, Injuries, and Risk Factors Study 2019 data, we examined temporal trends of disability-adjusted life-years (DALYs; deaths and disabilities combined), deaths, incident cases, and prevalent cases of 14 major neurological conditions and eight subtypes in 21 countries in the north Africa and the Middle East super-region. Additionally, we assessed neurological DALYs due to 22 potentially modifiable risk factors, within four levels of classification, during the period 1990-2019. We used a Bayesian modelling estimation approach, and generated 95% uncertainty intervals (UIs) for final estimates on the basis of the 2·5th and 97·5th percentiles of 1000 draws from the posterior distribution. In 2019, there were 441·1 thousand (95% UI 347·2-598·4) deaths and 17·6 million (12·5-24·7) neurological DALYs in north Africa and the Middle East. The leading causes of neurological DALYs were stroke, migraine, and Alzheimer's disease and other dementias (hereafter dementias). In north Africa and the Middle East in 2019, 85·8% (82·6-89·1) of stroke and 39·9% (26·4-54·7) of dementia age-standardised DALYs were attributable to modifiable risk factors. North Africa and the Middle East had the highest age-standardised DALY rates per 100 000 population due to dementia (387·0 [172·0-848·5]), Parkinson's disease (84·4 [74·7-103·2]), and migraine (601·4 [107·0-1371·8]) among the global super-regions. Between 1990 and 2019, there was a decrease in the age-standardised DALY rates related to meningitis (-75·8% [-81·1 to -69·5]), tetanus (-88·2% [-93·9 to -76·1]), stroke (-32·0% [-39·1 to -23·3]), intracerebral haemorrhage (-51·7% [-58·2 to -43·8]), idiopathic epilepsy (-26·2% [-43·6 to -1·1]), and subarachnoid haemorrhage (-62·8% [-71·6 to -41·0]), but for all other neurological conditions there was no change. During 1990-2019, the number of DALYs due to dementias, Parkinson's disease, multiple sclerosis, ischaemic stroke, and headache disorder (ie, migraine and tension-type headache) more than doubled in the super-region, and the burden of years lived with disability (YLDs), incidence, and prevalence of multiple sclerosis, motor neuron disease, Parkinson's disease, and ischaemic stroke increased both in age-standardised rate and count. During this period, the absolute burden of YLDs due to head and spinal injuries almost doubled. The increasing burden of neurological conditions in north Africa and the Middle East accompanies the increasing ageing population. Stroke and dementia are the primary causes of neurological disability and death, primarily attributable to common modifiable risk factors. Synergistic, systematic, lifetime, and multi-sectoral interventions aimed at preventing or mitigating the burden are needed. Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. For the Persian, Arabic and Turkish translations of the abstract see Supplementary Materials section.

List of Tables - List of Figures - Preface - Prospects for Middle Eastern and North African Economies: An Overview N.Shafik - THE CHANGING INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT - The World Economy and Its Implications for the Middle East and North Africa, 1995-2010 E.M.Riordan, U.Dadush, J.Jalali, S.Streifel, M.Brahmbhatt & K.Takagaki - The Arab Economy, the Uruguay Round Predicament, and the European Union Wildcard I.Diwan, C-P.Yang & Z.Wang - The World Trade Organization, the European Union, and the Arab World: Trade Policy Priorities and Pitfalls B.Hoekman - ECONOMIC GROWTH, THE STATE, AND THE PRIVATE SECTOR - From Boom to Bust-and Back? The Crisis of Growth in the Middle East and North Africa J.Page - The State and Economic Transition in the Middle East and North Africa J.Waterbury - Supporting Private Sector Development in the Middle East and North Africa R.E.Anderson & A.Martinez - SECTORAL ISSUES: HUMAN RESOURCES, POVERTY, AND THE ENVIRONMENT - A Human Capital Strategy for Competing in World Markets F.L.Golladay, S.E.Berryman, J.Avins & L.Wolff - Poverty in the Middle East and North Africa W.van Eeghen - Environmentally Sustainable Development in the Middle East and North Africa H.Mohtadi - Environmental and Natural Resource Management in the Middle East and North Africa B.Larsen

When Donald Trump was elected as US President in November 2016, he initially signaled some real hope for the peaceful resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Some analysts argued that he may actually manage to deliver what he calls "the deal of the century" and bring peace to Israel and Palestine. These assumptions were based on the fact that President Trump is the type of person that could wake up one morning, say "enough", and pressure Israeli and Palestinian leaders to sign a peace deal on his terms. Early on in his presidency, Trump made the conflict a strategic priority and unconventionally chose to go to the Middle East (Saudi Arabia, Israel and Palestine) on his first trip abroad as President. During a press conference with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Bethlehem, he said that "if Israel and the Palestinians can make peace, it will begin a process of peace all throughout the Middle East." This was in line with Europe's standard inside-out approach (Israeli-Palestinian peace first, Israeli-Arab normalization later). But on December 2019, Trump made it clear that his much-anticipated peace deal will favour Israel when he recognized Jerusalem as Israel's capital and promised to move the US embassy there. This led Abbas to brand Trump's peace efforts as "the slap of the century" and say the US could no longer play any role in the Middle East peace process following the move. This paper has general objective of appraising the Trump peace deal in Middle East, and evaluate it to see does the process would bring real peace or escalation of crisis in the Middle East. The paper has argued that for peace to be guaranteed in the Middle East, justice, fair play and inclusiveness must be demonstrated by any third party who want intervene and bring peace in the Middle East. Keywords: Conflict, Middle East, Peace Deal, US intervention DOI: 10.7176/IAGS/82-04 Publication date: May 31 st 2020

Chapter 6 - Faba bean