Enhancing the Image: Turkish Public Diplomacy Organisations in the Western Balkans

The article analyzes the perspectives of Russia’s soft power in the Balkans. The Russian Federation has longstanding historical, political, cultural and economic ties to the Balkan region. Therefore, being free of a one-sided ideological approach that hampered the usage of soft power by the USSR during the Cold War era, Russia stands at the crossroads as to how best to use it’s great potential for peaceful diplomacy and influence in the Western Balkans. The article will provide an analysis of the achievements of the Russian Federation in regards to extending it’s influence in the Western Balkans, but also the downsides of it’s foreign policy. The analysis will encompass several Western Balkan states and their ties to Russia in terms of soft power: Serbia, Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The article raises the question: whether Russia can withstand the struggle for influence over the Balkans with it’s greatest rivals in the region - the United States and the EU? The author concludes that it depends largely on the various approaches and methods used by Russian diplomacy and the level of funding of various projects that can be used to extend Russia’s cultural influence in the Balkan peninsula.

This article explores Turkey’s public diplomacy and soft power policies under the government of the Justice and Development Party (JDP) over the period of 2003 to 2016. Thus, Turkish foreign policy is analysed within the framework of soft power policy and the new institutional design of the country’s public diplomacy. The main research questions of the study are as follows: “What are Turkey’s public diplomacy mechanisms and instruments, and furthermore, why did Turkey begin to implement public diplomacy under the JDP governments? Additionally, how does Turkey implement soft power policies in line with the new foreign policy doctrine?” The study has two fundamental arguments: First, the JDP leaders’ ambition to become a regional power and the leader of the Middle East and Muslim world has played the chief role in pushing forward with public diplomacy and soft power policies. Secondly, the new vision and identity of the ruling party leaders have been effective in the transformation process for a shift towards soft power and public diplomacy in new foreign policy doctrine within a modern understanding. In this context, the JDP rule initiated public diplomacy and soft power policies until the Arab Spring, which era could characterize the rise of Turkish soft power. However, Turkish soft power began to fall particularly in the wake of the Syrian crisis.

The paper elaborates on the history of the Russian foreign policy towards Serbia, with special emphasis on the national interests of the Russian state, which, in addition to undoubtedly strong traditional cultural and historical ties between the two Orthodox nations, still significantly guide Russian policies towards Serbia. In other words, the subject of the paper is numerous examples and evidence of opportunism in relation between these countries and its reflection on the countries of the Western Balkans. Namely, starting from the nineteenth century onwards, Russia has emerged as a strong foreign policy partner of Serbia, thus expanding its influence on other Western Balkans countries. In this way, Russia, as a great political power, capitalizing on its own power and strong ideological, historical and cultural ties, uses Serbia to strengthen influence in the region and beyond. Starting from the historical insight in this relationship, the paper focuses on the tendency to present opportunism and pragmatism of the Russian foreign policy, guided exclusively by the Russian national interests, which is visible, both from historical perspective, and in the last twenty years. The relationship between Russia and Serbia is presented through the military, economic and diplomatic cooperation.

The impact of COVID-19 pandemic on Turkish foreign policy towards the Western Balkans

