Dominance and Disparities in Knowledge Production: Forty-Year Longitudinal Evidence

Economists have expressed their opinion that the economic trade between countries brings about economic prosperity as well as peace. Their opinion is based upon that the trading countries do not want to face the situation of decline in their welfare and benefits due to not participating in economic trade. They argue that economic trades between countries give them the opportunities of conversation, decrease misunderstanding, and leads them to peaceful mind and behavioral attitude to adjust the political conflicts. On the basis of this kind of opinion and the reunification of Germany, the economic trade between South and North Korea has been suggested as the most efficient measure to maintain the peace in Korean Peninsula. It has been twenty four years since the economic trade between South and North Korea was triggered in January, 1989 under President Noh Taewoo’s Declaration of July 7 in spite of several crises. The total turnover between South and North Korea is about US$ 18.3 billion from 1989 to 2012, out of which US$ 9.2 billion is the export to the North and US$ 9.1 billion is the import from the North. Since the end of cold war, South Korea and China have established diplomatic relations on July 24, 1992, and they have become strategic cooperative partners. The total turnover between South Korea and China was US$ 6.4 billion in 1992, and it increased to US$ 215.2 billion in 2012. On the other hand, the total turnover between North Korea and China amounts to US$ 5.9 billion in 2012, which is around three times as much as that between South and North Korea. The results of theoretical analyses are summarized as follows. First of all, exports and imports between South and North Korea turned out to ease the conflicts between two countries. Therefore, ‘theory of peace through trade’ by the liberalists was supported here. Secondly, it turned out that the economic trade between North Korea and China affects to easing conflicts between South and North Korea only if South Korea and China are in friendly partnership. It implies that China induces North Korea to ease the conflicts between South and North Korea. Thirdly, exports from South Korea to China affects to easing conflicts between South and North Korea only if North Korea and China are friendly partners politically. Imports from China to South. Korea affects to easing conflicts between South and North Korea only if North Korea and China are in antagonistic relationship politically. Empirical analysis shows that the difference quotient in the total turnover between South and North Korea turned out to have a significant positive relationship with the conflict index of the former year. It implies that the increase of the difference quotient in the total turnover between South and North Korea is likely to ease the conflicts between two countries. On the other hand, the difference quotient in the imports turned out to have significant positive relationship with the conflict index of the former year. It tells that the increase of the imports is likely to ease the conflicts between South and North Korea. While the expand of trade with China will ease the conflicts in Korean Peninsula from the theoretical viewpoint, empirical analyses present opposite results. It implies that the relationship between North Korea and China since the end of cold war is not the same as that before the end of cold war. It also tells that North Korea puts the higher political priority to developing the nuclear weapon and long-range missile. Inter-Korean policy has to keep consistency focusing economic cooperation apart from political issues. Long-term goal of inter-Korean policy should be unification, although short-term one is peace and stability in Korean Peninsula.

