El género importa

Toward a post‐neoliberal social citizenship?

До характеристики міжнародно-правового забезпечення репродуктивних прав людини

Introduction: sexual and reproductive rights in individuals with intellectual disabilities (ID), particularly in developing countries, are often neglected. Although affected individuals never complained, the problems were found augmented from the affected families. Over the last two decades, parents and professionals acknowledged sexual and reproductive right and try to accommodate these needs. Indonesia, a developing country with a strong religious and culture beliefs may has different perspectives on attitudes towards sexuality in individuals with ID which respect the sexual and reproductive right augmented from the affected family. The aimed of this study was to explore the attitudes towards sexuality on individuals with ID. The findings are expected to contribute to the movement in recognizing sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) in individuals with ID. Methods: thirty participants were included in this study consisted of supporting staffs of rehabilitation center for disabled individual, parents, religious leaders and community. Participants fulfilled the two sets of Attitude to Sexuality Questionnaires towards individuals with ID (ASQ-ID). Results: the attitudes towards sexuality in males were found similar with females with ID, age did not play a role in the attitude towards sexuality in ID. Indonesian attitudes towards sexuality in individuals with ID was found the most conservative compared to other countries with the mean of sexual right was 3.7±0.22, parenting was 3.5±0.30, non-reproductive sexual behavior was 3.4±0.49, and self-control was 3.4±0.73. Conclusion: the attitudes towards sexuality in individual with ID is somewhat negative, strong culture and religious beliefs /and values may have strong influence.

Ethics Document Offers Guidance on Religious/Spiritual Issues in Care

Putting sexual and reproductive health on the agenda

BackgroundSexual and reproductive rights (SRRs) include the ability to make informed choices about family planning and reproductive health, free from discrimination, coercion, or violence. This study aimed to assess awareness and identify factors influencing perceptions of reproductive rights among women aged 15–35 years in Chandigarh.MethodsA concurrent mixed-method study was conducted among 116 women in Chandigarh using a pretested, semi-structured tool for quantitative analysis. A grounded theory approach was used to explore perceptions among 37 women through six focus group discussions (FGD), guided by a pretested FGD guide. Quantitative data were analyzed using IBM SPSS Trial Version 26.0, while thematic analysis of qualitative data was conducted manually. Data integration was performed at the interpretation stage.ResultsUrban residents had significantly higher awareness of SRRs and legal abortion rights [Adjusted odds ratio (AOR) = 5.2, 95% CI = 1.5–17.5; AOR = 3.5, 95% CI = 1.28–9.55]. Unmarried women were more aware of abortion rights (AOR = 4.68, 95% CI = 1.83–11.06). Higher education was associated with greater awareness of family planning (AOR = 16.06, 95% CI = 2.8–91.6). Individual factors included differing priorities, hesitancy to discuss, and fear of abortion and contraceptive side effects. Family-related factors involved decision-making roles (in-laws and husbands). Societal factors included low autonomy and religious beliefs. The stigma surrounding reproductive health and sex education hindered women from exercising their rights.ConclusionSignificant gaps exist in SRR awareness, particularly among married, less educated, and slum-dwelling women. Family control, religious beliefs, and stigma hinder reproductive autonomy.Supplementary InformationThe online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1186/s40834-025-00398-9.

Obama rescinds “overly broad” Bush-era conscience rule

I have been asked to evaluate the ways in which religious institutions have aided or impeded the achievement of reproductive freedom during the past twenty years and to offer some suggestions regarding ways in which these institutions can participate effectively in future efforts to enhance and expand these freedoms. I approach the task both enlightened and limited by my religious beliefs and values and by my own life history. I wish to share those with you so that you can better understand my perspective. First, my own hermeneutic, or principle of interpretation, is strongly feminist. Religious beliefs, historical events, social policy, and personal behavior are interpreted in light of their contribution to the overall well-being of women. Second, as a Christian who developed within the Roman Catholic tradition, I have a particular commitment to the gospels, the good news proclaimed by Jesus Christ. Along with Dr. Elisabeth Schussler Fiorenza, one of our most respected feminist biblical scholars, I believe that the heart of the news is to be found in the establishment of church as a discipleship of equals. Within the church, distinctions between male and female, rich and poor, master and slave are to be eliminated. Moreover, the church is to struggle to eliminate those distinctions in society as well. This mandate is well expressed by liberation theologians today who seek within the church concrete expression of a preferential option for the poor and marginalized, including women. Third, these feminist and Christian principles have been applied to my own life as a self-identified ever single, heterosexual, white, First World woman with the firm belief that neither my life plan nor the Creator's purpose for me included pregnancy, childbearing, or child rearing. Thus began my search for a feminist, Christian ethic of sexuality and reproductive freedom that would respect my life plan and the reality of twenty-five to forty years of procreative risk, approximately 480 menstrual cycles unrelieved by pregnancy, lactation, or poor health. In my journey toward personal integrity, moral agency, and ethical control of that procreative capacity, religious institutions (in my case the Roman Catholic Church) played at best no role; at worst a prohibitive and censorious one. Some might believe that such negativity is properly reserved for the hierarchy of the Roman Catholic Church and evangelical Protestant faith groups. I would contend that even mainstream liberal Protestant and Jewish faith groups, in spite of their public support for family planning and legal abortion, have had and continue to have serious difficulty in supporting a theology and praxis of women's liberation and reproductive freedom that meets the standard of feminism and scripture mentioned above. I would