Introduction. In this article, Russian Federation’s public diplomacy (hereinafter – the RF) and the public diplomacy of the United States of America (hereinafter – the USA) are considered as one of the main tools for implementing the principles of modern “soft power”. Today, the importance of implementing certain areas of public diplomacy of the RF is significantly increasing, which is primarily determined by the current contradictory international situation. It is necessary to emphasize that public diplomacy’s certain areas are in the process of formation, however, a comprehensive study of these areas will reveal the weaknesses and strengths of public diplomacy as an effective tool for the implementation of Russian and American “soft power”. It is important to refer to the American experience of building public diplomacy, as a country with advanced experience in this area, as the public diplomacy has become a key tool of U.S. foreign policy in recent years. Methods. The comparative method makes it possible to compare the practices of implementing public diplomacy, the demonstration of “soft power” of the RF and the USA, and also helps to identify the mechanisms of public diplomacy’s influence on international processes in the formation of “soft power” strategies. This method allowed us to establish that the mechanisms for public diplomacy’s implementing and “soft power” realization are identical. Documents’ content analysis of the describing of the RF and the USA foreign policy peculiarities helped to determine the mechanisms and principles of the implementation of “soft power” under consideration by the states. Analysis. Public diplomacy’s activities analysis of the RF and the USA public diplomacy, its relationship with the principles of “soft power” is connected with the search for common and distinctive features of the considered types of diplomacy, comparing it with the “soft power” concept. Attention is drawn to the fact that many public diplomacy’ functions intersect with the tasks of “soft power”, identifying the characteristic features of a joint vector in the “soft power” implementation in the context of the RF and the USA diplomacy. Results. As the study’s result, it was found out that public diplomacy is one of the most important tools of the “soft power” demonstration of the RF and the USA soft power demonstration. Such definitions as “public diplomacy” and “soft power” were distinguished in the article. The approaches of domestic and foreign researchers for understanding public diplomacy from the points of the RF and the USA, as well as directions of its activities, were also determined. In this article, Elena F. Parubochaya identified the characteristic differences Russian interpretation of the terms “public diplomacy”. The author revealed the connection between public diplomacy of the RF and its “soft power”. Kenneth J. Kovach paid attention to the instruments of the USA modern public diplomacy.

The history, political values, economy, foreign policy, culture and geography is a very important tool to exercise the consistent soft power policy and strategy in the world where Turkey’s soft power has that kind of capacity that comes from its “history, culture and geography”. The new Turkish domestic and foreign policy shows that the policy of the current Turkish government is very effective and strategic to apply their charm in foreign policymaking. The area of Balkans, Caucasus, Middle East, Africa, South/Southeast Asia and South America are not out of Turkish soft power policy involvement, engagement and participation even the new Turkish public diplomacy is covering and expanding its soft power impacts on this society very excellently and efficiently. The last decade's Turkish policy engages with their old allies and continues their relations using countless soft power policies and strategies which shows that Turkey as a new emerging actor from the regional and global context. The main argument of this paper is to show Turkey’s soft power policy towards Middle Eastern countries by identifying the Turkish common historical, geographical, religious, cultural, economic and political ties with this region. Accordingly, this paper further analyzes and argues the Turkish Soft Power Policy by taking case assessments and reviews in the literature to explore the economic, political influence like a democratic and economic model to some extent and cultural impacts particularly in lieu of the current government soft power policies, practices and strategies of AKP model, historical ties, Turkey’s humanitarian assistance, TIKA’s development works, the activities of Yunus Emre Institute, YTB scholarship, Turkish Religious Foundation (Diyanet Vakfi) humanitarian and religious roles and also the Turkish Drama Series impacts on the Middle Eastern societies.

This article aims to make a threefold contribution to the study of soft power. First, considering that the potential of soft power of illiberal states is both underestimated and distorted, this study presents a two-dimensional conceptualization of Russia’s soft power, distinguishing between Russia’s posture toward the liberal international order, and sources of Russia’s foreign policy. Second, it analyzes whether Russian soft power in the Western Balkan countries remains ideologically relevant beyond its hitherto conceptualizations as either the result of its historic cultural ties with the region, or a reflection of Russian foreign policy strategies. Through an analysis of elite discourses and news media as exemplified in speeches, press releases, and interviews, this article locates, challenges, and develops on Russia’s soft power indicators in the Western Balkans. Finally, it contributes to surmounting the residing liberal democratic bias in the study of soft power of illiberal states, showing that not only can they be ideologically attractive but that their scope of influence differs according to the multi-layered nature of soft power.

