Economic Consequences of War

Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine in the Polish Opinion Dailies Rzeczpospolita and Gazeta Wyborcza The aim of the article was to reconstruct the image of the initial stage of the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine, and the time immediately preceding it, in the Polish opinion dailies Gazeta Wyborcza and Rzeczpospolita. It was verified which of the interpretive frame, as defined by Holli Semetko and Patti Valkenburg, was the dominant one, which tópoi (natural vs. cultural) dominated in the research sample and how the number and exposure of press texts were changing, alongside the intensity of press coverage regarding the Russia’s war in Ukraine. The content analysis method, the framing analysis concept, the priming concept and the locus communis concept were used in the research. The frame of conflict and the frame of human affairs were the dominant frames in Polish opinion dailies. Rzeczpospolita also noted a high degree of saturation of publications with the economic consequences frame. Cultural tópoi prevailed over natural ones. The most numerously represented natural tópoi were: the right to freedom and security, human dignity, the right to life, while the cultural tópoi were: the politics of superpowers, the economic consequences of war, migration and refugees. The greatest interest of Polish dailies in Russia’s war in Ukraine took place just after February 24, 2022, whilst the “freshness effect” decreased only slightly with the passage of time. The article increases the cognitive value in the area of research on the image of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in the Polish opinion press.

Previous articleNext article No AccessThe Economic Recovery of Finland since World War IIJ. William FredricksonJ. William Fredrickson Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Journal of Political Economy Volume 68, Number 1Feb., 1960 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/258261 Views: 4Total views on this site Citations: 2Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1961 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Tapio S. Katko, Petri S. Juuti, Riikka P. Juuti, Eric J. Nealer Managing Water and Wastewater Services in Finland, 1860–2020 and Beyond, Earth 3, no.22 (Apr 2022): 590–613.https://doi.org/10.3390/earth3020035 Central Banking Legislation Volume 2, (Aug 2003).https://doi.org/10.5089/9781451949605.071

One influence of war has repeatedly asserted itself in the past—an effect on the costs of production and on the competitive position of the industries and firms of victorious or neutral nations. This subject needs more study, but certain facts suggest a hypothesis, of three parts. First: war expands some industries or concerns, increases their efficiency, enables them to operate, at the end of the struggle, on a comparatively low-cost basis, intensifies their competitive advantages, and improves their position in relation to foreign competitors. Second: war—for the duration—bolsters up some high-cost units by enabling them to sell at a profit all they can produce. The end of the war places such high-cost units at a disadvantage in the process of absorbing the shocks of the transition to a peacetime economy. Third: the history of postwar periods usually exhibits a sharp contest between such low-cost and high-cost enterprises. While “low cost” and “high cost” may refer to the relative positions of units within the same country, in most of this discussion, the terms will be applied to the producers of one country (either victor or neutral) to mean that their costs are low or high in comparison with those of their foreign competitors.

The economic history of the Federal Republic of Germany, during the 1950s and 1960s (Abelshauser, 1983) in particular, appears to be marked by two peculiarities.2 First, economic power increased rapidly, to an extent and at a pace unexpected after the destruction of war. The economic consequences of war were overcome by the mid-1950s and West Germany had decisively crossed the threshold to affluence by 1960 (Glastetter, Hogemann, and Marquardt, 1991). Second, the years from 1949 to 1966 were marked by a severe conceptual break within state economic policy. The era of the Wirtschaftswunder, the economic miracle, was at least in the public’s opinion, also the era of Wirtschaftsliberalismus, an economic liberalism which seemed radical in the German context.

Warfare, economy, and state formation When historians write about warfare and economy they usually discuss economic causes of war, economic consequences of war, and the importance of economic resources to wage wars. In a medieval and early-modern context, economic forces behind warfare are normally conflicts about trade and colonies. Conflicts between states and the relations between state and society in Europe are themes for political history or historical sociology. Economists and economic historians have normally not been interested in warfare, except its destructive consequences and financial impact on states and societies. Recently, economic historians have become interested in early-modern war finance and state formation, but the military and naval organisations are seldom parts of economic studies. This lack of interest in military affairs probably has its origin in the fact that economic historians have seen the state and its organisations as central to political history. State formation and war are also central problems for sociologists and political scientists, but they lack the theoretical tools to analyse efficient use of resources. Economics is the social science that is focused on how societies utilise scarce resources, and on causes for economic growth and stagnation. Continuity and change in warfare and organisation of states are important parts of how society utilises resources. As resources are essential in warfare, discussions about war, state, and society require some understanding of concepts used by economists, not as an alternative to political science or sociology but in order to provide balanced explanations.

