Ending Gender-Based Sexual Violence on Canadian Campuses: Peer Educator Perspectives

This summarizes proceedings of a Scientific Research Planning Meeting on Sexual Violence and HIV transmission, convened by the Social Science Research Council on 19–20 March 2012 at the Greentree Foundation in New York. The Meeting brought together an interdisciplinary group of basic, clinical, epidemiological and social science researchers and policy makers with the aim of: (1) examining what is known about the physiology of sexual violence and its role in HIV transmission, acquisition and pathogenesis; (2) specifying factors that distinguish risks throughout the maturation of the female genital tract, the reproductive cycle and among post-menopausal women; and (3) developing a research agenda to explore unanswered questions. The Meeting resulted in a consensus Research Agenda and White Paper that identify priorities for HIV research, policy and practice as it pertains to the role of sexual violence and genital injury in HIV transmission, acquisition and pathogenesis, particularly among women and girls.

Introduction Gender-based and sexual violence is a major public health problem in university settings, and may contribute to eating disorders. The aim of this study was to analyze the association between gender-based and sexual violence and eating disorders among university students. Methods In October 2024, a cross-sectional study was carried out among volunteer students at Rouen University (France). Students completed an anonymous online questionnaire assessing experiences of GBSV and eating disorder symptoms. Eating disorders were assessed using the SCOFF and Expali tools, which allowed classification into four categories: restrictive, bulimia, binge eating disorder, or other types. Logistic regression models were performed to assess the relationship between sexual and gender-based violence and eating disorders, adjusting for potential confounders. Results The sample included 563 students (433 women, 177 men, and 13 non-binary), aged 18 to 30 years. Since the beginning of their studies, 51.7% (95% CI [47.5-55.9]) reported experiencing at least one form of GBSV. Among them, 63.6% were polyvictims. Overall, 54.5% of students had an eating disorder, including 62.4% of women and 23.9% of men. Bulimia and binge eating were the most common types across all genders. GBSV was significantly associated with eating disorders (adjusted OR = 2.03, 95% CI [1.40-2.93]), with a stronger association among men (aOR=12.1) than women (aOR=1.76). Polyvictims had a higher risk of eating disorders, particularly bulimia (adjusted OR = 2.48, 95% CI [1.52-4.03]), restrictive (adjusted OR = 2.76, 95% CI [1.08-7.08]), and binge eating behaviors (adjusted OR = 1.54, 95% CI [0.77-3.06]). Conclusions Exposure to gender-based and sexual violence was linked to eating disorder symptoms in both men and women, with a stronger effect in men. These findings highlight the need for early prevention and stronger support systems in universities to protect student mental health. Key messages • Gender-based and sexual violence is a major public health problem that increases the risk of eating disorders among students. • Investing in early prevention and support services in universities is essential to reduce the long-term impact of gender-based and sexual violence on mental health.

Mental health and psychosocial support interventions for survivors of sexual and gender-based violence during armed conflict: a systematic review.