The research aims to identify how China articulated soft and sharp power while fighting the COVID-19 pandemic. The main argument is that the articulation between soft and sharp power is an inherent characteristic of Chinese public diplomacy. This argument features soft power as a power style operating not only in the international dimension, but also in the domestic dimension. After China’s contextualization, the analytical matrix was built from the operationalization of key concepts, namely public diplomacy, soft power and sharp power, paying attention to Chinese characteristics. The case study was led with data collected from primary and secondary sources. Besides the indication of paths for future developments, the conclusion summarizes how Chinese public diplomacy managed soft and sharp power with positive results in the international sphere and suggests that incorporating sharp power to diplomatic toolbox may be useful. Keywords: China; COVID-19; soft power; sharp power; public diplomacy

Introduction. The contemporary university in the conditions of globalization has enriched its traditional functions to educate and create new elites with attracting not only domestic students but also the foreign youth to the educational and research process. In some cases it can maintain public diplomacy held by the domestic government still influencing it via the requests made by research professionals. This influence may come through the collision of interests of both researchers with students and the government. A Russian university represents mainly the government, that’s why it’s important to discover its role in public diplomacy. Methods and materials. The neoliberal approach to J. Nye’s concept of “soft power” gives the possibility to consider the university as a public institute enriching state’s soft power through public diplomacy. Official speeches of Russian government representatives, publications of Russian researchers, university web-sites give the ground to understand the Russian approach to the methods of public diplomacy. Analysis. First of all, it’s important to reveal the ways to interpret the word combination “public diplomacy” in Russian. There are several possible terms: “publichnaya”, “obshchestvennaya” , “narodnaya” diplomacy. The ways to use the word show different gradations of its meaning in research and political discourses which determine possible actors of public diplomacy in the Russian language. However, Russian officials in contrast to Russian researchers accept the term “obshchestvennaya” to describe the activity of government institutions in public diplomacy. That’s why a university can be considered as an actor of “obshchestvennaya” diplomacy. Secondly, we reveal the ways to implement public diplomacy by Volgograd State University as one of regional universities. Results. Russian researchers following the English-language studies differentiate the concepts of “obshchestvennaya” and “publichnaya” (public) diplomacy according to the actors that implement this policy: the state cannot implement “obshchestvennaya” diplomacy, because it is a prerogative of social movements or non-governmental organizations (NGOs). At the same time, the concept of public diplomacy covers both the work of NGOs and the work of the state in creating its favorable image. However, Russian officials, trying to avoid the use of the Russian term “public diplomacy” incorrectly sounding in Russian, give preference to the phrase “obshchestvennaya diplomacy”, implying that NGOs carry out public diplomacy with the help and on the initiative of the state. Moreover, they are not only public organizations who can conduct policies in this area. In other words, officials suppose that in comparison with research discourse, the circle of participants in “obshchestvennaya” diplomacy enlarges at the expense of state funds and platforms. Thus, a university that implements educational, research and publishing projects is involved in “obshchestvennaya” diplomacy. The position of the university in society, the authority of specialists whom it manages to attract, their international activity provide the soft power of the state.

This article evaluates public perceptions of the European Union (EU) in Montenegro and Serbia as the front running EU membership candidates. It uses a multidisciplinary approach, which comprises a comparative survey data analysis method, the Image Theory and a mind-mapping approach of EU perceptions analysis to study the EU-Western Balkans relations. Public perceptions of the EU in the Western Balkans are (re)created and juxtaposed against perceptions of other external actors, notably Russia and China. This has led to the EU’s ‘power of attraction’ being diminished in the Western Balkans. Rival perceptions of China and Russia as ‘less demanding’ partners than the EU, and the slowing down of EU’s enlargement agenda have also contributed to this trend. In order to maximize its own security and counter the growing geopolitical influence by China and Russia in the Western Balkans, the EU would benefit from a more comprehensive study of its own representation and public perceptions in candidate states. By doing so, the EU could improve the knowledge about its soft power, which can in turn increase the effectiveness of its foreign policy programmes globally and democracy promotion in the neighbourhood. European integration, EU public diplomacy, accession, Image Theory, EU-Western Balkans relations, Montenegro, Serbia, EU membership, EU accession, EU foreign policy, soft power