Personal reflection It was a great privilege as vice-moderator of the WCC Commission on World Mission and Evangelism (WCC-CWME) from 2007--2013 to be asked to chair the drafting group for the planned new policy statement on mission and evangelism, and I hope I may be allowed a few moments to reminisce about that experience. During the previous CWME, preparing the statement and getting it through the relevant processes became our main work. The first stage was to determine our priorities for the document. Since we could not cover all the many facets of mission, we had to select what we could agree were the priorities for mission in today's landscape. Looking back at the only previous statement from 1982, "Mission and Evangelism: An Ecumenical Affirmation," it was clear that the global landscape had altered significantly. (2) The year 1982 came before the end of the Cold War and the onset of globalization, before 9/11 and the so-called "clash of civilisations," (3) and in many other respects it seemed a long time ago. In the light of this, our mission priorities needed rethinking. Once we had decided these at the commission meeting in Bangalore in 2008--marginalization, evangelism, ecclesiology, and mission spirituality--we divided into groups to work on them. Each group held consultations to inform its writing. I was privileged to contribute to a meeting in Manila in July 2011 to discuss mission and pneumatology, another on church and mission in Geneva in May 2011, and a third on mission spirituality in Jamaica that same month. Our joint conference with the Faith and Order Commission in Hungary in 2009 supported the work on ecclesiology, the Edinburgh 2010 project and conference helped to frame our ideas ecumenically, and several other WCC initiatives also fed into our work. It was daunting to receive the first reports from the groups and to try and work out how to put them together as a coherent whole. What is more, each part needed to be approved by the rest of the 25-member commission and the discussions threw up fascinating theological and missiological issues at every turn. Finally, one weekend in Geneva in 2011, the moderator Bishop George Varghese mor Coorilos, secretary Revd Dr Jooseop Keum, and I finalized the introduction and conclusion--initially drafted by Dr Keum--and then the complete draft document could be circulated for the commission's approval. The pre-assembly conference on mission and evangelism in Manila in March 2012 was the most exciting part of the process for me. The draft document was examined and tested by 250 mission practitioners and scholars over five days. In the wonderful atmosphere created by the Philippine Council of Churches, the new statement met with general affirmation and the scrutiny bore fruit in many constructive suggestions that were implemented by a further revision group led by Revd Dr Kenneth Ross. Then at the end of August that year it was my privilege to present the document to the WCC central committee meeting in Crete, and it was to my great relief that I heard it was accepted as official WCC policy. Finally, at the WCC general assembly in Busan in South Korea in 2013, I moderated the plenary on mission--the first for 21 years--at which the message of Together towards Life was introduced to the churches. I believe the success of this document owes a great deal to the forethought of Revd Jacques Matthey, the former commission secretary, to the careful steering and energetic leadership of Dr Jooseop Keum, and to the moderation of Bishop Mor Coorilos. It has been a great honour to contribute. Significance of Together towards Life for missiological education What is the significance of Together towards Life for missiological education? I believe we should see its significance in three main ways: in its novel pneumatological approach, in the ecumenical consensus it represents, and in its use of the world Christianity paradigm. …

A Welcome to International Authors.

Garlic is widely cultivated and frequently used as a spice in South Korea, due to its characteristic flavor. It is rich in sulfur-containing compounds (for example, allicin) and nonsulfur elements (for example, phosphorus and potassium). During the last few years, the cultivation area of garlic in South Korea has gradually decreased, one of the reasons being the increase in low-priced imported garlic from China. Several studies have reported the discrimination of foods originating from different geographical areas by analyzing their physicochemical properties using various statistical methods. In this study, the differentiation of geographical origin of garlic between South Korea (60 samples) and China (41 samples) was performed by analyzing their physicochemical properties (for example, pH, soluble solid, moisture, free sugars, mineral elements, total flavonoid, and total phenolic contents) combined with statistical methods. The significant difference between domestic garlic from South Korea and imported garlic from China was investigated in terms of pH, moisture content, total flavonoid content, and all trace minerals except for manganese and magnesium. Logistic regression analysis was performed to determine the geographical origin (South Korea or China) of garlic after selecting the appropriate independent variables. As a result, the calculated logistic regression equation from the analysis of copper, iron, phosphorus, zinc, and sucrose contents could be used to determine whether the geographical origin of garlic was South Korea or China. PRACTICAL APPLICATION: Despite being widely used in South Korea, the cultivation area of garlic in South Korea has gradually decreased over the last few years. One of the reasons is the increase in low-priced imported garlic from China. To discriminate the geographical origin of garlic between South Korea and China, analyzed physicochemical properties (that is, Cu, Fe, P, Zn, and sucrose contents) of garlic in combination with logistic regression analysis can be helpful for scientists working on food forensics. This discrimination technique can help to maintain the quality of garlic and prevent economic fraud by confirming the authenticity of garlic from South Korea.