the global fight against gender inequality and social injustice has grown steadily, and after many years of dedication, it has become indisputably a priority for global and national development that is reshaping policies and decision-making. The integration of the agenda for gender equality and women's and girls’ empowerment with Ghana's national development efforts has yielded some modest progress.1 For example, the enactment of various laws and policies has increased girls’ access to education. As a result, there are now more girls than boys in primary schools (Florence Muhanguzi 6), and there is growth in the number of women engaged in the workforce as entrepreneurs (Entsie). Regardless of these gains, new and complex forms of gender-based violence are emerging in the current technology-mediated digital environment. Examples of these are various forms of cyberviolence and cyberbullying. Besides, some age-old forms of violence against women and girls (VAWG), such as sexual assault, sexual exploitation, rape, domestic violence, female genital mutilation (FGM),2 witchcraft accusations against women, ritual servitude known as Trokosi,3 and child marriages, have persisted for centuries.Ghana's government enshrined its commitment to women's rights in its 1992 constitution—specifically covering protection of fundamental human rights and freedom, right to life, personal liberty, respect for human dignity, protection from slavery and forced labor, protection from discrimination, and protection of the rights of women and children. Ghana also ratified several international human rights instruments, including the 1979 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), the 1995 Beijing Platform for Action, the 2000 Millennium Development Goals, the 2003 Maputo Protocol, the 2004 African Union Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa, and the 2015 Sustainable Development Agenda, to defend the principles of gender equality and social justice for women and girls. These international and regional agreements have informed the formulation of national policies such as the National Gender Policy and Justice for Children Policy to provide comprehensive frameworks to respond to entrenched social injustices that undermine equity for women and girls. They also led to the institutionalization of, for example, the Ministry of Women and Children's Affairs in 2001, now called the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection, tasked to drive policy change and contribute to national growth by achieving equality and equity for all.Certainly, commitments to addressing gender inequality and various forms of gender-based violence are evident, even though more needs to be done. While the efforts by governments, institutions, women's movements, and civil society organizations have been well documented (Adomako-Ampofo 395–421; Amoakohene 2373–85; Anyidoho et al. 1–27; Manuh and Dwamena-Aboagye 203–34), existing knowledge on the contributions of Ghanaian and Ghanaian-diaspora female filmmakers toward the fight against gender-based violence is limited. With strategic commitments in mind, female filmmakers in Ghana and its diaspora have made fiction and nonfiction films about women's rights issues and VAWG to increase public awareness and enhance mainstream conversations in efforts to improve lives.This article draws on African feminist framework to thematically analyze the documentary The Witches of Gambaga (2010) by Yaba Badoe and the feature film Like Cotton Twines (2016) by Leila Djansi, to understand the ways these female filmmakers accentuate the effects of witchcraft accusation and ritual servitude on women and girls, respectively. Amoakohene notes that witchcraft accusations and ritual enslavement are pseudo-religious practices that cause inhumane treatment of women and girls and account for violations of their rights (2375). Women in both traditional and modern societies are often accused of witchcraft for various reasons and are “frequently subjected to ridicule, ostracism, assault and torture, exile and murder” (Roxburgh 896). With “Trokosi” (ritual bondage), females, often girls, are enslaved to atone for crimes committed by their family members. As the thematic feminist analysis of the films will demonstrate, the filmmakers create awareness around the causes of witchcraft accusation and ritual servitude, their effects on women and girls, and strategies to help address the menace. The article furthers our understanding of African feminist filmmaking and the visual discourse on gender-based violence in Ghanaian-diaspora women's films.Choosing to analyze the works of female filmmakers who use film to critique patriarchy and religio-cultural practices that cause women and girls to live in perpetual discrimination and violence means considering the wider contexts of Ghanaian and diaspora female filmmaking practices and thematic preoccupations. In view of this, the remainder of this article is structured as follows: the immediate section opens with a brief discussion of Ghanaian film culture and women's place within that practice; the theoretical framework is then examined; and the subsequent section analyzes the ways the selected films tackle the issue of VAWG. I conclude with a summary of the key arguments and their implications.Ghanaian female filmmaking dates to 1967, when the renowned pan-African cultural activist Efua T. Sutherland collaborated with the American Broadcasting Corporation to make the documentary Araba: The Village Story. After Sutherland's pioneering work, female directors followed as independents and operated in the highly commercial video and subsequently digital film industries, catering to audiences’ tastes. Like their male counterparts, they have tackled diverse issues relevant to Ghanaian experiences that do or do not speak to the numerous women's rights violations or promote female subjectivity and empowerment. Indeed, over the years, Ghanaian video films have been said to offer “crass commercialism, ideological conservatism, sexism, superstition, and negative stereotypes about African culture and peoples” (Dogbe 99). Within this context, representations of both men and women have been replete with stereotypical constructions. A cursory look at female representations in many Ghanaian video/digital films reveal that women play crucial roles in terms of plot development, but their representations, to borrow from Lindiwe Dovey, “are highly problematic” (23). Most commercial and entertainment films in recent years have been dedicated to exploring domestic issues, consumerism, and gender issues (Garritano 92–100).Since the early 1990s, themes explored by Ghanaian female directors have varied greatly in accordance with filmmakers’ interests and political and economic circumstances. According to Lizelle Bisschoff and Stefanie Van de Peer, not all works by African female filmmakers are feminist-oriented, even though they share in “a politically female sensibility” (53). Despite divergent approaches, some filmmakers have found it necessary to alter the normative discourse and present alternative representations of female subjectivities from perspectives that refashion Ghanaian womanhood and experiences.4 Veronica Quarshie,5 for instance, “purposely responded to the representations of women dominant in video films of the period” from the mid-1990s to the early 2000s (Garritano 117). Moreover, Shirley Frimpong-Manso6 and others made the choice to use their films to reverse the stereotypical images of women.Ghanaian-diaspora female filmmakers, like other African-diaspora women through their films, speak to a plurality of themes, including issues of race and the tension it generates and the overall realities of their diasporic experiences. Although multiple experiences tend to inspire diaspora filmmakers’ work, their films sometimes maintain ethnic consciousness and consciousness of issues in the homeland (Naficy 14). As first-generation Ghanaian-diaspora women filmmakers, Badoe and Djansi, in their desire to advocate against VAWG, “return to the source” that is the homeland in The Witches of Gambaga and Like Cotton Twines, to