Introduction, article One of the areas of relations between Kazakhstan and Turkey is the strengthening of cultural ties. This allows developing cultural, educational and other ties between the two countries. Among other things, considering the relations of the Turkish film industry with the countries of Central Asia and Kazakhstan as a soft power policy is a vivid manifestation of public diplomacy between the countries. At the same time, Turkey's use of its developed film industry as a soft power makes a great contribution to the development of the cultural situation and the film industry in the region, as well as to the establishment of interaction by promoting common Turkic values. The purpose of the article is to analyze the Turkish film industry as an instrument of soft power policy between Central Asia and Kazakhstan. To study the Turkish film industry as a "soft power", special studies and expert analyses were studied, and statistical data were compared. As a result, Turkey's adoption of the film industry as a public diplomacy area is analyzed as a political tool that has yielded great results in the region. It will strengthen mutual cooperation between the fraternal countries and allow cultural ties to reach a new level. In conclusion, it should be noted that the development of the film industry between Turkey, Central Asia and Kazakhstan is the basis for the development of public diplomacy in a new format. It also determines the strategic plans for the development of cultural ties between the countrie

The European Union (EU) has significant historical, political, economic, and cultural ties with the Western Balkan states. Integrating the Western Balkan states into the EU is crucial for the region and the EU, strengthening European security as regional developments directly impact the EU. Unlike China, which views the Western Balkans as an economic opportunity, the EU prioritizes democratic governance, the rule of law, and reform-linked financial aid. However, China's influence in the region affects not only the EU’s ability to shape policies and governance, but also the approaches and performance of regional and non-regional actors (like the EU, the US, and Russia). This paper examines the competing agendas of the EU and China in the Western Balkans, highlighting how their differing approaches create policy dilemmas for the region’s states.

Introduction. In recent decades, public diplomacy (PD) has undergone significant changes under the influence of transformations in international relations, information technologies, and the growing role of non-state actors. Traditionally, the concept of soft power has been the background for PD since the end of the Cold War, but modern conflicts, hybrid wars, and the use of hard power have changed the dynamics of this process. The war in Ukraine has become an example of how PD tools are used not only for a positive image of the country but also to mobilize international support, counter disinformation, and ensure reputational security. The study's relevance is due to the need to analyze changes in the concepts of power (hard, soft, hard, smart) and their interaction through PD mechanisms. The article aims to systematize approaches to PD in conflict situations and develop key performance indicators based on levels of reputational security. Methods. The study is based on an interdisciplinary approach, including the analysis of the concepts of hard, sharp, soft, and intelligent power, the theory of reputational security, and a comparative method was also used to compare approaches to the country's power and public diplomacy in conflict situations. These findings will help to identify effective strategies and practices used by different states. Results. The article examines the relationship between hard, soft, and sharp powers, showing that their combination is necessary for effective foreign policy in konflict. The analysis proves that sharp power is used for manipulation and destabilization. In contrast, soft power contributes to long-term engagement and forming a positive image of the country, although it is ineffective in its pure form. It is determined that in military conflicts, PD changes the focus from traditional tools to crisis mechanisms, including information campaigns, international support mobilization, and counter-propaganda. The features of sharp and soft power are highlighted. The directions of PD in conflict conditions have been determined. PD key performance indicators have been developed based on levels of reputational security, which consider the degree of country recognition, the level of support from the international community, and mechanisms for countering disinformation. Conclusions. Modern PD is no longer limited to soft power, but includes complex mechanisms for countering information threats and mobilizing allies. In conflict conditions, it is essential to combine short-term and long-term tools. Implementing the concept of reputational security allows us to assess the effectiveness of PD not only in terms of its impact on the target audience but also in terms of the state's ability to resist information attacks and strengthen international support. This will help develop a comprehensive PD strategy that considers the multi-level nature of the information space and the dynamics of modern conflicts.

