Drawings that Make History: A Viewing Guide to Under-stand Youths’ Perspectives, Identity Traits and Emo-tional and Material Worlds

Comment on “Deep Economic Integration: Is Europe a Blueprint?”

Purpose The aim of this paper is to explore the influence of sensory design elements upon attendees’ perceptions of events, focusing on all five senses and adopting a multisensory approach. Design/methodology/approach This study utilises a qualitative research approach, employing semi-structured photo elicitation interviews. The inclusion of photographs within the interview process aids in memory recall and enables participants to articulate their sensory experiences in greater depth. Findings The study highlights the predominance of sight and sound in shaping event experiences. Sound, particularly in concert settings, has a significant effect on mood. Scents, though often processed subconsciously, have the capacity to evoke strong emotional responses and memories. Taste, especially at events focused on food, plays a crucial role, with variety enhancing emotional connections. Touch is the most interactive of the senses. A key overarching finding is the importance of sensory congruence: when sensory elements are harmoniously aligned with the overall event theme, attendees perceive the experience as more authentic and impactful. Practical implications The findings provide actionable insights for event planners. By recognising the significant role of sensory design in shaping attendee perceptions, event organisers can create more engaging and memorable experiences. Originality/value This paper makes a novel contribution by addressing all five senses in the context of event experiences. It also employs photo elicitation interviews, a relatively underutilised methodology in event research.

1. Introduction Modern economic realia in the RF, characterized largely by political context and complexities in interrelations between Russia and the EU, sanction pressure in the national economy, efforts to narrow down the circle of national economic interests of the RF, together with old trade and economic relations between Russia and the European countries, as well as resource components of Russian export, oriented at European consumption, actualize the study of issues for the possibility of incorporating Russian business into European economic structures. 2. Theoretical, Informational and Empirical, and Methodological Grounds of the Research Despite the crisis phenomena in the world economy, active consumption of primary energy resources by the countries of the EU and lack of realistic perspectives of replacing the latter by other energy sources in the short-term are preserved. This should have ensured favorable attitude towards Russian companies' entering European markets, which was obvious not so long ago. However, it is possible to note certain difficulties with access of Russian export (except for raw materials) to a range of European markets and increase of formal and informal reasons for these difficulties due to the processes of expansion of the European Union by means of its new members. Over the recent two years, cooperation with Russian business in some spheres became impossible or decreased substantially due to a range of political reasons. It should be noted that the tendency of formation of economic self-sufficiency of the European Union began to appear, which consists in increase of the volumes of intraindustry trade between the European states. It should be noted that further expansion of the European Union and growth of its self-sufficiency destroy the very idea of full incorporation of Russian economy into the European one, leaving to it's the role of supplier of raw materials. Nevertheless, integration processes in Europe are ambiguous, for there is another tendency--centripetal one. Its manifestations are Great Britain's exit from the EU as a result of the referendum and announcements of the possible Greece's exit. Domination of centripetal processes increases possible perspectives of Russian companies in the European markets. In this sense, consideration of integration and disintegration processes in Europe is very topical for the Russian economy. Economic literature and mass media have been discussing the issues of increase of centripetal and weakening of centrifugal processes in the context of European integration. These problem actualized by the Netherlands and France not accepting the European constitution. At present, the most vivid example of centripetal movement is Great Britain's exit from the EU. However, despite the discussed difficulties, integrated Europe is a reality, and the process of its integration is natural--in spite of certain problems--so it is very interesting to view the problems of the European association from different sides. We offer to view the issue in the following way: can Europe be united at all? If it can be with what borders and under which circumstances--as it is very important for realization of trade and economic relations between Russia and European countries or their conglomerates. It is necessary to view this problem in dialectical development, as physiological and psychological attributes of the masses of people who constitute peoples of Europe and determine the directions of vectors association--separation have not changed with time. The issue of Europe's integration is eternal and appears every 30-40 years, i.e., during each generation, as well as the issue of Russia's entering (Westerners--Slavophils, etc.). The first part of the question should be answered positively--Europe can be united. Europe was united during the Empire of Charles the Great (IX century AD), but that was a short period, and during the reign of his grandchildren the European empire the Christian world (Pax Christiania), i. …

The object of this short paper is to focus on one of the many aspects of FDI -the one related to the location of industrial activity with respect to the process of European economic integration -with the aim of reviewing the most recent theoretical contributions to this topic, and to evaluate the robustness of the main empirical results.The overall evidence suggests that a precise assessment of the effects of the process of European integration on FDI and MNEs activity is far from being available.Much work has to be done especially on the data side in order to obtain a precise diagnosis of the European "new" industrial geography following integration.