highlight and stimulate discussions toward action and transformation to improve the lives of women and girls held as witches and slaves (Ellerson, “Traveling Gazes” 275).In fact, Badoe and Djansi's works could be regarded as part of what Amanda Coffie views as African diaspora engagement with women's struggles on the continent (2). A Ghanaian-British documentary filmmaker,7 writer, researcher, and feminist advocate, Badoe has within the last two decades not only pursued a transnational filmmaking practice but also chased interests in educational documentaries,8 telling stories about the experiences of Ghanaian women in the public, private, and academic spheres in such films as Honorable Women (2010), The Witches of Gambaga, and The Art of Ama Ata Aidoo (2014). Her understanding of structural imbalances in policies and power that affect women's autonomy and her fascination with stories that link ordinary middle-aged women like herself to witchcraft culminated in her first independent feminist documentary project, The Witches of Gambaga, which she directed and coproduced with the renowned African feminist scholar Amina Mama. The film has been distributed on DVD for educational purposes in Ghana and beyond and screened at various film festivals,9 exposing the plight of Ghanaian women condemned as witches, particularly to policy makers and international audiences.Unlike Badoe, Djansi has made short films and web series, and she is widely known to be one of the few Ghanaian-diaspora commercial feature filmmakers. After her initial engagements with the Ghanaian video film industry as a writer, she moved to the United States in 2003, when she won an Artistic Honors Scholarship to study at the Savannah College of Art and Design (SCAD) in Georgia, USA. She received formal training in scriptwriting and film production. She later moved to the Art Center College of Design in Pasadena, California, to build on her scriptwriting and film directing skills. It was during this period that she wrote and directed her debut feature film, I Sing of a Well (2009), shot in Ghana. Given her liminal position as an independent Ghanaian-diaspora film director, scriptwriter, producer, and founder of the Los Angeles motion picture production company Turning Point Pictures, Djansi's films take on what Naficy describes as an interstitial character operating at the intersection of the local and global cinematic cultures (46).Besides the transnational production approach she employs, Djansi's films tell African, African diaspora, and African/African diaspora stories. They deal with pressing social issues and lean toward a more “‘artsy,’ francophone aesthetic” (Badoe, “Representing Witches” 82). Women-centered narratives are her preoccupations, and puberty rites and FGM (Ebbe [2012]), domestic violence (Sinking Sands [2010]), gender inequality and women's empowerment (Ties that Bind [2011]), and gender-based violence (Like Cotton Twines [2016]) are the themes in her short and feature films shot in Ghana, the United States, or both.10 Her feature films are released commercially in theaters and online as well as screened at film festivals. For instance, Like Cotton Twines,11 which I analyze in this article, is distributed by Urban Movie Channel (UMC, now ALLBLK). The film is also available on Prime Video and on Vudu. Even though she operates in the commercial space, through these platforms Djansi, like Badoe, brings to Ghanaian and international audiences the story of girls forced to atone for crimes of which they are innocent. Indeed, this article argues that even though Badoe's The Witches of Gambaga and Djansi's Like Cotton Twines differ in form, they promote the need for rights advocacy against witchcraft accusation and ritual servitude of women and girls, respectively.Drawing on African feminist theory and discourses on gender-based violence, including the works of such scholars as Jane Bennett, Mama, Obioma Nnaemeka, and Sylvia Tamale, is particularly useful for thematically analyzing Badoe's The Witches of Gambaga and Djansi's Like Cotton Twines. African feminism commits to the struggle for social justice for African women (Amadiume 65). Hence, it is useful to analyze what the filmmakers represent as the causes of witchcraft accusation and ritual servitude; the physical, socioeconomic, sexual, and psychological violence that arise from these practices perpetuated against women and girls; and the strategies they propose to help raise awareness and address the social injustices.The UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women defines violence against women as “any act of gender-based violence that results in or is likely to result in physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or private life.” African feminist theory engages discourses on gender and violence. In the attempts to understand the connection between gender and violence, there are discourses that privilege the notion that “becoming gendered ritualizes violence, predicting who will violate and who will be violated” (Bennett, “Rethinking Gender” 1). Researchers studying masculinity, conflict, and gender-based violence caution against sharp binaries of men-as-perpetrators and women-as-victims (Godwin Murunga 99), even though the process of gendering in its varying forms, according to Bennett, is violence (“Circles” 35).Bennett suggests that gender-based violence is the kind of violence people who are gendered as “women” suffer because of their gender (“Circles” 27). It is an elemental part of control over women to preserve male hegemony (Ayiera 12). Given their gender identity, women and girls are susceptible to rape, incest, sexual assault, abduction, beating, murder, and more (Bennett, “Circles” 27). Sexual violence, for instance, is “feminized since it happens to women because they are females” (Ayiera 12). Physical and sexual violence also violate women's and girls’ fundamental human rights (Williams 5). Bennett suggests that women and girls experience physical, economic, sexual, and psychological violence (“Circles” 27). While gender identity is a major factor responsible for VAWG, Maryam Quadri maintains that there are numerous factors that account for violence against women, “depending on the setting and context of occurrence” (3). As the analysis of The Witches of Gambaga and Like Cotton Twines will demonstrate, the filmmakers project the idea that despite the varying circumstances in which women are accused of witchcraft and girls forced into ritual enslavement, it seems gender, patriarchy, age, ethnicity, and religion are major intersecting determining factors that make condemnation possible.Mama explains that the harsh conditions within social and cultural environments make it possible for violence and abuse against women to thrive. Meanwhile, political and social structures maintain and overlook perpetrators (Mama 252–65). Moreover, women in many African societies account for most of the poor and are denied rights to land and inheritance, although men's entitlements are established by “legislative, customary, and statutory institutions” (Cornwall 13). While these are critical contributions to our understanding of the reasons witchcraft accusations and ritual servitude persist, through The Witches of Gambaga and Like Cotton Twines it is evident that society does not offer women and girls the support to contest their treatment, but rather forces them to tolerate and accept being ostracized as witches or atoning for crimes they have not committed.Williams shares the view that VAWG, which includes witchcraft accusation and ritual bondage, not only traumatizes and violates women's human rights but also undermines the resilience of individuals and the wider society (3). In view of these obstacles, education, economic independence, and control of resources are believed to be the tools women need to resist marginalization and transform gender inequality (Darkwah 1–13; Muhanguzi 1–16) as well as gender-based violence. African feminism encourages institutions that are of benefit to women and questions those that work to their disadvantage (Davies 9). It promotes the idea that women's