Dynamics of Platform Architecture and Labor Unrest: Mobilizing and Contesting Solidarity in the 2021–2022 Foodpanda Delivery Rider Strikes in Hong Kong

This article reports on interdisciplinary research where insights into ‘design activism’ (particularly architecture, product and landscape design) were sought through the use of methods from social movement studies. In recent years, there has been an increasing interest in the notion of architecture and design as activism, sometimes also called social design, public interest design or design for social innovation. An increasing interest in activism on the part of designers is matched by an increasing interest from geographers and sociologists in the spatial and material aspects of social movements, political resistance and other power relations. Yet, the area where social movements and various repertoires of social and political action intersect with design has not been well explored by any of these disciplines. While the design literature tends to view design activism narrowly and often apolitically, social movement literature, in its discussions of materiality and spatiality, typically skirts the contributions of ‘design’. Exploring this disciplinary gap, this article reports on the empirical research that applies to design the method of protest event analysis from social movement studies. The research uncovers a ‘designerly’ repertoire of action—a set of tactics that designers use in acts of resistance—and allows for an initial bridging of the gap between design and social scientific approaches.

Standard neoclassical theory argues that an economy is negatively affected by increased labor rights and power since it is assumed that economic agents are always x‐efficient; performing at the height of efficiency. However, a behavioral model of the firm suggests that more rights and power, with its positive impact on labor standards, need not produce the deleterious results predicted by conventional economic wisdom, due to their productivity‐efficiency enhancing impact on the firm. This suggests that we should not assess the impact of enhanced labor power and control in terms of a zero sum game. It is possible to have both equilibrium improvements in working conditions and economic prosperity, with the former contributing to the latter.

O trabalho apresenta uma análise sobre a relação entre incidência política e mobilização de recursos para a causa da agroecologia. O foco é a trajetória da organização não governamental Centro de Estudos e Promoção da Agricultura de Grupo (Cepagro), considerando em particular suas relações. São focalizados dois exemplos de sua atuação, articulada a organizações, movimentos e redes, nas temáticas de gestão de resíduos orgânicos e de diversificação em áreas cultivadas com tabaco, no período de 2006 a 2018. A pesquisa, de caráter descritivo-analítico, baseia-se em dados coletados por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas, documentos e observação participante natural e não sistemática. A partir da Teoria do Processo Político, as categorias de análise mobilizadas foram oportunidades políticas, repertórios de ação e redes sociais, complementadas no decorrer da pesquisa. A mobilização de recursos foi abordada como processo de fortalecimento organizacional, fundamentado na construção de uma base social de apoio técnico, político e monetário. Concluiu-se que, na relação entre a organização e o Estado, predomina uma postura de colaboração em torno das temáticas tratadas e da causa defendida. As ações de incidência política são realizadas com grupos de base, outras organizações e sociedade civil em geral. Ainda que o Estado crie as oportunidades políticas, as ações de incidência política e mobilização social executadas pelo Cepagro as influenciam. O processo de mobilização de recursos, monetários e não monetários, vai além daquela para a própria organização. Com efeito, trata-se de uma mobilização para a causa defendida.

Sustaining superior visibility within digital platforms through inside and outside competitive action repertoires

Contrary to what is usually implied by work on the relationship between political opportunity structures and social movements, political institutions are not a general setting offering or denying formal access and political opportunities to every challenge, but rather favor certain types of movements and constrain others. This process of institutional selectivity depends on the relationship between the structure of a given political institution and the movement type and defines social movements as pro-institutional, counter-institutional, or neutral. Accordingly, variation in the movements' action repertoire and degree of success can be observed. Yet, political institutions leave the door open to different interpretations by social actors so that a framing struggle takes place; at stake is the fit between movement demands and the structure of political institutions. The argument is developed through the example of federalism and its impact on two types of movements—namely, regionalist and squatters' movements—and illustrated by discussing their fate in France, the Netherlands and Switzerland. Empirical data suggest that institutional selectivity is to be taken into account to reach a better understanding of the relationship between social movements and their political context.