Within the research, the peculiarities of introducing innovations in the agricultural sector of Ukraine during martial law were studied, in particular, the development of organic farming as a strategy for preserving soil fertility, increasing the sustainability of agricultural production and ensuring food security. The role of green manure crops in restoring soil fertility and cleaning contaminated land was analysed, and the effectiveness in enriching the soil with organic matter, improving its structure and reducing the level of toxic substances was emphasised. Attention was focused on how important it was to integrate innovative technologies into the agricultural sphere in order to ensure the sustainable development of the agricultural sector of Ukraine. The problem of financing organic farming under conditions of military conflict was considered separately. The importance of state support and international assistance for the introduction of effective methods of organic farming, which did not require large capital investments but demonstrated high ecological and economic potential, was substantiated. The results of the research could be useful for developing recommendations on improving the efficiency of managing agricultural processes under martial law, forming policies to support small farms, and developing programmes for restoring the agricultural sector after the end of hostilities. Keywords: green manure crops; bioremediation; economic consequences of war; small and medium-sized enterprises; agrotechnologies.

Wars erode human dignity and global solidarity. Take famine-the worst form of death by starvation en masse-for example. Famine is particularly telling and chilling, as in the modern era, the (almost) famine in Gaza and Sudan is predominantly human-made. In addition to acute consequences like deaths, famine also causes long-term damage to people's physical health and psychological well-being, from their susceptibility to cardiovascular diseases, trauma, and suicidality. A growing body of research also indicates that, largely due to high-definition and high-fidelity media coverage of wars with high definition and fidelity, people living in non-war zones can also face prolonged, yet often overlooked, mental health challenges. While the global health community shoulders the majority of the short- and long-term burden of care and cure in armed conflicts, we often have little power to hold warring parties responsible, not least because politicians' careers are often term-based if not short-lived. Using the famine in Gaza and Sudan as examples, this paper sheds light on the imperative of holding warring parties accountable-in care and cash-for the damage they exert on lives and livelihoods worldwide. Wars might be inevitable (almost), famine, and disregard for human dignity and despair are not. Key messages What is already known on this topic? War drives famine, disease outbreaks, psychological trauma, and health system collapse, disproportionately affecting women and children. Starvation has been used as a weapon of war, despite its prohibition under international humanitarian law. What this study adds Emphasizes the need to quantify the full health and economic costs of war, particularly in settings such as Gaza and Sudan experiencing famine and health system collapse. Proposes a Global Conflict Accountability Mechanism to hold warring parties financially responsible for health impacts. Advocates for the formal inclusion of global health professionals in diplomacy and peacebuilding. How this study might affect research, practice, or policy Encourages research on the long-term health and economic consequences of war, including mental health and chronic disease. Supports integrating global health actors into conflict-sensitive humanitarian planning and peace processes to improve equitable access to care.

The 'German Question' dominated much of modern European history. In 1945, Germany was defeated and conquered. Yet, the Second World War did not destroy the foundations of her economic power. Dr TamAis VonyA³ revisits Germany's remarkable post-war revival, tracing its roots not to liberal economic reforms and the Marshall Plan, but to the legacies of the war that endowed Germany with an enhanced industrial base and an enlarged labour force. He also shows that Germany's liberal market economy was in reality an economy of regulated markets, controlled prices and extensive state intervention. Using quantitative analysis and drawing on a rich historiography that has remained, in large part, unknown outside of Germany, this book reassesses the role of economic policy and the importance of wartime legacies to explain the German growth miracle after 1945 and the sharply contrasting experiences of East and West Germany.

The social political and economic consequences of war on women are enormous looking at the stockpile of woes after the dusk of war. Women lose their husbands, children, property and sometimes are abused sexually. The psychological trauma following the dawn of war devastates most women for the rest of their lives. This study examines the concept of peace among women in Ilaje and Ijaw kingdoms. Besides, it critically examines the relationship between peace and development. In-depth interviews were conducted among two hundred (200) women in the two kingdoms. Ten (10) Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) were conducted to complement the effort of the researcher. Social closure, usurpation, exclusion, prejudice and discrimination are identified as harbingers of war. This paper concludes that peace can only flourish in the atmosphere of equity, social justice, equality and economic empowerment of people. Gender and Behaviour Vol. 4(1) 2006: 721-735

This paper provides systematic evidence on the macroeconomic consequences of war using a new dataset covering 115 conflicts and 145 countries over the past 75 years.We document three main findings.First, conflict generates large and persistent real effects: real GDP falls by 13% on average with no recovery even after a decade, while investment collapses as financial frictions reduce domestic credit.The drop in real activity is more pronounced for civil wars than it is for interstate conflicts.Second, government finances deteriorate as revenues contract while expenditures remain stable, thus raising primary deficits.Real government debt also declines, and governments shift 1.2% of GDP towards short maturities.Third, governments rely heavily on inflation to finance their deficits: the price level and money supply both rise by nearly 50%, eroding debt and generating seigniorage but also depressing investment and raising the cost of imported capital goods.

This chapter examines the links between conflict and development. It explores the different types of conflict and their roots. The chapter examines the impacts of conflict upon economic development and how far economic policy can limit the degree to which conflict is damaging. It is extremely difficult to generalize about the causes of military conflict in the South as each war has its own multiplicity of causes. The costs of war extend far beyond the physical casualties. Even in terms of mortality, the number of ‘indirect’ deaths has always been far higher than the direct deaths. The economic consequences of war are multiple and complex. Wars not only impose ‘costs’, but also lead to the transformation of state economic and political instruments and capacities. The ‘development costs’ of war consist of destruction of existing capital, in all its senses, and reductions in new investment.

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