emancipation must respond to the concerns and values of the times, particularly in the present era of human rights–based development. In this article's analysis, I will attempt to show not only the filmmakers’ desires to raise awareness but also the strategies they propose to help address witchcraft accusations of women and ritual enslavement of girls.Proposing an “Africanized” notion of equity and social justice for women, Tamale argues that the tradition of Ubuntu can be resourcefully employed to shape social relations that enhance gender justice. The philosophy of Ubuntu, which translates to “I am because you are,” thrives on the principles of gender complementarity, communitarianism, humanness, interconnectedness, and solidarity. Tamale is convinced that through deployment of the moral and ethical values of Ubuntu and its respect for human dignity, gender-based violence and African women's subordination and oppression can be addressed (211–34). By invoking the value of reciprocity, African feminism emphasizes cooperation between women and women and between men and women since through such relations women and men become collective agents for women's liberation (Nnaemeka, “Mapping African Feminisms” 36–37). These perspectives are particularly significant for understanding the importance of communitarianism and complementarity in the fight against gender-based violence, particularly witchcraft accusation and ritual servitude, as presented in the films. In The Witches of Gambaga and Like Cotton Twines, the filmmakers recognize a female sense of community and/or gender complementarity to access support for condemned “witches” and “slaves.”In what follows, I analyze in detail the ways the filmmakers highlight the menace and raise awareness for change. The emerging themes analyzed are the politics of witchcraft accusation and ritual servitude; forms of violence against women and girls that stem from these practices, including physical, socioeconomic, sexual, and psychological violence; and proposed strategies toward addressing the menace.Women and girls in Africa confront varying degrees and forms of violence, some of which are justified in the name of culture and religion. Witchcraft accusation of women and ritual enslavement of girls are widespread, criminalized religio-cultural practices predominantly found in the northern regions12 and the Volta Region of Ghana, respectively. Badoe's The Witches of Gambaga and Djansi's Like Cotton Twines expose the various layers of violence the practices unleash on women and girls. The filmmakers, like other African female filmmakers in Africa and in the diaspora who make films about African women, understand that gender inequality and social injustices in African societies emanate from various forms of domination that relate to patriarchy, culture, gender inequality, gender and entrenched that fundamental female Bisschoff Badoe's and Djansi's films these the politics that the practices of witchcraft accusation and ritual bondage, the of violence they and their on to help efforts toward social justice and documentary The Witches of Gambaga the of women condemned and ostracized by their to live as witches in the in the of African which suggests that gender-based violence is an part of male control over women (Ayiera a of Badoe's film witchcraft accusation as a gendered social injustice committed against women and through practices of patriarchy and according to a is on male hegemony through and of other which the subordination of women in Ghana and those in the northern are highly and power with men as in other of Ghana, the are and as a result, many of are to the Witchcraft is one of the forces that since are not Witches are male and who are believed to which they use or to harm others or benefit accusations are by and as well as They are also by the to account for or it is not that such can by or witchcraft be or when must who practices the the The does not the that shape the practice but rather on the it women and the effects it has on them shares the view that the gendered power relations through which witchcraft are are the fundamental causes of gendered violence witchcraft The Witches of Gambaga emphasizes the idea that be a is to be a of African that violence and abuse against women are gendered and that female is in gender are relevant to the (Bennett, “Circles” 27). In one a at the the that led to her condemnation and subsequent In an and through a of and of her and by the a who has been of her because her who was her accused her of because women are to be a is over that of a through the Badoe that accusations made by women only when they by that accusations of witchcraft are to become they must be by the in the to the to their and made by the in their various since Badoe that there over women in in the northern of Ghana, she not only the ways gendering and domination violence against women, but also the ways they and make the practice Badoe argues that witchcraft accusations against women are in a of women's power and this power means reasons to women and them into The Witches of Gambaga that all of women can be middle-aged and women are the most as presented in the female and that women of this often they have their to their and do not by of or to male of the women Badoe or from their they their and the of which them to being with Cotton Twines, Djansi's feature film, the experiences of a who is forced to become a of the The film several forces that to the enslavement of girls. Like Badoe, Djansi to raise awareness of and pseudo-religious are as of VAWG. is a of traditional the of power are with who are often and The privilege male over women, and Djansi to the that male power men to the and that girls atone for crimes committed by family members. It is to that boys are not as Meanwhile, crimes including rape, and murder, predominantly committed by male of are the reasons girls are enslaved For the these that the gender of patriarchy forces girls to become the film, is forced to become a because her a in the during Djansi the that it possible to an to atone for a she not and the forces that and violate her The as a who has and has been not only because she is but also because she is and likely to the sexual of a as the practice The film this on as a she is to Given entrenched practices and VAWG in society as established in African feminist discourse (Bennett, “Circles” toward the of an Djansi of and her not only to but also to the of and While her for not for her against FGM and ritual enslavement, her that you I and I it I am is a of the the For Djansi, it is evident that by of their gender, and are to FGM and because of female subordination and social expose the causes of ritual servitude, Djansi the practice It is evident that and to this practice for of from the In an predominantly in an African American for to The who is also the but rather to from with traditional and the Djansi the of and community toward for girls who have to do with crimes for which they are the of the two by and it evident that for the is not about but about between and traditional religion at the of to maintain in Badoe's The Witches of Gambaga, the only the could offer was to women in to the after they been of witchcraft by the of Gambaga and of the the As an age-old like witchcraft has an of and the community views it as While there is a that is a to control the film suggests that it is a that girls, women, and crimes have not and girls atone for crimes they have committed By of what happens to the the at is that the practice rather promotes since like patriarchy from part of gender-based violence in cinematic discourses is to understand not only the causes but also the effects on women and In The Witches of Gambaga and Like Cotton Twines, the filmmakers, the causes and politics that to witchcraft accusation of women and ritual enslavement of girls, to the of the They present various forms of violence that result from these practices and their effects on their African feminist discourses on gender-based violence understand that African women are to physical, economic, and sexual violence by men in their men in and