This article analyses recent developments of digital tech activism within the Italian hacker scene. Being characterized by hacktivism (the combination of hacking and politics), it first boomed in the early 2000s – engaging the anti-globalization movement, protests and counter-summits with projects like Indymedia and Autistici/Inventati. Later, it had a phase of fragmentation and an ‘evolution’, towards what Hassan and Staggenborg define as a ‘social movement community’. In this article, I will analyse what caused this ‘evolution’ and its composition, networks, frames and repertoires of action – to outline political and action perspectives pursued by these virtual ‘communities’. I will focus on those involving users of Mastodon.bida.im, Mastodon.cisti.org and Nebbia.fail independent social media, built by the radical tech collectives Bida (Bologna), Underscore (Turin) and Lab61 (Milan). From a methodological point of view, I will employ a qualitative research method: analysis of specialistic literature, blogs and documents edited by activists, semi-structured qualitative interviews and observant participation.

Before looking at a solidarity campaign that has emerged in response to the human and labor rights abuses within the multinational-dominated Colombian coal industry, the following briefly traces the history of Latin America solidarity movements within Latin America more broadly. What we suggest is that although the contemporary Colombia solidarity movement grows most immediately from the Central America solidarity movement of the 1980s, it also draws on a wide range of progressive forces that have emerged or reemerged in the 1990s, including a US labor movement that is moving beyond Cold War thinking; an environmental movement that is working from an increasingly global understanding of labor and human rights; a fair trade movement that offers alternative models of development; consumer activism that has begun to take social and environmental justice seriously; and an indigenous-ethnic movement that offers a variety of challenges to both northern activists and neoliberal capitalism. The multiplicity of progressive forces, each with their respective issues, offers a challenge and opportunity to North-South solidarity in general and to our campaign in particular. Central America solidarity had roots in the ways that religious and revolutionary thought began to link with each other in the 1960s and 1970s. After the Cuban revolution, the Second Vatican Council, followed by meetings of the Latin American bishops in Puebla, Mexico and Medellin, Colombia, traced (or revived) a form of progressive Catholicism that asked Catholics to fulfill God's will by working for social justice, on earth, including through revolutionary change. In Brazil in the early 1960s and Chile in the early 1970s, leftist-elected governments opened spaces for popular and labor mobilization and raised hopes for a model of revolutionary change through democratic means. The overthrow of Goulart in Brazil in 1964 and Allende in Chile in 1973 each led to huge waves of repression against the left, and the exodus of left-leaning students, intellectuals and

Tannery in Bangladesh has a long history as a profitable business though it has both environmental and health hazards. The labour rights of tannery workers are disrupted and their standard of living is miserable. Nevertheless, the job of tannery workers is tedious. The aim of this paper is to explore the current status of basic labour rights maintained in tanneries based in the Dhaka and Narayanganj districts of Bangladesh. This study is qualitative in nature. Primary data have been collected from tannery workers through four Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) and five observations from five different factory visits in 2021. The findings reveal that tannery workers are exploited by insufficient employment benefits and a lack of welfare facilities as stated in BLA-2006. They also suffer from occupational health, hygiene and safety crises. Long working hours and pay below minimum wage are also common in this sector. In addition, tannery workers have a serious observation on their pay, leave, job security, maternity benefit, etc. This paper concludes with the observations that basic labour rights at tanneries in Bangladesh are not protected, which generates grievances. This study also recommends practicing BLA-2006 in the tannery sector in order to avoid further legal obligations and possible labour unrest.

Based on reviews of hundreds of loan and project documents from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank, this article provides detailed evidentiary support for critics who have long claimed that the international financial institutions require Third World countries to adopt policies that harm the interests of working people. After reviewing loan documents between the IMF and World Bank and 26 countries, the authors show that the institutions' loan conditionalities include a variety of provisions that undermine labor rights, labor power, and tens of millions of workers' standard of living. These include downsizing of the civil service and privatization of government-owned enterprises; promotion of labor flexibility: the notion that firms should be able to hire and fire workers, or change terms and conditions of work, with minimal regulatory restrictions; mandated wage rate reductions, minimum-wage reductions or containment, and spreading the wage gap between government employees and managers; and pension reforms, including privatization, that cut social security benefits. These labor-related policies take place in the context of broader IMF and World Bank structural adjustment packages that emphasize trade liberalization, with macroeconomic policies that further advance corporate interests at the expense of labor.

