Engineering Exception: Infrastructure Brokers and the Colombo Port City Project, Sri Lanka

Violent Non-State Actors: The Politics of Territorial Governance is an original in-depth scholarly explanation of the impact of territorial penetration, control and governance on the effectiveness of the activities of violent non-state actors (VNSA). The theoretical framework operates with the assertion that a non-linear causal relationship mediated through the capacity for territorial control and governance exists between the effectiveness of objective achievement and territorial penetration. Using four case studies, Zdenek Ludvík links these interrelated concepts of territorial penetration, territorial control and territorial governance into an interrelated sequentially conceptualized causal framework. To this end, extensive and unique empirical material gathered to examine the activities of VNSA in considerable detail presents a wholly original and comprehensive method of measuring the degree of territorial capability of VNSA. Zdenek Ludvík demonstrates that there is no directly proportional relationship between territorial penetration and objective effectiveness, since neither territorial penetration nor territorial control alone are sufficient to achieve increased effectiveness. He shows that territorial penetration and territorial governance are necessary conditions for objective effectiveness, since only when territorial penetration and territorial control are followed by territorial governance at the level of advanced wartime social order can VNSA hope to achieve a higher degree of effectiveness.

The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) has become one of the main economic forces globally, and countries within the IOR have attempted to promote their intra-regional trade. This study investigates the spatiotemporal evolution of the community structures of the intra-regional trade and the impact of determinant factors on the formation of trade community structures of the IOR from 1996 to 2017 using the methods of social network analysis. Trade communities are groups of countries with measurably denser intra-trade ties but with extra-trade ties that are measurably sparser among different communities. The results show that the extent of trade integration and the trade community structures of the IOR changed from strengthening between 1996 and 2014 to weakening between 2015 and 2017. The largest explanatory power of the formation of the IOR trade community structures was the IOR countries’ economic size, indicating that market remained the strongest driver. The second-largest explanatory power was geographical proximity, suggesting that countries within the IOR engaged in intra-regional trade still tended to select geographically proximate trading partners. The third- and the fourth-largest were common civilization and regional organizational memberships, respectively. This indicates that sharing a common civilization and constructing intra-regional institutional arrangements (especially open trade policies) helped the countries within the IOR strengthen their trade communities.

The Indian Ocean region has a high degree of diversity in political institutions, economic development stages and cultures and a high degree of complexity in international environment, so it is very difficult to realize the intra-regional economic integration. Despite great efforts have been made by the countries in the Indian Ocean region since last century, the economic integration in this region still shows following characteristics: intra-regional economies are not strongly independent and lack highly-developed intra-regional markets; intra-regional economies are limited by geographical scope and divided into several plates, which are featured by weak economic ties and lack of coordination among sub-regions and a generally lower degree of economic integration in each sub-region; the international economic cooperation mechanism in the Indian Ocean region shows low density and fragments and has limited effectiveness and development, and the established mechanisms lack the capability to economic cooperation and regional economic integration. That’s due to the similar trade structure of economies in the Indian Ocean region which lack complementarity, despite of different economic development degrees; on account of the weak manufacturing foundation of the whole region, it’s hard to develop the intra-regional production network; moreover, the supply and demand of regional economic cooperation institutions in the Indian Ocean region are hovering at a low level, so it is difficult to establish the overall institutional framework. So far, the Indian Ocean region also faces the impact of intervention of extra-regional powers, which poses a new challenge to the regional economic integration and the construction of economic cooperation mechanism in the Indian Ocean region.KeywordsRegional integrationEconomic integrationInternational mechanismInternational institutional arrangement

The post-Cold War period has seen the rise of international liberal peacebuilding, as an overarching framework for international interventions in intrastate conflicts. In contrast, the current period is marked by decline of liberal peacebuilding, and a simultaneous rise of domestic illiberal peacebuilding. This has created a gap between the predominant theoretical and policy framework and the actual form of peacebuilding in many conflict-ridden societies. The present article addresses this challenge through a contextual case study of illiberal peacebuilding in Myanmar. The case study shows how a dominant state actor – the military (Tatmadaw) – has used both coercion and co-optation to contain armed resistance against militarized and centralized statebuilding and thereby strengthen the state's territorial control and authority. While the SLORC/SPDC military junta (1988–2011) sought to contain ethnic armed organizations through military offensives, ceasefire agreements and illiberal peacebuilding, the military based USDP-government (2011–2015) institutionalized a hybrid regime as a framework for political transformation of EAOs, and tolerated a degree of dual territorial, administrative and resource control at the local scale. These clientelist measures failed to address the substantive issues behind Myanmar's multiple and protracted conflicts. They were also combined with military offensives against non-ceasefire groups and war by other means in ceasefire areas. Moreover, the case study demonstrates that the Tatmadaw used its tutelary power to obstructs substantive conflict resolution through negotiated state reforms. Myanmar's peace initiatives during the last three decades should thus be understood as illiberal strategies for containing ethnic armed organizations rather than attempts at substantive conflict resolution.