Gender-based and sexual violence is a public concern. In Indonesian society, three prominent entities (the state, the academy, and the religion) must provide their perspectives to overcome and prevent all forms of gender-based and sexual violence. On the one hand, the state exists via policies in the form of laws related to the prevention and solution to the problems of gender-based violence and sexual violence. As organizations and organisms, on the other hand, academia and religions contribute to the beliefs, concepts, and practices of gender and human sexuality. As a religious institution, the church’s action to prevent gender-based and sexual violence is also a form of self-criticism. The church may sanctify violence through gender-biased Bible reading or even commit gender-based violence and or sexual violence against its congregation members through its pastors. The church’s understanding of gender and sexual-based violence will allow the church to collaborate with the state to provide a sense of justice, security, and peace for all people, transcending the limitations of gender differences and sexuality. The church can offer theological concepts and practices that address and prevent gender-sexual-based violence both in church and in society in two ways: By reflecting on the experiences of victims of gender-based and sexual violence and by re-examining the root factors of violence in the history of the church and the church’s teaching on gender and sexuality, I propose that the church emphasize the diversity of God’s creation and the equal relations among humans beyond sexual and gender particularity by redefining the human body in Christian Theology that will serve as the foundation for resisting sexual violence and discrimination.

The article highlights the problem of gender-based sexual violence during the international armed conflict on the territory of Ukraine. Based on the analysis of international documents, customary international law, and scientific sources, it is shown that sexual violence and gender-based violence are distinct concepts. However, in the context of Ukrainian judicial practice under Article 438 “Violation of the Laws and Customs of War” of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, gender-based violence is exclusively sexual in nature and is expressed mainly in the form of gender-based rape. The doctrinal approach is supported, according to which the signs of sexual and gender-based violence are: 1) an act (an actual act), 2) coercion (an act committed against the person’s will), 3) a cause (determined by gender), 4) consequences (causing one or more types of harm or suffering to a person). The author identifies the signs of rape related to armed conflict arising from the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, the Elements of Crimes of the International Criminal Court, and customary international law. The actus reus of rape is that the perpetrator has assaulted the body of a person by committing an act that resulted in penetration, even minor, of any part of the victim’s or perpetrator’s body with a sexual organ, or penetration of the victim’s anus or vagina with any object or any part of the body; the fact that rape is a component of war crimes is determined by the presence of a specific situation (coercion by military personnel). The mens rea of rape is the need to establish the perpetrator’s awareness of the encroachment on the human body by committing an act that resulted in penetration; the perpetrator’s awareness of the circumstances of the act (use of force or threat of force, use of coercion, use of a coercive environment, inability of the person to give consent expressing his or her true will), including the absence of the victim’s consent.