The COVID-19 pandemic has had a significant impact on all aspects of people's lives. Even so, the Indonesian people have proven resilience and empowerment in the face of the Covid-19 pandemic. The existence of the internet and digital media has encouraged the emergence of digital social action and digital social solidarity. Therefore, this study aims to determine social action and social solidarity within the scope of community empowerment in the digital era as it is today. This study uses a qualitative approach with a descriptive method. The results of the study show that the Covid-19 pandemic has led to social actions where Indonesian people work together, collaborate, and show solidarity in helping others. Where this social action and social solidarity, although it arises in the digital dimension, in fact this movement has produced great benefits in terms of empowering the affected community in terms of the social economy and culture, and is still surviving to this day.

To describe leisure participation in adolescents with congenital heart defects (CHD) and identify factors associated with intensity of participation. Eighty adolescents with CHD were recruited (39 males, 41 females; mean age [SD] 15y 8mo [1y 8mo] range 11y 5mo-19y 11mo) of whom 78 completed the Children's Assessment of Participation and Enjoyment (CAPE) outcome measure of leisure participation. The measure has five subscales: recreational, active-physical, social, skill-based, and self-improvement. Associations between the CAPE and age, sex, and development were examined. Motor ability (Movement Assessment Battery for Children, Second Edition), cognition (Leiter International Performance Scale-Revised), behavior (Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire), and motivation (Dimensions of Mastery Questionnaire) were assessed. Participants exhibited impaired motor (43.5%), behavioral (23.7%), and cognitive (29.9%) development. The most intense participation was in social (mean [SD] 3.3 [0.99]) and recreational (2.9 [0.80]) activity types on the CAPE. Male sex (p<0.05) and younger age were associated with greater physical activity (<15y: 1.87; ≥15y: 1.31, p<0.05). Greater engagement in social activities was related to better cognition (r=0.28, p<0.05), higher motor function (r=0.30-0.36, p<0.01), and fewer behavioral difficulties (r=-0.32 to -0.47, p<0.01). Cognitive ability (r=0.27, p<0.05), dexterity and aiming/catching (r=0.27-0.33, p<0.05), and behavior problems (r=0.38-0.49, p=0.001) were correlated with physical activity participation. Persistence in tasks, an aspect of motivation, correlated with physical (r=0.45, p<0.001) and social activity involvement (r=0.28, p<0.05). Ongoing developmental impairments in adolescents with CHD are associated with decreased active-physical and social engagement, putting them at risk of poor physical and mental health. Health promotion strategies should be considered. Adolescents with congenital heart defects (CHD) have limited engagement in active-physical leisure activities. Cognitive, motor, and behavioral impairments are associated with decreased participation in leisure in children with CHD. Female sex and older age are associated with less engagement in leisure. Mastery motivation correlates with participation, suggesting an avenue for intervention.