This study is aimed at examining how subsequent Peruvian governments, since 1990, have addressed reproductive rights, HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment, and sexual diversity rights, as well as the drastic policy shifts and its many contradictions. Abortion and contraception consistently generated the deepest public controversies and debates, which made progress in reproductive rights difficult. HIV/AIDS was often portrayed as having the potential to affect everyone, which allowed advocates and activists to achieve some success in advancing HIV/AIDS-related rights. Sexual diversity rights, perceived as a demand made by “others”, were generally trivialised and disdained by politicians, officials, and the general population. Positive changes occurred as long as the issue was given a low political and institutional profile. The analysis of policy-making and programme implementation in these three areas reveals that: (1) Weaknesses in national institutional frameworks concerning reproductive health made it possible for governments to adopt two very different (even contradictory) approaches to the issue within the past 15 years; (2) Policies were presented as rights-based in order to garner political legitimacy when, in fact, they evidenced a clear disregard for the rights of individual citizens; and (3) By favouring low-profile “public health” discourses, and marginalising “the sexual” in official policies related to sexuality, advocacy groups sometimes created opportunities for legal changes but failed to challenge conservative powers opposing the recognition of sexual and reproductive rights and the full citizenship of women and sexual minorities.

Constitutional right to social security

The United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 asserts that social security is an inalienable human right. Realizing this human right is often considered, simply, as a matter of political will and of administrative aptitude. In these terms, the progressive realization of the human right to social security may be viewed as the outcome of an appropriately‐resourced political and bureaucratic process. Such a perspective, however, is clearly inadequate. Characteristically, bureaucracies are designed to cater to the needs of all, based on common procedures and common deliverables designed for the “typical” case. Yet such approaches often lack the necessary flexibility and resources to make a distinction between individuals, which acknowledge their respective differences and needs. To meet the international commitment to progressively realize universal social security coverage, social security administrations are key actors. However imperative this role may be, if the pursuit of this commitment fails to respect people's differences this will put at risk the meeting in full of what is envisioned by the human right to social security. To this end, this special issue aims to foster an understanding that the goal of universal coverage must necessarily also respect and respond to the individual needs of each and every person.

The aim of this paper is to assess the potential of the concept of social citizenship for articulating progressive policy development in Canada. I argue that the revisioning of social citizenship is hampered by a recent notion that it is part of the superseded welfare policy paradigm of the past. Many analysts characterize a shift in the objectives of Canadian social policy as a move away from a 'golden age' policy paradigm, which emphasized the social rights of citizenship, to a neo-liberal paradigm promoting market citizenship. I suggest that there is an overstatement in the current literature of the extent to which social citizenship rights were ever realized, or even pursued, in Canada. There are two tendencies toward over-generalization in the literature that obscure a more complex picture of social policy development in Canada. The first concerns the relationship between social policy and the social rights of citizenship. The blurring of these two concepts underlies some of the overstatement in the literature about the past implementation of social citizenship rights. The second tendency to over-generalization relates to the observation of a paradigm change in social policy orientation. While things may be shifting, there are grounds to believe that this is largely a within-paradigm intensification--from mean and lean, to meaner and leaner. Finally, I suggest that the conceptual foundations of the social rights of citizenship must be re-worked in a way that acknowledges contestation over the terrain and quality of the 'social' and that challenges the distinctness and priority of the 'market'. There is a continuing need to strengthen and promote the social rights of citizenship as a discursive and practical challenge to neo-liberal interpretations of the 'good' society as a 'market' society. This would involve contesting the claim that the market is the arbiter of the quality of life, and claiming the market itself as a social arena.