Gender-based violence in refugee settings

abstractThis profile describes and reflects on an initiative aimed at developing strategies to tackle sexual and gender-based violence on a university campus. It analyses the activities of young women as an organised group, the Girls Against Sexual Violence and Abuse (GASVA), and the ways in which these helped to build their resilience against sexual violence on campus. The profile comes out of a participatory research project conducted at the Durban University of Technology (DUT). It involved a group of 12 female university students and myself as a mentor and ‘insider researcher’ in addressing sexual and gender-based violence on campus. Established in the latter part of 2015, the group is part of a larger project, the Networks for Change and Well-being, an international interdisciplinary partnership of institutions in Canada and South Africa working to advance ‘girl-led, from the ground up’ interventions aimed at addressing sexual violence against girls and young women. The project uses participatory visual methodologies to provide leadership development and mentoring, as well as to open up spaces for dialogue around sexual violence against women on campus and strategies for addressing them. Through campus dialogues, the use of participatory visual methodologies (photovoice, art, drama and poetry) and social media, GASVA were able to articulate their experiences of sexual violence in and around campus, and to provide a space where others could voice theirs. In these spaces, they identified strategies for addressing sexual violence on campus. After 18 months of participating in the project, GASVA demonstrate leadership capability and resilience and nurture these in their peers as they strive to engage with the campus community in finding solutions to sexual violence in and around campus.

Sexual and gender-based violence in camps for internally displaced people and host communities in northeast Nigeria: a mixed methods study

In addressing the United Nations Security Council at its 7938th meeting, the Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, Adama Dieng, said that the social stigma attached to sexual violence is integral to the logic of using sexual violence as a tactic, a method of war or even torture. The perpetrators of sexual crimes understand that sexual violence attacks one’s individual and collective identity and ostracises survivors, thus untying the strings of family and kinship that hold the very fabric of communities together. As a result, survivors of gender-based and sexual violence often find it difficult to cope with its social repercussions. This article will pursue a detailed discussion pertaining to the severe stigma suffered by survivors of conflict-related sexual violence and how this issue is not adequately addressed in international law. The risk faced by survivors is threefold: first by the action of the perpetrator, then by the reaction of society through stereotypical and patriarchal attitudes, and finally by the courts, which often are not only unresponsive but also perpetuate negative social norms and rape myths leading to double persecution. Due to a lack of evidence and other factors, such as patriarchy and social inequalities, the stigma associated with conflict-related sexual violence is manifested in court rooms through various rape myths about its survivors. Sexual violence is a gendered phenomenon, in that it is often linked to, and stems from, harmful social and traditional practices relating to perceptions of gender and power dynamics surrounding them. In times of conflict, prevalent power dynamics, and the practices linked to them, can be further exacerbated leading to a higher prevalence of sexual violence. Therefore, the core argument advanced in this article is the necessity of combatting stigma and rape myths, and to promote the reporting of sexual crimes by and access to justice for survivors.