The article is devoted to the study of traditions and innovations in the policy of the German federal government headed by Chancellor Friedrich Merz regarding the process of European integration. Merz was called the foreign policy chancellor. The purpose of the article is to study the historical tradition and innovations in the policy of the Merz government regarding the process of European integration. The research methodology is based on general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis) and special historical methods (problem-chronological, historical-comparative, retrospective) in order to make it possible to follow the trends of preserving traditions and introducing innovations into the policy of the Federal Republic of Germany regarding the process of European integration. The scientific novelty of the article lies in a comprehensive study of the priorities of the German government’s policy regarding the process of European integration. The factors that influence these trends are shown, and the contradictions that create structural problems on the way to implementing the German European strategy are identified. The impact of domestic political discussions between the authorities and the opposition on determining the priorities of German interests in the European Union is shown. The impact of the policy of restoring Germany’s defense capabilities on changing the place of EU enlargement in the hierarchy of Germany’s European strategy is studied. Conclusions. The intentions to transform the Bundeswehr into a powerful component of the European army clashed with traditional pacifism and the desire to preserve a comfortable life. Domestic political turbulence in France negatively affected the effectiveness of the functioning of the German-French tandem, which is the engine of the European integration process. The risks of the far-right party «National Rally» coming to power in France cast doubt on the possibility of using the French nuclear umbrella for Germany instead of American nuclear weapons. German-Polish relations developed in a difficult way, given the factor of the right-wing populist party «Law and Justice». The pro-Russian course of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban and Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico slowed down the development of Germany’s relations with the Visegrad Four countries. This trend was especially evident after Andrzej Babis came to power in the Czech Republic. In contrast, Germany’s relations with the countries of the North and South of Europe were dynamic. The European strategy of the Merz government, manifested in the coalition agreement, was based on strengthening European solidarity, restoring the defense capabilities of the European Union, and maintaining the stability of the common European currency, the euro.

The perceptions of historical events are considered to be an important cultural, political, and social psychological variable. Earlier studies have shown a crosscultural consensus on historical events that are considered to be important. It has been indicated that a strong Western-Christian European template dominates the view of which events are considered to be important events in history, by many samples across the world. It was the aim of this study to test this finding with a Turkish sample, which would represent some unique characteristics in that it is Muslim, comes from an Empire background, and has undergone a recent nation-building process. College students (n = 372) responded to a questionnaire that was utilized in seven other countries. It was shown that Turkish students were not Eurocentric as expected by the literature: They were highly sociocentric; they gave importance to events related to Turkish history. They were similar to their European counterparts in that war and violence were given primary importance when selecting events as important in history. However, they did not behave as predicted by earlier literature: They did not see Western European events as having a primary importance in history but gave at least equal importance to events that originated from Ottoman Empire roots. The results were discussed in terms of the unique cultural and historical variables that contribute to the identity and social psychological attributions of Turkish students. Further research should focus on not only which events are considered as important historical events but also the reasons behind these.

A lot of research on the problem of discourse has been carried out all over the world and is still going on. Although in the works of scholars on historical discourse talk about historical facts, historical events, historical records, historical narratives, historical figures, the influence of historical plots in a literary text in the literary mind of readers has not been experimentally studied. Also in this article, based on the historical story of Duman Ramazan’s The Day of Death, questions necessary for the study are formulated, the level of perception of historical postcolonial events and historical figures by the reader are considered. 18 students of the Buketov University aged 18-19 years voluntarily took part in our experiment. The study classified two categories (historical event and historical figure) based on qualitative content analysis of Mayring. The participants answered questions on the historical story of Duman Ramazan’s The Day of Death in the Google Forms. The questions were devoted to historical figures and historical events. The results of the study indicate that the historical consciousness of the reader in the postcolonial period has not yet been fully formed, the low level of historical documentary perception in the literary text. In conclusion, the main reasons for it are the continuous upbringing of several generations in a colonial country; the mass persecution and execution of the national intellectuals; the impact of the economic crisis after independence on the education sector (one-sidedness in school textbooks and programs).

