Early species descriptions of two native Virginian plants in the Histoire des plantes, nouvellement trouvées en l’isle Virgine, & autres lieux (Paris, 1620)

Passiflora incarnata L.: Ethnopharmacology, clinical application, safety and evaluation of clinical trials

Zinc and chronic leg ulcers: a systematic review of oral zinc in the treatment of chronic leg ulcers

Some species of traditional herbal medicine has a history of use, most traditional natural herbs have been used for various diseases such as diabetes, hypertension, and obesity. Among them, Passiflora incarnata L. is a traditional natural medicine, flowers as well as berries, roots, and leaves have been used as a medicine. It has been used as a natural medicine for the treatment of insomnia and anxiety for a longtime in Europe, and it has been used primarily for sedation tea in North America. Moreover, Passiflora incarnata L. is widely used anti-asthmatic, analgesic and sedation in Brazil. In other words, Passiflora incarnata L. has been used to treat a sedative, dysmenorrhea, insomnia, cancer, etc. in many countries. Present review of the plants showed a wide range of pharmacological activity in anxiolytic relax the clinical disease, such as anti-inflammatory, anxiety and antioxidant. In addition, Passiflora incarnata L. affects menopause symptoms such as vasomotor symptoms, insomnia, and depression. This review aims to provide the latest information on specific functional components of Passiflora incarnata L. especially the results of clinical trials will provide new insights into opportunities for the future development of natural medicines and doors will be used for purposes of analysis.

Purpose. To analyse the taxonomic composition of subtropical plants of the Khorol Botanical Garden collection. Results. Taxonomic composition of the collection, consisting of 25 species: Actinidia chinensis Planch., Asimina triloba (L.) Dunal, Camellia sinensis (L.) Kuntze, Chaenomeles ×californica Clarke ex Weber, Citrus trifoliata L., Cormus domestica L., Crataegus azarolus L., Crataegus opaca Hooker & Arn., Cydonia oblonga Mill., Diospyros virginiana L., Elaeagnus multiflora Thunb., Elaeagnus umbellata Thunb., Feijoa sellowiana O.Berg, Ficus carica L., Hovenia dulcis Thunb., Laurus nobilis L., Maclura tricuspidata (Carrière). Bureau, Olea europaea L., Passiflora incarnata L., Prunus armeniaca L., Prunus dulcis (Mill.) D.A.Webb, Punica granatum L., and Ziziphus jujuba Mill., which according to the current classification belong to 22 genera, 15 families, 8 orders of flowering plants was found out. Each species represents a certain fruit crop: apricot, azarole, pawpaw, quince, akigoumi, American persimmon, pomegranate, goumi, service tree, Chinese date, kiwi, che, laurel, olive, mayhaw, almond, medlar, Oriental raisin tree, fig, passion fruit, trifoliate orange, pineapple guava, pistachio, tea, and Japanese quince. Conclusions. The taxonomic composition of the collection of subtropical plants in the Khorol Botanical Garden was specified and the Ukrainian names of 17 taxa of the species level, 12 of the generic, 4 of the family and 5 of the ordinal levels were streamlined. The Ukrainian names of botanical taxa need to be brought into line with the modern phylogenetic system, correcting inconsistencies inherited from Soviet times. The naming of genera of subtropical cultures in the Ukrainian language occurs most often through the transliteration of the corresponding Latin names or the formation of new names with direct word order in two-word names using long-learned names of related genera. The names of subtropical crops in the agrobiological terminological system may coincide with the names of botanical genera or are borrowed trivial names of plants in different languages from the regions from which they were introduced. Two-word names of crops and species names differ in word order, respectively, direct and reverse.

63 - Passionflower (Passiflora incarnata): (Flowering Vine)

Passiflora incarnata L., a perennial vine native to southeastern North America, bears fruit containing an edible juice. I observed the growth, flowering, fruit yield, and fruit traits of P. incarnata plants grown in the field for one season in Ithaca, N.Y. Plants flowered throughout the summer and were pollinated by carpenter bees, but fruit set was low without additional hand-pollination. Fruits set before mid-August matured in 52 to 113 days, but fruits set after mid-August usually failed to mature. Following hand-pollination of some flowers, plants matured 0 to 14 fruits, and yield of edible juice was 5 to 10 mL per fruit. Vegetative growth, plant architecture, number of flowers produced, number of fruits matured, days from flower opening to fruit maturity, fruit size, the proportion of fruits filled with juice and seeds, and the size of juice-containing arils all varied greatly among plants. Part of this variation was probably genetic.