Embroidery: A Subversive History Embroidery has a long history as a woman’s craft. Traditionally, the gendered history of embroidery as domestic, practical (utilitarian), and relational has placed it firmly in the category of craft, resulting in its exclusion from the male-dominated arena of art in public space (Emery; Durham; Jefferies). This traditional view of embroidery, and textile work in general, has been thoroughly challenged over the last 60 years. The second-wave feminist movement of the 1960s and 1970s brought women’s textile work, and its private, domestic, relational subjects and lives, into the public arena: into art galleries and public spaces, challenging traditional notions of what constitutes art, and highlighting the subversive act of women making (Emery; Jefferies; Parker). Women have been using “fancy work”, as embroidery was called, as overt acts of defiance, rebellion, social justice, care for self and others, and as a collective means of making sense of the world and changing it for good, for generations (Davidson; Minahan and Cox; Emery; Sawden and Etaati; Robertson and Vinebaum; Hackney; Vyas). The suffragettes famously used embroidery in their banners and sashes in their fight for the woman’s right to vote (Helland). In the 1970s, collectives such as the Sydney-based Women’s Domestic Needlework Group brought the work of everyday ordinary women into a public collection and exhibition of art (Emery). The exhibition highlighted the value of women making things together as a normal part of their everyday lives, and it positioned their domestic textile work as material artifacts of knowledge and significance worthy of observation, recognition, and analysis in public space. More recently, there has been a resurgence of young women engaging in textile crafts online signaling a “new energy” with radical potential (Hackney 170; Robertson and Vinebaum; Jefferies; Minahan and Cox). These women are socially engaged and tech-savvy, gathering online and in-person to use craft to explore and critique their everyday lives and experiences (Minahan and Cox; Hackney). Women are using the Internet to make space to gather, to create, to develop language, knowledge, and to generate change. From forums and threads to networked digital media (see Meikle and Young) such as Facebook and Instagram (see Leaver et al.), the material gallery is now online: a public space for collective voice and representation in progress. The international embroidery community on Instagram create art in dialogue with, and in reference to, each other. The art being created is collaborative as it was in the 1970s, relational, intimate and intentional, subversive, and confronting. It falls in a category known as “craftivism” (Greer; Corbett; Jefferies; Emery; Hackney). Stitchers of Instagram reflect what Fiona Hackney refers to as a new “super-connected (informed, skilled, reflexive) amateur” (170) who engages in “the quiet activism of everyday making” (169). In this article, I focus on my experience participating in the embroidery community on Instagram. Uniquely situated at a time of deep global and personal anxiety, I explore my experience of using embroidery as a form of self-care, to process multiple lockdowns with small children and the death of my father. Embroidery gave me a purpose, it enveloped me in community, it offered me a sense of value and worth, and it connected me with a group of people experiencing the same thing at the same time. I spent two years embroidering and one year sharing my embroidery on Instagram using the account @auburnevening. This article comprises an autoethnographic process (see Ellis; Hollman Jones; Hughes and Pennington) in which I reflect on my experience of embroidering and analyse twelve months of being on Instagram, consisting of 300 posts, thousands of comments and interactions, and many deep and long-lasting relationships developed through private messages. I explore the role of making and online community in self-care, as a collective way to engage with, and respond to, personal and global lived experience. Embroidery as Therapy The history of embroidery as therapeutic is broad-ranging and well-documented. In the sixteenth century, Mary Queen of Scots famously used embroidery to pass her time in captivity. Mary was held captive from 1569 to 1585, and during this time she embroidered a series of “veiled symbols” demonstrating “the resistant pride of a woman with few other ways to assert control over her existence” (V&amp;A Museum). In more recent history, embroidery was used as a therapeutic application to treat British, Australian, and New Zealand soldiers suffering from shell-shock (Davidson). Returning WWI soldiers who experienced combat trauma were encouraged to take up “fancy work” (embroidery) “as a form of therapy and source of income” (Davidson 390). There are also “accounts of prisoners of war using needlework to cope with the hardships of captivity”, demonstrating that “creative activity of this type can be used to deal with extreme adversity” (391). Like these returned soldiers, I found that embroidery “affords the opportunity to focus attention away from personal ailments and fears, and through the finished product, to confer a sense of worth or even income” (391). In addition to the welcome opportunity to focus on the achievement of making a tangible product, like others I found embroidery to be soothing and peaceful. Nurit Wolk and Michal Bat Or explore the therapeutic aspects of embroidery for adolescent girls in post-hospitalisation boarding schools in Israel between 2020-2022. Among the five themes that they identified, they found that embroidery “inspires a sense of uniqueness and unconventionality … and provides a source of relaxation and tranquility” (14), acting as a “calming”, “soothing”, or “grounding” activity while processing trauma (Wolk and Bat Or). Similarly, Kari Sawden explores Saeedeh Niktab Etaati’s use of embroidery to process and ritualise personal grief during COVID-19 as an Iranian-Canadian (Sawden and Etaati). In their reflexive ethnography Sawden and Etaati explore embroidery as an opportunity to “meditate upon and emotionally grapple with experiences of grief and to make such reflections tangible in a way that allows for their release and the reclamation of personal peace” (2). Like Etaati, my experience of embroidery was profound as it allowed me to reclaim internal peace at a time of personal anguish. I began embroidering at a time when I had seemingly no control over my circumstances, with multiple lockdowns and lengthy periods of COVID restrictions, or over my feelings of intense grief over the death of my father, resulting in acute anxiety attacks that would last multiple days. During this period, embroidery allowed me to switch off in the quiet moments when my grief would visit me and my anxious thoughts were loudest. The creative focus that embroidery requires silenced my thoughts and feelings. While some, like Etaati, use embroidery to explore their feelings, I used embroidery as a respite from my feelings. Embroidery allowed me to focus on the process of making, and to momentarily attribute my worth to my ability to create something beautiful. In my very first post on Instagram, I write auburnevening A new venture to share my evening creations. As a mother of two small children, there is nothing like the long awaited bliss of the evening. After a day full of chaos and noise, I crave the quiet, still evenings, when I pick up my embroidery hoop. There’s nothing like the process of making something beautiful with your hands. I love the way time stands still as I lose myself in the task, the rhythm, the creating. I love the way my brain goes quiet and I forget about all the demands and difficulties of the day. It’s my time. #auburnevening #eveningcreation #embroidery #embroideryart #embroiderydesign #embroiderylove #embroideryhoop #eveningescape #metime #make #create The focus of my work at the time was simply creating beautiful work, and I have never followed a pattern. All my designs are free-form. While some celebrate the role of the pattern, valuing it for its structure (Wolk and Bat Or), and its connection to a collective (such as Etaati’s contribution to the Redwork Embroidery Project; Sawden and Etaati), the fact that I was not bound to a pattern and free to create whatever I wanted in the moment was critical. It gave me a sense of control over my design, and it gave me a sense of freedom, both of which I was lacking in my personal life (with multiple lockdowns, anxiety attacks, and the existential crisis following the death of my father). Not surprisingly, my designs centred on finding beauty in the everyday mundane, something women are skilled at, and something much of the world was thrust into during COVID. My designs, like home, breathe, slow down, and be still, were a direct response to world events – lockdown, personal and collective lack of control, and anxiety. I was performing and embodying a “smell the roses” attitude, which while seemingly superficial when taken on its own was a desperate act of survival during a time of deep personal and social unrest. Fig. 1: My embroideries shared on Instagram as @auburnevening. I experienced a significant increase in positive affect as a direct result of creating something tangible and beautiful. Embroidery gave me a daily focus and purpose, a routine of switching off and creating, which I looked forward to each day. The positive impact of embroidery was lasting, continuing throughout my two-year period of embroidering, which is consistent with studies exploring the ongoing effect of creative pursuits. In their study exploring 658 young adults, Conner, DeYoung, and Silvia found that daily creative activity leads to increased positive affect (feelings of happiness) and flourishing, a state of well-being described as “a state of optimal functioning accompanied by feelings of mean