7 - Economic Regulation of Air Traffic Management: Principles and Approaches

The Indian Ocean region is a continuum of social, economic, and cultural engagements. It is also a remarkably elastic matrix of human relations that has profoundly influenced and been influenced by global engagements. These interregional engagements raise questions of how to frame global circularities within Indian Ocean pasts. How have imbrications with other world regions affected the networks and boundaries of the Indian Ocean region? And how have Indian Ocean societies affected the wider world? To answer these questions this article traces Indian Ocean histories within global contexts between the sixteenth and early twentieth centuries. It offers a stereoscopic history of Indian Ocean Africa that appreciates Indian Ocean linkages alongside the region's global entanglements, which in turn demonstrates how Africa's Indian Ocean rim has affected and been affected by wider global relationships. The article suggests that imbrications of regional and extraregional networks do not negate the Indian Ocean's coherence or the central importance of regional linkages. Rather, it argues that such imbrications prompt alternative ways of perceiving Indian Ocean worlds: namely, as layered matrices shaped by the dual articulation of Indian Ocean rim societies.

A descentralização da gestão pública ocorrida no Brasil contribuiu substancialmente para a conformação de arranjos institucionais locais, sobretudo para os de caráter intermunicipal e territorial. A formação desses arranjos se expressa em diferentes formatos, como os consórcios, as associações, fóruns e comitês. Em um território podem coexistir e atuar diferentes arranjos institucionais, cada qual com suas agendas para o desenvolvimento. Estreitar, portanto, as relações entre agentes públicos, privados e atores sociais – distribuídos em arranjos específicos – torna-se uma demanda e um elemento basilar da governança territorial. Nosso objetivo, portanto, é analisar, através do território Sudoeste Paulista, a atuação dos seus arranjos institucionais, bem como as relações e articulações entre eles numa suposta dinâmica de governança territorial. Este estudo utilizou dois instrumentos para coletar os dados, que foram as pesquisas bibliográficas e as entrevistas semiestruturadas. Nossas análises consideraram duas dimensões nos arranjos: a dimensão política e a administrativa. Os resultados e as discussões nos levam ao entendimento de que a dinâmica de governança territorial - no Sudoeste Paulista e referente às articulações entre arranjos -, embora incipiente, já apresenta relativos resultados de cooperação, sobretudo em pautas coincidentes entre os arranjos. Neste estudo, o arranjo que melhor contribuiu para a governança territorial foi o CDR, que é fortemente ligado às Instituições de Ensino Superior (IES) e de Ciência e Tecnologia (ICTs), que adota processos participativos, que detém agentes capacitados em promover a coordenação e que, ao ser comparado com os outros arranjos, construiu projetos inovadores.

Hydrology, topography and demography matter: Why care needs to be exercised when assessing water prices and regulation and the extent to which they conform with best practice

Peru's response to Covid-19 has favored large-scale mining interests while constraining livelihood possibilities for artisanal and small-scale miners. Large-scale mining has been offered opportunities to reinforce its role in territorial governance and been freed of certain regulatory requirements. In this essay we identify a significant risk that the response to Covid-19 facilitates authoritarian forms of government as a legitimate form of rule.

The presence of natural resources makes civil conflicts more likely to erupt, last longer, and more difficult to end. Yet rebels do not always exploit resources wherever they are present. Why? I argue that rebels extract more resources when they compete with governments over territorial authority. Territorial competition facilitates black market access, generates financial pressure, and produces governance incentives for rebels to extract natural resources. I test this proposition in a two-tiered research design. First, I show globally that moderate territorial control predicts more resource extraction by rebels. Subsequently, I focus on the example of ivory poaching which offers a rare glimpse into the usually hidden resource extraction process. I match spatially disaggregated conflict event data to subnational poaching data in conflict-affected African countries. Results show that rebels seeking territorial control substantially increase poaching rates. These findings highlight the strategic conditions under which territorial competition shapes rebel criminal behavior.