Using a sample of 407 families living in rural areas of North Central Iowa, this study examines religious transmission between same-sex and cross-sex parent-child groups. The analyses focus on the mechanisms through which adolescents' perceptions of parental acceptance moderate the transmission of religious beliefs and practices. Results show that both fathers and mothers played important roles in transmitting religious beliefs and practices to their sons and daughters. Mothers' influence was stronger than fathers' when the adolescents perceived the parent as accepting. This effect was especially strong for sons. During the past two decades, evidence has accumulated showing that religion is significant in adolescent development. The family is the primary agent of religious socialization (Hyde, 1990), and virtually all research has identified parents as the most important source of religious influence (Aldous, 1983; Ozorak, 1989). The research literature indicates that intergenerational transmission of religious beliefs and practices occurs through modeling of parents' behaviors and beliefs (Cornwall, 1988; Dudley & Dudley, 1986; Willits & Crider, 1989) and reinforcing supportive parent-child relationships (Hunsberger, 1983; Kirkpatrick & Shaver, 1990). RELIGIOUS TRANSMISSION Social learning theory holds that much of what a child learns is based on day-to-day observation of attitudes and behavior performed by significant others who serve as role models. In their research on imitation and modeling processes, Bandura and his associates (Bandura & Kupers, 1964; Bandura & McDonald, 1963; Bandura, Ross, & Ross, 1961) identified parental models central to the development of children's personalities. Regular association and interaction with parents repeatedly give children opportunities to observe and imitate their parents in many day-to-day activities. Such observational learning may lead children to share their parents' values, attitudes, and behaviors. Grusec and Kuczynski (1997) argued that parents are the most crucial influence on children's acquisition of values because of their unique position in the lives of their children. Childrearing puts parents in the strongest position to develop positive relationships with their children and to monitor and understand their children. Religiosity or religiousness refers to the importance of religion in a person's life. It has multiple dimensions, including beliefs and practices (Glock & Stark, 1965; Weigert & Thomas, 1969), which represent attitudes and behaviors in social learning theory. In his framework for intergenerational learning, Cornwall (1988) explained that religiosity is a behavior that a person learns from those around him or her. Because parents' religious beliefs and practices are learned in the home, continuity in religiousness is expected between parents and children. Research consistently has shown that parental religiosity is an important predictor of adolescent religious beliefs and practices. For example, parental church attendance is strongly associated with adolescent church attendance and religious beliefs (Cox, 1967; Suziedelis & Potvin, 1981), and parents' religious practices are positively related to all aspects of religiousness in early and middle adolescence (Ozorak, 1989). Parker and Gaier (1980) reported that parents' participation in religious activities accounted for more than 60% of the variance in the religious beliefs and practices of their high school children. In accordance with Turner's (1964) idea of parents' dominant role in transmitting religious values and attitudes, de Vaus (1983) found that parents played a more important role than peers in adolescent development of religious values and beliefs. In a study of agreement with religious values between fathers and mothers and youth, Dudley and Dudley (1986) found that youths' religious values resembled their parents' religious values. …

Problem setting. In the transition to a market economy, social rights acquire a fundamentally new meaning, as they are designed to guarantee radical changes in the socio-economic situation of man as a participant in market relations. The Constitution of Ukraine reflects a wide range of social rights of a person and a citizen to work, leisure, social protection, health care, medical care, health insurance, family protection, childhood, motherhood and fatherhood, education, etc. One of the central and universally recognized in the system of social rights of citizens is the right to social protection, the requirement of which is embodied in international acts ratified by Ukraine. The right to social protection is guaranteed by the obligatory state social insurance at the expense of insurance contributions of citizens, enterprises, institutions and organizations, budgetary and other sources of social security, as well as the creation of a network of state, municipal and private institutions for the care of the disabled. Without these guarantees, this right becomes an intention (wish) in the relevant field, has no practical value either for the individual or for society as a whole. Analysis of recent researches and publications. Issues of social insurance were the subject of research by such scientists as V. M. Andriyiv, D. V. Bozhko, N. B. Bolotina, M.M. Klemparsky, O. L. Kuchma, K. Yu. Melnyk, O. V. Moskalenko, P. D. Pilipenko, S.M. Prilipko, V. I. Prokopenko, O. I. Protsevsky, S. M. Sinchuk, I. M. Orphan, B. I. Stashkov, O. V. Tishchenko, L. P. Shumna, M. M. Shumylo, O. M. Yaroshenko, and others. Target of research to consider compulsory state social insurance as a guarantee of the right of citizens to social protection due to accidents and occupational diseases at work. Article’s main body. The main guarantee of a person’s right to social protection due to accidents and occupational diseases at work is compulsory state social insurance. The task of social insurance against accidents at work and occupational diseases that have caused disability is to carry out preventive measures aimed at eliminating harmful, dangerous production factors; prevention of accidents at work, other cases of threat to the health of the insured, caused by working conditions; restoration of health and working capacity of victims at work; compensation for damage related to the loss of insured persons’ wages or the relevant part of it during the performance of their duties, provision of social services in connection with damage to health, as well as in the event of their death, making insurance payments to incapacitated members families. Confirmation of the central place of social insurance against accidents and occupational diseases at work in the system of guarantees of the right of citizens to social protection can serve as indicators of the cost of material support in this area. Conclusions and prospects for the development. As a result of studying the place and role of compulsory state social insurance in the system of guarantees of the right of citizens to social protection due to accidents and occupational diseases at work, we can state that the right to social protection is one of the central and universally recognized social human rights. Compulsory state social insurance is the main material guarantee of the realization of the right of citizens to social protection due to accidents and occupational diseases at work. Its main essence and purpose are to receive the insured person in the event of an insured event from the insurer of material support (temporary disability benefits, burial) and social services (payment for treatment in the rehabilitation departments of the sanatorium after illness and injury) at the expense of the insured.

Does religious attitude affect organ donation and transplantation?