Political marketing can be categorized with three aspects: the election campaign as the origin of political marketing, the permanent campaign as a governing tool and international political marketing (IPM) which covers the areas of public diplomacy, marketing of nations, international political communication, national image, soft power and the cross‐cultural studies of political marketing. IPM and the application of soft power have been practiced by nation‐states throughout the modern history of international relations starting with the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. Nation‐states promote the image of their country worldwide through public diplomacy, exchange mutual interests in their bilateral or multilateral relation with other countries, lobby for their national interests in international organizations and apply cultural and political communication strategies internationally to build up their soft power. In modern international relations, nation‐states achieve their foreign policy goals by applying both hard power and soft power. Public diplomacy as part of IPM is a method in the creation of soft power, as well as, in the application of soft power.This paper starts with the definitional and conceptual review of political marketing. For the first time in publication, it establishes a theoretical model which provides a framework of the three aspects of political marketing, that is electoral political marketing (EPM), governmental political marketing (GPM) and IPM. This model covers all the main political exchanges among six inter‐related components in the three pairs of political exchange process, that is candidates and party versus voters and interest groups in EPM ; governments, leaders and public servants versus citizens and interest groups in GPM, including political public relations and lobbying which have been categorized as the third aspect of political marketing in some related studies; and governments, interest group and activists versus international organizations and foreign subjects in IPM. This study further develops a model of IPM, which covers its strategy and marketing mix on the secondary level of the general political marketing model, and then, the third level model of international political choice behaviour based the theory of political choice behaviour in EPM. This paper continues to review the concepts of soft power and public diplomacy and defines their relation with IPM.It then reports a case study on the soft power and public diplomacy of the United States from the perspectives of applying IPM and soft power. Under the framework of IPM, it looks at the traditional principles of US foreign policy, that is Hamiltonians, Wilsonians, Jeffersonians and Jacksonians, and the application of US soft power in the Iraq War since 2003. The paper advances the argument that generally all nation states apply IPM to increase their soft power. The decline of US soft power is caused mainly by its foreign policy. The unilateralism Jacksonians and realism Hamiltonians have a historical trend to emphasize hard power while neglecting soft power. Numerous reports and studies have been conducted on the pros and cons of US foreign policy in the Iraq War, which are not the focus of this paper. From the aspect of IPM, this paper studies the case of US soft power and public diplomacy, and their effects in the Iraq War. It attempts to exam the application of US public diplomacy with the key concept of political exchange, political choice behaviour, the long‐term approach and the non‐government operation principles of public diplomacy which is a part of IPM. The case study confirms the relations among IPM, soft power and public diplomacy and finds that lessons can be learned from these practices of IPM. The paper concludes that there is a great demand for research both at a theoretical as well as practical level for IPM and soft power. It calls for further study on this subject.Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The article is dedicated to a comparative analysis of the policies of higher education internationalization in Russia and China in the context of using education as a tool of "soft power" and humanitarian influence in international relations. The focus is on the role of educational cooperation, academic mobility, the promotion of national languages and cultures, as well as the institutional mechanisms that ensure the presence of the two states in the global educational space. The research considers higher education not only as a social institution but also as an element of foreign policy strategy that contributes to the formation of loyal foreign elites, the expansion of scientific and cultural ties, and the strengthening of the international authority of states. Special attention is given to analyzing how historical experience, geopolitical position, and models of national development determine the specifics of Russia's and China's approaches to the internationalization of the educational sphere, as well as how these processes relate to the tasks of regional integration and global positioning. Comparative, neo-institutional, and systemic approaches are used, along with concepts from the theory of "soft power," public diplomacy, and cultural diplomacy to analyze the educational policies of the two states. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the comprehensive comparison of the Russian and Chinese models of higher education internationalization as elements of foreign policy strategy, rather than merely as directions of educational reform. The study shows that while the tools used—such as attracting foreign students, developing academic mobility, creating foreign educational infrastructure, and promoting national languages—are similar, the functional orientation of these mechanisms differs significantly. The Russian model of internationalization is more focused on preserving the historical, cultural, and linguistic space, primarily in the post-Soviet region, and serves an integration and cultural-diplomatic function. The Chinese model is characterized by a higher degree of systematicity, significant state investments, and a close connection between educational policy and the tasks of economic modernization and global influence expansion, including within the framework of major international initiatives. It is concluded that the internationalization of higher education in China is integrated into a long-term project of national revival and the formation of scientific and technological leadership, whereas in Russia, it serves as an important but predominantly regionally-oriented resource of "soft power."