Dynamiken in der Gruppenbildung der Kurden durch nationalstaatliche Prozesse

Abstract

This academic approach examines, explains and drafts processes that created and helped organizing kurdish formation of groups in the region of Iraqi Kurdistan aiming to an explanation for institutional changes. Focusing the Kurds of Iraq is due to the fact that only here during the last two decades Kurds managed to reach political sovereignty on a former unknown level with respected courts, bureaucracy and government. But despite the fact that Iraq at all seems to become a democratic and federal nation state this does not imply reactions, norms and feelings about collective subscriptions of the inhabitants at all. In viewing kurdish ethnicity in a constructivist term one will see that Kurds as a collective can not only be seen as inhabitants of Kurdistan neither do they have trustful ethnic markers which could be understood among all the borders. But the situation of the Kurds in Iraqi Kurdistan though differs greatly to that of Kurds in Turkey, Syria or Iran for example as they are forming an region of autonomy with an ethnic footprint that seems to be already playing a part on the ground of international state representations. What should be focused is how to answer the question about which general statements could be made in viewing how modern nation statehood and practical lived organization of groups come together in their case. Experiencing ethnic identity often depended on social oppression and threatening for Kurds.. While governmental institutions followed ideologies of assimilation Kurds were forced to identify as such deeply connected with the fear of the ongoing ethnocid and there was no need for a positive declaration of ethnic identity.The analysis has shown that because of deep traditional bounds of clans and tribes to the Aghas and Sheikhs, to religiosity and geographical specialties and boundaries ideas of nationhood and a preference of the state character could not become very famous. But even though the strong orientation on the national federal character of Iraqi Kurdistan as a part of a Iraq especially forced by the kurdish political parties points out that in terms of fighting for a common understanding of ethnic identity Kurds seem to be hanging on the concept of an Iraqi Kurdistan with a modern national frame, even if just for rational reasons. The fact that after all modern political parties were to become the preferred and respected form of representation with no rivalry gives less reason to wonder if you concentrate on the structures of these parties where you can easily recognize the old political groups, clans and tribes that are only now able to discuss with modern vocabulary in a more or less democratic and international acceptable framework. Understanding this situation in which traditional dynasties of Sheikhs and leaders of tribes are dominating the political scene needs a broader knowledge of the pre-state structures of the region. The connection between clans and religious brotherhoods experienced great developments in the last two centuries and still is the key element for political action. The thesis tries to give an overview of how clans or their members played roles for the brotherhoods and the other way round and which social developments made it possible that religious sheikhs were able to play the same role as traditional tribe leaders or even became them and how they also became enemies and so enabled the civil war. This text therefore shows that with a close look the modern state character of Iraqi Kurdistan is likely to be a curtain for hiding a mixture of different legitimate ideas of power which the current political leaders use to be regarded by their group as a legitimate leader in that game. But none the less this is breeding also a new possibility for the group members to identify somehow with the new political structures.