Asian Perspective 36 (2012), 191-193 Introduction: South Korea-China Relations Jae Ho Chung Post-Cold War complexities are such that sea changes after the implosion of the Soviet Union have generated new conflicts and reinvigorated old disputes. The end ofideology meant the resurrection around the globe of more traditional and geostrategic dilemmas that had been largely dormant during the Cold War. At the same time, the demise of the Cold War led to new ties and partnerships between former adversaries such as South Korea and China. South Korea-China relations have long been lauded as a model for cultivating interdependence between former adversaries. China is currently South Korea’s top trading partner, while South Korea is China’s third-most-important trading partner (excluding Taiwan). Beijing is a crucial diplomatic force to be reckoned with, especially regarding the North Korean issue. South Korea and China established a “strategic cooperative partnership” in May 2008, the goal of which is to expand the domain of Sino-South Korean cooperation from the bilateral to the regional and even the global level. The wealthier and stronger China becomes, the larger the perceptual disparity may grow between China and its regional neighbors, including South Korea. Will China continue to be a “mod­ est giant,” refraining from being audacious and imposing? Will Beijing continue to stick to the long-standing principle of “remaining affinitive despite differences” (he er butongY! Fears do exist and may increase over time: What if China should revert to the past practices of domination and dogmatism once it has risen to the apex? Such worries are particularly prominent in South Korea. Three reasons account for them. First, distance matters. The security dilemma is naturally more intense for countries that border each other. Second, given that China’s projection of military force has occurred more often toward neighboring countries than toward any others, concerns and worries linger in the region despite Beijing’s rhetoric 191 192 Introduction on the “friendly neighbor policy” (Ryan, Finkelstein, and McDevitt 2003, 18-19). Third, deep-seated memories of Chinese dominance and, more importantly, the newly brewing historical controversies among China and regional states are adding fuel to these generic concerns about the rise of China. As the level of interdependence grows, sources of friction between South Korea and China are bound to amplify. In this special issue on South Korea-China relations, Chen Zhimin offers Chinese assessments of Sino-South Korean relations—a “more complicated relationship”—for the last twenty years. Jae Ho Chung provides a South Korean view of the bilateral relationship and suggests that South Korea-China relations are heading toward an uncertain passage. Si Joong Kim suggests that economics and trade could become a key conflict arena as South Korea and China are likely to have more frequent disputes concerning product safety, restructuring of bilateral trade and investment, technology transfer, and formation of a bilateral free trade agreement. Frictions and disputes may go beyond economics and trade. Since China and South Korea are both highly nationalistic nations, clashes may occur in the areas of history and territorial integrity. Gilbert Rozman discusses the history controversy as a key issue and points out that sinocentrism as a resurgent ideology in China is a key obstacle. Scott Harold digs into the likelihood of territorial disputes between South Korea and China, and suggests that the US position— though not its action—is probably closer to South Korea’s on the issue. As the power gap between the United States and China narrows, the sources of Sino-South Korean conflicts could extend beyond issues ofbilateral concern, such as the Korea-US alliance. Keyu Gong suggests that China views a stronger, broader, more comprehensive, and more strategic alliance as threatening. Hyon Joo Yoo, however, argues that alliance consolidation is necessary vis-a-vis North Korea, although Seoul should be careful not to get sucked into regional conflicts between China and the United States. Considering the global ascent of China, whose future trajectory has yet to be specified, the future of South Korea-China relations does not warrant blind optimism. As the Chinese refer to it, “the Seoul-Beijing relationship is healthy in general terms but carries some Jae Ho...

Ferroptosis, an iron-dependent regulated cell death mechanism, has recently gained attention for its crucial role in tumor progression and immune regulation. Gastric cancer (GC), one of the most common and deadly malignancies worldwide, remains a major clinical challenge. This study aims to systematically analyze the global research landscape, hotspots, and trends of ferroptosis in gastric cancer from 2017 to 2025, with a focus on its immunological implications. Publications related to ferroptosis and gastric cancer published between January 1, 2017 and April 22, 2025 were retrieved from the Web of Science Core Collection (WoSCC) and Scopus databases (n = 974). Bibliometric and visualization analyses were performed using R software (bibliometrix package), VOSviewer, and CiteSpace to explore publication trends, collaboration patterns, keyword co-occurrence, and thematic evolution. Research output showed a continuous upward trend, with China leading in publication volume, followed by the United States, Japan, Canada, and South Korea. Frontiers in Pharmacology and Frontiers in Oncology were the most productive journals, while Cell and Nature were the most frequently cited. The most prominent themes included "immune checkpoint," "tumor immune microenvironment," "ferroptosis mechanisms," "drug resistance," and "non-coding RNAs." Notably, the STAT3-ferroptosis axis and immune pathways were identified as key translational targets. Ferroptosis has become an important research frontier in gastric cancer and is increasingly recognized as a promising therapeutic strategy to modulate the tumor immune microenvironment and enhance immunotherapy efficacy. This study provides a comprehensive overview of the global research landscape, offering valuable guidance for future studies in cancer immunology and ferroptosis-based therapy.