Preface: On the Duty to Face Sexual Violence and Conflict The Honourable Michaelle Jean. Acknowledgments. Sexual Violence in Conflict and Post-Conflict Societies: Situating International Agendas and their African Contexts 1. Seeing Sexual Violence in Conflict and Post-Conflict Societies: The Limits of Visibility Doris Buss 2. The Political Economy of War: What Women Need to Know Meredeth Turshen Sexual Violence and Conflict: Civil Society Perspectives on Patterns, Causes and Solutions 3. Sexual Violence Patterns, Causes, and Possible Solutions: An Interview with Kudakwshe Chitsike, Research and Advocacy Unit, Zimbabwe and Jessica Nkuuhe, Independent Consultant, Uganda Doris Buss 4. Sexual Violence Patterns, Causes, and Possible Solutions: An Interview with Julienne Lusenge, Solidarite Feminine pour la Paix Integrale (SOFEPADI), Democratic Republic of Congo Sexual Violence and Harm: From Conflict to Post-Conflict Societies 5. Gendered Insecurity and the Enduring Impacts of Sexual and Gender-Based Violence (SGBV) in Northern Uganda Rebecca Tiessen and Lahoma Thomas 6. Through War to Peace: Sexual Violence and Adolescent Girls Donna Sharkey 7. Ritual and Reintegration of Young Women Formerly Abducted as Child Soldiers in Northern Uganda Christine Mbabazi Mpyangu 8. Considering Gender Relations and Culture in the Psychosocial Adaptation of Individuals and Communities Affected by Sexualised Violence in African Conflicts Sophie C. Yohani Representing Harms and the Trouble with (Victim) Categories 9. Sexual Violence, Female Agencies, and Sexual Consent: Complexities of Sexual Violence in the 1994 Rwandan Genocide Jennie E. Burnet 10. The Representation of Rape by the Special Court for Sierra Leone Valerie Oosterveld 11. Justice and Reparations for Rwanda's Enfants Mauvais Souvenirs Sandra Le Courtois 12. On Transitional Justice Entrepreneurs and the Production of Victims Tshepo Madlingozi The Gender of Security 13. A Gendered Reading of Security and Security Reform in Post Conflict Societies Fionnuala Ni Aolain, Naomi Cahn and Dina Haynes 14. Security Sector Reform in Africa: A Lost Opportunity to Deconstruct Militarised Masculinities? Yaliwe Clarke 15. Women Peacekeepers and UNPOL Officers in the Fight Against Sexual and Gender-Based Violence in Post-Conflict Zones Sophie Toupin Post-Conflict Development and International Agendas 16. Development and Its Discontents: Ending Violence Against Women in Post-Conflict Liberia Pamela Scully 17. International Assistance to Combat Sexual Violence in the Congo: Placing Congolese Women at the Heart of the Process! Denis Tougas

Sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) against minority populations is a global public health problem with consequential effects on human health and development. It has been reported among men who have sex with men (MSM) and transwomen in forms of verbal abuse and physical and sexual violence. This study was carried out to determine the prevalence of SGBV among MSM and transwomen in Nigeria. It was cross-sectional in design utilizing a snowballing method to recruit participants. A total of 382 responses were received through an online questionnaire. Descriptive statistics and logistic regression were used to analyze the data at the significance level of 5%. The mean (SD) age of respondents was 27(0.3) years. About 35 % (95%CI: 30.2-39.8) of all respondents had ever experienced sexual violence, and 42.1 % (95%CI: 37.3-47.2) had ever experienced physical violence. The prevalence of sexual violence within one year preceding the study was 13.8% (95%CI: 10.8-17.5), while physical violence was 16.3% (95%CI: 13.0-20.2). Transwomen were about thrice (odds ratio: 2.92, p<0.01) and 5.6 times (p<0.001) more likely to experience sexual and physical violence respectively than MSM self-identified as males. Transwomen were also about 3 times more likely to experience IPV than MSM self-identified as males (odds ratio: 2.92, p<0.01). One-fifth (18.1%) of all respondents had ever experienced IPV, and for transwomen, it was 1 in 3. This study showed a high prevalence of both sexual and physical violence among MSM and transwomen in Nigeria, and this necessitate the creation of a legal framework that will protect their rights. Keywords: Gaymen, Gender-based violence, Men who have sex with men, Prevalence, Sexual violence, Transwomen.