Countering Right-Wing Populism:Transgressive Cosmopolitanism and Solidarity Movements in Europe Kim Rygiel (bio) and Feyzi Baban (bio) Over the past several years, right-wing populist movements have emerged and strengthened across Europe and North America. Yet, at the same time, in response to growing xenophobia and racism, political mobilizations by refugees and migrants, as well as citizens working in solidarity with them, have also emerged, demanding human and labor rights, fair asylum processes, and mobility rights. We examine the emergence of grassroots solidarity initiatives in cities and towns such as Berlin, Copenhagen, Riace, Istanbul, and Gaziantep, which include arts and museum projects, kitchen hubs, and flat-sharing that foster pluralism and open community to newcomers. This essay examines these as transnational forms of solidarity, informed by notions of "transgressive cosmopolitanisms."1 It investigates these alternative sites as disruptive of hierarchical borders of belonging between newcomers (recently arrived migrants and refugees) and locals (nonmigrant residents), which thereby foster more inclusionary ways of living together. In the European context (e.g., Denmark, Germany, Italy, and Turkey), these movements are significant because they challenge the rigidity of thinking about national identities and belonging, coupled with restrictive immigration and refugee policies, both of which make it difficult for newcomers to establish themselves as members of the larger society. These movements provide much-needed social and cultural spaces where newcomers can establish networks with nonmigrant residents. The radical impact of these movements stems, first, from their resistance to the idea of homogeneous national identities, championed by right-wing movements but also prevalent in mainstream understandings about what it means to be German, Danish, Italian, or Turkish; and second, their ability to provide spaces and activities through which newcomers and locals can create new understandings of belonging. [End Page 1069] Countering Right-Wing Populism through Solidarity across Borders The "long summer of migration" to Europe in 20152—which included the arrival of over 3.5 million Syrians in Turkey and almost 1 million asylum seekers in Germany, many of whom were Syrian—has spurred two opposing movements. The first is the rise of right-wing populism fueling xenophobia and racism across Europe, and the second, the emergence of transnational solidarity movements with refugees and migrants that demand greater social justice and freedom of movement. In the first case, right-wing populist parties and movements across Europe have contributed to racism, antimigrant and refugee discourse, and xenophobia more broadly. The March 2018 Italian election saw the populist Five Star Movement win 32 percent of the vote, while the hard-right, antimigrant, Eurosceptic Northern League won another 18 percent.3 This election follows the ascendance of other far-right parties and movements, including France's Front National, Hungary's Fidesz Party, Austria's Freedom Party, and in Germany, the rise of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and PEGIDA (the Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamisation of the West). Confronted with shocking images of thousands of refugees and migrants marching through the Balkan countries of Slovenia, Croatia, and Serbia in 2015, Hungary erected a barbed wire fence along its southern border with Serbia. The rise of antirefugee/antimigrant right-wing populism is not limited to Europe, however, as far-right groups are creating linkages between transnational white supremacy4 and "radical Europeanism."5 Ironically, however, despite making transnational linkages, such networks call for maintaining borders, whether national, racial, cultural, or religious. This ideology has led to violent attacks against others perceived to be different for reasons of race, religion, or sexuality, as seen, for example, in the nearly daily attacks on refugee shelters in response to German chancellor Angela Merkel's welcoming of refugees into Germany in 2015.6 Such movements can, therefore, no longer be dismissed as simply local or as existing on the margins of society; rather, this is a phenomenon we must contend with as activists, academics, and progressive citizens committed to fostering open and pluralistic communities. The second counter, cross-border movement is a strengthening of political mobilization by refugees and migrants, as well as citizens organizing in solidarity, demanding human rights and social justice, whether labor rights, housing, health care, and freedom of mobility, including the right to asylum.7 As part of...