The article deals with the position of Stockholm in relation to the integration processes in Europe in the 1950s — early 1960s. It makes an attempt to explain the reason why the Swedish leadership avoided participating in the European Coal and Steel Community and the European Economic Community. It is also considered the motives of the Swedish Government, which prompted to participate in the European Free Trade Association for the purpose of long-term cooperation. The author refers to the minutes of the meetings of the Swedish Riksdag (Riksdagens protokoll), which allow to determine the positions in various political circles of Sweden regarding the “Schumann Plan” and the Treaty of Rome, as well as the possible participation of Stockholm in the integration processes. In addition, the article shows the reaction of the leaders of the bipolar system blocs — the USSR and the USA — to the actions of the Swedish leadership in relation to the European integration processes.

The book examines the problems of local self-government reform in Ukraine during the period of martial law. The internal focus is on the process of decentralization, which includes all levels of implementation of governmental powers and public initiatives. The external focus is on European integration as defi ned in the Constitution of Ukraine. The relevance of the research is evidenced by the systemic changes in Ukraine’s domestic and foreign policy, the processes of decentralization and European integration, as well as the challenges associated with the active phase of Russian aggression. It is argued that a comprehensive political and legal framework needs to be established in order to exploit the potential of the institution of local self-government. The book concludes by emphasizing that the processes of European in-tegration and decentralization of power during the period of martial law represents a priority of the modern state-building phase of Ukraine.

In this article the process of post-war European integration has been analyzed against the background of an explanation of the Council of Europe in 1950 that political and economic unification should be developed simultaneously. History shows that in order to realize this objective, the ‘gradualist’ approach believing primarily in a functional economic integration was preferred to the more radical method of taking immediate steps towards a full political union. The establishment of the European Communities formed the embodiment of the gradualist approach. Though these Communities — and the European Economic Community in particular - have fostered economic and monetary cooperation between the Western European countries, they could not, however, take the necessary steps towards the political ideal due to different views of the member states regarding the process of European integration. With the Treaty of Maastricht, coming into force on 1 November 1993, a new European elan has been born but the question posed by the Council in 1950 still has to be solved. One of the main lessons of European integration in the past fifty years may well be that economic and monetary unification will not proceed without some kind of prompting of a political nature.

The integration process in European states inevitably requires developing a unified system of legislation and, consequently, actualizes the search for a unifying vector for a new model of common European law. The social system of values, formed under the substantial influence of religion, has become such a vector. In the context of integration processes, religion represents a determinative factor that forms the common public consciousness of the nations where interfaith organizations are important social institutions that carry out activities aimed at supporting their religious and some international state initiatives. This article aims to analyze the activities of interfaith organizations in the context of political and legal integration in Europe and to determine the influence of the religious factor on the globalization processes. The authors of this article analyzed a set of legal instruments and mechanisms for ensuring European integration based on the religious community. The article puts forward the hypothesis that the effective integration process requires the rule of law and the mechanism of legal regulation of social relations to proceed from a single system of values formed in the conditions of unity of perception of the spiritual and material world.