This chapter turns to the East India Company's emergent spice trade to examine how Middleton's 1617 Show staged England's global access to eastern commodities while simultaneously bringing English appetites for them under scrutiny. It explores the global transformations of English civic space, especially in London, focusing on how the Show stages the Spice Islands as well as a class of laboring Indians, who were new to seventeenth-century civic pageantry. Middleton's Show becomes an important document for tracing the cultural and social impact of the changing dynamics of the early modern spice trade. The chapter builds on a growing critical interest in the Indian Ocean region and the shared economic and demographic exchanges between Asia and Europe during the global Renaissance. Middleton's The Triumphs of Honor and Industry appears to showcase these strides made in the spice trade, involving both the Grocers' Company as well as the newer East India Company.

The last decade has seen increasing attention to institutional arrangements and policy outcomes affecting the governance of the world's seas and oceans. Governance is linked to institutional capacity and to the effectiveness of public organizations drawing attention to tools and approaches underpinning effective and efficient institutional arrangements. Australia has taken a high profile in oceans governance, with international actions matched by the development of a number of national initiatives including a national Oceans Policy. Australia has numerous laws and policy instruments addressing aspects of the management of the marine environment, reflecting the federal nature of this policy area where responsibility is shared between the Commonwealth (federal or Australian) government and Australian state and territory governments. The Oceans Policy, implemented by the Commonwealth and applied within Commonwealth jurisdiction, has been a major initiative but its implementation highlights a number of challenges. This article outlines Australia's approach to ocean governance and assesses, through reference to the concept of effectiveness, current governance arrangements integral to the Oceans Policy.

Institutional arrangements at work in the governance of natural hazard risks in Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden are reviewed and analyzed against the territorial governance conceptual framework. The review and analysis are based on information gathered through literature, an expert online survey, interviews and a one and a half-day workshop. The Nordic countries share certain governance characteristics, such as a welfare state legacy, promotion of transparency, and the inclination to bottom-up and polycentric governance approaches. In this context, it is no surprise that seemingly the institutional arrangements for natural hazard management are formed along similar lines. However, the hazard landscape is diverse and legislation and acquired governance practices in each country reflect these differences, particularly in the production of knowledge about the hazards. Nordic governance regimes and regulations combine broadly defined responsibilities with detailed requirements and distributed authority across sectors. Yet, a closer look at some of the territorial preconditions reveals some interesting differences that influence DRM and societal resilience.

In the 21st century, the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) has emerged as a key region on the global maritime map. The region, significant for global energy and trade transfers, however, finds itself threatened by unlawful activities like piracy and maritime terrorism. While various mechanisms are in place for tackling piracy in the Gulf of Aden and in the Malacca Strait, there needs to be greater focus on maritime terrorism, now taking deep roots in the region. As constituent nations strive for a coherent maritime security architecture in the IOR, there is a need to frame acceptable rules for the “global commons” that account for the vast expanse of large maritime spaces in the region. The possibility of evolving a cooperative and participative “Asian Maritime Partnership” to tackle the maritime threats and challenges at the regional level must also be explored.

ABSTRACTThe Indian Ocean can be a convergent and cooperative maritime space for India–Russia relations. Russia can achieve its ambitions to re-emerge as a “great power” and as an influential global player in international politics, while India can reinforce its dominance in the region. Since the 18th century, Russia has sought a presence in the Indian Ocean, and there is a long history of Soviet naval forces operating in the region. However with the disintegration of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), its influence was reduced dramatically. The increasing importance of the Indian Ocean to Russia has been driven by the fact that it is the home to two competitive economies – China and India – along with other emerging Indian Ocean Region countries. On the other hand, increasing Chinese activity, especially its ambitious One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative through the Indian Ocean Region, and Russia's interest in joining the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) may have threatened India's interests. While considering Russia–India relations, little has been explored beyond defence cooperation. Besides, India's cold response to the OBOR initiative may lead to its marginalisation in the region.In this context, an effective India–Russia political, economic and military collaboration in the Indian Ocean would be beneficial for both India's security and Russia's aspirations in the Indian Ocean.