The concept of affordances has been used in robotics to model action opportunities of a robot and as a basis for making decisions involving objects. Affordances capture the interdependencies between the objects and their properties, the executed actions on those objects, and the effects of those respective actions. However, existing affordance models cannot cope with multiple objects that may interact during action execution. Our approach is unique in that possesses the following four characteristics. First, our model employs recent advances in probabilistic programming to learn affordance models that take into account (spatial) relations between different objects, such as relative distances. Two-object interaction models are first learned from the robot interacting with the world in a behavioural exploration stage, and are then employed in worlds with an arbitrary number of objects. The model thus generalizes over both the number of and the particular objects used in the exploration stage, and it also effectively deals with uncertainty. Secondly, rather than using a (discrete) action repertoire, the actions are parametrised according to the motor capabilities of the robot, which allows to model and achieve goals at several levels of complexity. It also supports a two-arm parametrised action. Thirdly, the relational affordance model represents the state of the world using both discrete (action and object features) and continuous (effects) random variables. The effects follow a multivariate Gaussian distribution with the correlated discrete variables (actions and object properties). Fourthly, the learned model can be employed on planning for high-level goals that closely correspond to goals formulated in natural language. The goals are specified by means of (spatial) relations between the objects. The model is evaluated in real experiments using an iCub robot given a series of such planning goals of increasing difficulty.

The Ensemble of Folk Dances and Songs of Serbia "Kolo" was founded in 1948 in Belgrade, on the initiative of the Committee for Culture and Art of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia. The task of the Ensemble was to artistically interpret and present the so-called folk artistic creativity, which predominantly encompassed various folklore creations of the rural population, on stage, in the country and abroad. Although seemingly simple and folk-oriented, the art of traditional dance choreography has clear ideological and politically important messages of the then state leadership embedded in it foundations, intended to be spread among the Yugoslavs, but also beyond the state borders. The ensemble was supposed to present a desirable and appropriate image of Yugoslavia in its performances. The aim of this paper is to reconstruct the formation of the “Kolo” Ensemble and the process of constituting the art of traditional dance choreography, taking into account the socio-political and historical context of the Second Yugoslavia. In addition, the paper approaches the deconstruction of the intention of choreographers and artistic directors, in order to reveal the ideological messages embedded in the artistic expression. The basic assumption in this paper is that dance troupes and traditional dance choreographies are strongly connected to the ideology and cultural policy of the nation-state. In this regard, even when choreographers and artistic directors create programs without direct political-ideological objectives, their decisions always rely on the socio-political context and the dominant ideologies within the state. The theoretical framework of the work is based on contemporary anthropological discussions about the concepts crucial for the interpretation of the material, primarily referring to the concept of ideology, understood in the Althusserian sense, but also to the ideas of the combination of state ideology, cultural policy, and dance with the aim of presenting the dance troupe with a desirable image of the nation-state. The methodology of the work consists of a combination of two approaches: classical anthropological, qualitative and archival research. Qualitative research includes conducted in-depth semi-structured interviews with 15 dancers who worked in "Kolo" in different time contexts, while archival research included reviewing the documentation of the "Kolo" Ensemble, the Archives of Yugoslavia and the personal and family archives of the dancers.