Passiflora incarnata:A New Fruit Crop. Economic Botany 53(2): 161–176, 1999. Passiflora incarnata bears flavorful fruits consumed by past and present peoples, and this plant deserves greater use as a fruit crop. Native to southeastern North America, it is an herbaceous perennial vine which flowers and fruits over much of the growing season. P. incarnata is self-incompatible and usually pollinated by carpenter bees (Xylocopa spp.). Plants are functionally andromonoecious, and low resource status favors male flower production and thus reduces fruit set. The fruits contain many seeds, each surrounded by an aril holding edible juice, and this juice can be consumed fresh or used in processed products. Because it is a minor agricultural weed, P. incarnata should not be introduced into regions where it may naturalize. Polyploid hybrids of P. incarnata and the subtropical and tropical passionfruit, P. edulis, are also potential temperate fruit crops. Future research on P. incarnata should evaluate intraspecific genetic variation and performance in cultivation.

Passiflora incarnata L., a perennial vine native to southeastern North America, bears fruit containing an edible juice. I observed the growth, flowering, fruit yield, and fruit traits of P. incarnata plants grown in the field for one season in Ithaca, N.Y. Plants flowered throughout the summer and were pollinated by carpenter bees, but fruit set was low without additional hand-pollination. Fruits set before mid-August matured in 52 to 113 days, but fruits set after mid-August usually failed to mature. Following hand-pollination of some flowers, plants matured 0 to 14 fruits, and yield of edible juice was 5 to 10 mL per fruit. Vegetative growth, plant architecture, number of flowers produced, number of fruits matured, days from flower opening to fruit maturity, fruit size, the proportion of fruits filled with juice and seeds, and the size of juice-containing arils all varied greatly among plants. Part of this variation was probably genetic.

The North American Peltry Exchange: A Comparative Look at the Fur Trade in Colonial Virginia and New Netherland

With increasing availability of plant distribution data, the information about global plant diversity is improving rapidly. Recently, Ulloa Ulloa et al. (2017) presented the first comprehensive overview of the native vascular flora of the Americas, yielding a total count of 124,993 native species. Of these, 51,241 occur in North America and 82,052 in South America. By combining these data with the information in the Global Naturalized Alien Flora (GloNAF) database of naturalized alien floras, we point out that for a complete picture of the regional and continental plant richness, the naturalized alien species need to be considered. Ignoring this novel component of regional floras can lead to an inaccurate picture of overall change in biodiversity in the Anthropocene. We show that North and South America might face contrasting challenges in terms of potential threats to biodiversity posed by alien plant species, because of the different past and present dynamics of invasions and predictions of future development. In total, there are 7,042 naturalized alien plants occurring in the Americas, with 6,122 recorded in North America and 2,677 in South America; if only introductions from other continents are considered additions to the native continental flora make up 6.9 and 1.4 %, respectively. Nevertheless, predictions of naturalized plant trajectories based on global trade dynamics and climate change suggest that considerable increases in naturalized plant numbers are expected in the next 20 years for emerging South American economies, which could reverse the present state.

This article examines the special use of tobacco warehouse receipts as a store of value, medium of exchange and unit of account in Virginia during part of the British Colonial period. These receipts met the three criteria necessary for them to be a type of money. When confidence in a system of currency with coins is present, this more conventional form of money takes precedence. A respected economic form of currency with coins has all three elements of money: medium of exchange, store of value and unit of account. Tobacco warehouse receipts were used as a form of money in Colonial Virginia. They were used since there was insufficient gold or silver for the commerce in British Colonial Virginia at that time. Also, the concept of store of value is examined in detail.

Kathleen Brown examines the origins of racism and slavery in British North America from the perspective of gender. Both a basic social relationship and a model for other social hierarchies, gender helped determine the construction of racial categories and the institution of slavery in Virginia. But the rise of racial slavery also transformed gender relations, including ideals of masculinity. In response to the presence of Indians, the shortage of labor, and the insecurity of social rank, Virginia's colonial government tried to reinforce its authority by regulating the labor and sexuality of English servants and by making legal distinctions between English and African women. This practice, along with making slavery hereditary through the mother, contributed to the cultural shift whereby women of African descent assumed from lower-class English women both the burden of fieldwork and the stigma of moral corruption. Brown's analysis extends through Bacon's Rebellion in 1676, an important juncture in consolidating the colony's white male public culture, and into the eighteenth century. She demonstrates that, despite elite planters' dominance, wives, children, free people of color, and enslaved men and women continued to influence the meaning of race and class in colonial Virginia. |Based on the perspective of gender, this compelling study examines the origins of racism and slavery in colonial Virginia from 1676 to the eighteenth century. According to Brown, gender is both a basic social relationship and a model for social hierarchies and it therefore helped determine the construction of racial categories and the institution of slavery legally, politically, as well as socially.