IntroductionUnderstanding the mental health consequences of gender-based and sexual violence (GBSV) among university students is a public health priority. This study aimed to assess the impact of recent exposure to gender-based and sexual violence on symptoms of depression and anxiety at a three-month follow-up.MethodsA prospective e-cohort study was launched in October 2024 at Rouen University, with active follow-up every three months among 563 students. At three-month follow-up (M3), students completed an anonymous online questionnaire assessing their experiences of GBSV during the past three months and their mental health symptoms (depression [CES-D8]; anxiety [Hamilton Anxiety Rating Scale]). We estimated mean differences (MDs) in depression and anxiety symptoms between exposed and unexposed at M3, controlling for baseline scores.ResultsAt M3, 300 students responded to the questionnaire, 78% of whom were women, with a mean age of 21 years. Overall, 36.7% of students (95% CI [31.3; 42.4]) reported experiencing at least one form of GBSV during the past three months. The most common forms were sexist remarks and behaviors (23.7%), comments with sexual connotations (16.3%), and sexual assault (5.7%). Among victims, 28.1% were classified as polyvictims. Recent exposure to GBSV was associated with higher levels of depression (MD = 1.83, 95% CI [0.47; 3.19]) and anxiety (MD = 4.44, 95% CI [1.52; 7.36]). Polyvictims experienced the most severe mental health impacts, with adjusted mean differences of 1.67 points for depression (95% CI [0.30; 2.73]) and 4.64 points for anxiety (95% CI [2.58; 6.70]) compared with single victims.ConclusionsRecent experiences of sexual or gender-based violence sharply increased symptoms of depression and anxiety. Early detection and strong prevention efforts at universities are essential for sustainable mental well-being. Future research should explore long-term trajectories and resilience mechanisms.Key messages• Gender-based and sexual violence is a key public health issue affecting students’ mental health and eating behaviors. Early intervention is essential.• Addressing gender-based and sexual violence at universities is a key priority for the long-term mental health and well-being of young adults.

Preventing violence against women: beyond 16 days

Background Gender-based violence (GBV) is a major public health issue that affects the health and well-being of millions of young people worldwide each year. Gender-based violence was prevalent throughout Sub-Saharan Africa. However, research in Africa is extremely diverse. Objective The purpose of this study is to determine the extent and risk factors of gender-based violence among night female students in Bahir Dar, Ethiopia. Methods This cross-sectional study was conducted among 788 elementary and high school night female students in Bahir Dar from October 15 to November 15, 2019. Data was gathered using self-administered questionnaires. A binary and multiple logistic regression model was used to identify factors associated with gender-based and sexual violence. An adjusted odds ratio (AOR) with a 95 percent confidence interval (CI) was calculated to determine the level of significance. Results The overall lifetime prevalence of gender-based violence (sexual, physical, and emotional violence) was 71.1% with a 95% CI of 67.8%-74.1%. The lifetime prevalence of sexual violence, physical violence, and emotional violence was 49.1%, 57.5%, and 41.6%, respectively. Rural childhood residence (AOR: 3.37, 95% CI: (2.17-5.54)), low school performance (AOR: 3.44, 95% CI: (2.13-5.56)), lack of sexual and reproductive health conversation experience (AOR: 3.68, 95% CI: (2.07-6.54)), poor family control (AOR: 5.62, 95% CI: (3.25-9.71)), and being sexually active (AOR: 3.79, 95% CI: (2.35-6.12)) increased significantly the risk of gender-based violence. The risk factors for sexual violence were young people living with both parents (AOR: 0.28, 95% CI: (0.19-0.41)), peer pressure (AOR: 5.73, 95% CI: (4.11-7.98)), and family support (AOR: 0.31, 95% CI: (0.22-0.43)). Conclusion In the study area, the lifetime prevalence of sexual violence, physical violence, and emotional violence was high. As a result, it is recommended that policymakers, district officials, schools, and other stakeholders pay attention to and act on gender-based values.