回顧這十多年來國內的兩岸關係研究，整合理論（integration theory）一直是最炙手可熱的研究途徑之一，其中又以新功能主義（neo-functionalism）最受到學者青睞，特別是新功能主義對於「溢出效果」（spillover effect）的假設及相關概念最常為國內學者所援引。但是國內研究僅側重溢出效果，缺乏對新功能主義進行深入及通盤性地討論，也忽略了新功能主義另外兩個核心假設：「溢出條件」（spillover conditions）及「政治化」（politicization）的重要性。準確來說，新功能主義的論述是建立在「溢出效果－溢出條件－政治化」的三階段整合論之上。除此之外，國內相關著作也甚少從理論層面試圖解決或是修正新功能主義分析架構的缺失。筆者認為，惟有深入走進理論、深刻了解理論的缺失，並對理論進行反思及補充，才能真正完善兩岸整合研究途徑，這也是本文的研究初衷。 立基於這樣的研究動機上，本文主要的研究目的除了重新檢視新功能主義理論外，也希望進一步完善新功能主義的「比較區域整合研究」架構，而後經由歐洲整合及兩岸關係的案例研究及比較分析，建構一個影響溢出效果的基本通則。本文將新功能主義的研究架構予以適度補充及修正後，提出了「結構條件」、「過程條件」、「外部因素」等三組溢出條件的分析架構，其中分別包括了政治體大小、政治制度、軍事與國家安全威脅；交流與互動頻率、政治菁英的態度與共識、市民社會的認同與民意；國際環境因素、霸權國家的角色與態度等共八個條件。 總結而言，本文有三大研究結果及學術貢獻：第一，本文「推導出溢出條件與歐洲整合及兩岸關係的因果關係」；第二，本文「區分及釐清了溢出條件的權重值」；第三，本文「建構了一個影響溢出效果的基本通則」。而這三項研究發現及成果，也正是新功能主義分析架構及國內相關研究所缺乏的，因此本文研究基本完善了相關新功能主義及兩岸整合研究的不足。

The impressive progress achieved in recent years in diabetes technologies has made diabetes technological devices such as continuous subcutaneous insulin infusion (CSII) and continuous glucose monitoring (CGM) a significant part of diabetes treatment. Many studies conducted in recent years emphasized the advantages of using these technologies. The concept of the “human factor” in diabetes technologies as discussed in this chapter has several different aspects. First, it can refer to the way patients are satisfied with the use of the device and whether it is perceived convenient or inconvenient. For example, is the device perceived as “user friendly” (easy to learn and to operate, comfortable, does not cause many hassles). Second, there is the issue of effectiveness of the technology as it relates to their day-to-day diabetes management. For example, there is an improvement in glycemic control when one diabetes treatment regimen is compared to another (i.e., CSII vs. multiple daily injections (MDI)). Those two fundamental aspects may have different meanings for different groups. For example, different age groups (toddlers, children, adolescents, young adults, adults, and older people) can see different advantages and disadvantages in technological devices. The feasibility and utility of technological devices also need to fit the environments in which they will be used, such as school, the work place, and/or home. Specific subgroups such as diabetic youth with eating disorders can have unique interactions with diabetes technologies. In addition, diabetes technologies can be used as a measurement device, providing more rich and accurate data about patients' self-care that can contribute to our understanding of concepts such as adherence and satisfaction, and they can provide measurement tools to assess how glycemic control can effect cognition and intelligence. The present chapter will review articles published in the last year that have studied some of these issues.

Relations between Finland and the USSR in the 1950s and 1960s were complicated by the negative assessment in the Soviet Union of the domestic political situation in Finland and Finland’s desire to participate in European integration processes. The USSR was aware of the limitations of its own ability to completely block Finland’s negotiations on joining the Organization for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC) and the European Free Trade Association (EFTA). The interest of President Urho Kalev Kekkonen in supporting Moscow for re-election in 1962, as well as the understanding of Finland’s geopolitical position demonstrated by the EFTA member states, determined the length of the process of Finland’s entry into integration processes and Finland’s special status.

In considering the impact of the process of European integration upon the structure of the state, it is important to consider that this impact may have had uneven consequences within the state itself. This is particularly important in cases where the structure of the domestic political system includes a highly asymmetrical system of sub-national authorities with varying degrees of self-government. The equation is complicated even more by the presence of nationalist movements influencing the national and sub-national policy making processes. In encompassing the theme of how states are adapting to the process of European integration, this study seeks to analyse how institutions at the sub-national level are adjusting to the Europeanisation of the policy-making process by comparing two Spanish autonomous communities : Andalucia and Catalonia. From a policy perspective, analysing each region’s position within the Spanish State of Autonomies is crucial in understanding the effects the process of European integration has had on their institutional capacity. More importantly, the inherent ambiguity of the 1978 Spanish Constitution and the unfinished devolution process begun with the Statutes of Autonomy have resulted in a complex policy-making process characterised by constant political negotiations between the state and sub-national authorities. Each autonomous community has sought to accommodate demands posed from both the process of European integration and the particularities of the Spanish State of Autonomies in its own way. This study proposes to explain the differing reasons behind these processes of institutional change by comparing the cases of Andalucia and Catalonia.