The Red Atlantic is a concept by scholars in Native American history and Native American and Indigenous studies (NAIS) to address one of the perennial issues facing the study of the Atlantic world: the exclusion of the Indigenous Peoples of North America. In many years of existence, Atlantic world studies has focused on the movement of peoples (immigrants, slaves), goods (trade, food, diseases, etc.), and empires across the Atlantic Ocean, but rarely do such works engage with how Indigenous Americans contributed to, negotiated, and at times dictated transatlantic movements and connections. Instead, Indigenous Americans remain obstacles of empire, faceless suppliers of transatlantic goods like deerskins, peripheral figures who occupied the fringes of the Atlantic world, or proverbial boogeymen to transatlantic migrants (i.e., invaders) who settled in North America. However, as scholars of the Red Atlantic have articulated, our understandings of the Atlantic world—whether about merchant networks in New England and the West Indies or Spanish missions in Mesoamerica and Florida—are limited and altogether incomplete if Indigenous Peoples are relegated to the margins of the Atlantic world. In fact, there is much that scholars can learn from the Red Atlantic. For instance, groups like the Wabanaki were maritime people, like their European and African counterparts, as their everyday lives and cultures revolved around interactions with the Atlantic Ocean, such as enfolding European merchant networks into their own economies or turning to piracy to combat imperial expansion in their territories. Meanwhile, scholars of the Red Atlantic have brought to life the Indian slave trade in 17th- and 18th-century New France, between French and Algonquian peoples who carved out a traffic in human beings that connected Canada to France, the West Indies, and Africa, before the wholesale importation of African peoples. Indigenous American languages and local knowledge also shaped how European natural scientists came to understand foreign places, flora, and fauna, as Europeans proved dependent on Native knowledge systems to gain a better understanding of the world around them. In so many instances like these, the Red Atlantic demonstrates how to broaden interpretations of the Atlantic world paradigm and how to provide a more inclusive, holistic understanding of history. What follows is a sample of some of the most important works that have spurred or contributed to the Red Atlantic and concludes with those that have most recently nuanced, complicated, or redirected Atlantic world studies.

New well-preserved craniodental remains of<i>Simomylodon uccasamamensis</i>(Xenarthra: Mylodontidae) from the Pliocene of the Bolivian Altiplano: phylogenetic, chronostratigraphic and palaeobiogeographical implications

THE Glorious Revolution of I688-I689 can be taken as a convenient point of departure for many developments within the British Isles, in colonial America, and in the relationships between the two. Changes, including important ones in views about the nature of the state and government, attitudes about society, education, and even colonial policies, developed during the last years of the seventeenth century and first years of the eighteenth. It was at this period that the Anglo-American Enlightenment emerged. Specific evidence in the New World of changes which took place and the influence of the philosophy were the founding of the College of William and Mary and the creation of Williamsburg. Perhaps it would be better not to separate the College from the town, for, as they were brought into existence, they were really aspects of one thing-the capital, which has been rather cogently described as the seat of empire. John Locke was a very powerful force in Britain at this time. Some scholars have gone so far as to describe him as the intellectual voice of the Revolution. Through his influential connections, his writings, and his active participation in government, he helped to bring about a general shift from traditional appeals to authority, royal prerogative, and the divine right of kings, characteristic of the Stuarts, to a greater dependence on empiricism, reason, knowledge, and experience in dealing with problems. Dissatisfaction among Englishmen with affairs of the colonies and the weaknesses of the whole structure of control had been developing for a long time. It continued to mount until it was brought to a head in the middle of the last decade of the seventeenth century. Edward Randolph, King William's Surveyor-General of Customs in North America, reported after an extensive and careful investigation that the whole colonial administration was disintegrating and called for urgent reforms. A step in the direction of change was made when a Board of Trade (His Majesty's Commissioners for promoting the Trade of this Kingdom and for inspecting and improving the Plantations in America and elsewhere) was established under Parliamentary control. Locke accepted a position on this Board and assumed a leading role in its activities. He took a special interest in the colony of Virginia.1 It is not always sufficiently recognized that the age of the Enlightenment also involved a new approach to imperialism. Insofar as Williamsburg and the College were concerned, this imperialism was of two kinds. One came from Britain, the other had its center of development within the colony and can be called American. Locke was an enthusiastic advocate of commercial imperialism on the part of the English nation, both for personal and national enrichment. His interest appeared very early and has been related to his close association with the Earl of Shaftesbury. In I668, he became involved with the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, and he continued with them for about seven years. The experience was not a remunerative one but may have been profitable in other ways.2 Later, he accepted the position on the Board of Trade to help put the colonies in a rational and profitable order, realizing the connection between a powerful empire and the preservation of English liberties. Virginia had no city and very little cohesive order; much about the colony tended toward isolation, decentralization, and fragmentation. Furthermore, it had missed the opportunity of having a center of learning when the project for establishing a university at Henrico in 1617 came to noth-