Even in health systems with universal health coverage (UHC), disparities in access to time-sensitive stroke interventions may persist, leading to inequities in patient survival. I aimed to quantify regional disparities in access to endovascular thrombectomy (EVT) and 1-year mortality among patients with acute ischemic stroke (AIS) in South Korea and to assess associations with individual and regional healthcare factors. This retrospective cohort study analyzed the 2021 National Health Insurance Service claims data of 29,755 adults hospitalized with AIS across 250 administrative districts in South Korea. Districts were classified as having no EVT center, a low-volume EVT center (<24 annual cases), or a high-volume EVT center (≥24 annual cases per year). Multilevel logistic regression models were used to assess the association between individual- and regional-level factors with EVT receipt and 1-year mortality. Regional inequalities were further evaluated using Gini coefficients across the adjustment levels. Of the 29,755 patients, 22.5% resided in districts without EVT centers, 20.5% in low-volume districts, and 57.0% in high-volume districts. After adjusting for age, sex, comorbidities, and stroke severity, patients residing in high-volume districts were more likely to receive EVT (adjusted odds ratio [aOR], 1.27; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.10–1.46) and had lower odds of 1-year mortality (aOR, 0.80; 95% CI, 0.73–0.89) than those residing in districts without EVT centers. Regional inequality in EVT access increased after adjustment for individual factors (Gini coefficient, 0.0948 to 0.1353), and mortality inequality also increased (0.0449 to 0.1184), indicating that crude comparisons underestimated the disparities. In a nationwide UHC system, regional disparities in EVT access and 1-year mortality were modest but persistent and associated with the availability of high-volume EVT centers. Expanding EVT capacity and strengthening prehospital–hospital networks in underserved regions may be associated with reduced inequities in stroke care and improve survival outcomes in patients with stroke.

Nd isotopic study of Upper Cambrian conodonts from Korea and implications for early Paleozoic paleogeography

Nd isotopic study of Upper Cambrian conodonts from Korea and implications for early Paleozoic paleogeography

ABSTRACTThis article compares African countries to South Korea in terms of knowledge economy (KE). Emphasis is laid on human capital, knowledge creation, knowledge diffusion, institutions and economic incentives. The analytical approach consists of providing KE catch-up strategies that can be understood within the context of country-specific gaps between the frontier country in KE and laggard African countries. The empirical evidence is based on sigma convergence with data for the period 1996–2010. Overall, a KE diagnosis is provided by assessing KE gaps (between South Korea and specific-African countries) and suggesting compelling catch-up strategies with which to reduce identified gaps. Contemporary and non-contemporary policies from South Korea and more contemporary policies based on challenges of globalisation are discussed. The policy relevance of this inquiry aligns with the scholarly perspective that catch-up between South Korea and more advanced economies was accelerated by the former adapting to and assimilating relatively obsolete technological know-how from more developed nations.

Human Capital, Knowledge Creation, Knowledge Diffusion, Institutions and Economic Incentives: South Korea Versus Africa

Physical activity research is pivotal in shaping policies and interventions that promote health. However, disparities in research contributions across authors and institutions can impact the equity and representation of evidence-based practices. This study aimed to assess the dispersion of authors and institutions publishing research on physical activity and health within countries. A global bibliometric analysis was conducted, including articles on physical activity and health published between 1950 and 2019. Countries with 10 or more publications were analyzed. Data on authors' names and institutions were extracted, and the Gini coefficient, a measure of inequality, was calculated using the "Descogini" command in Stata. Gini coefficients were generated for authors in 94 countries and for institutions in 98 countries. The Gini coefficient for authors ranged from 0.03 in Cuba, Bangladesh, and Lebanon (low concentration) to 0.59 in Belgium and 0.65 in Portugal (high concentration). For institutions, the lowest coefficient was 0.08 in Guatemala, and the highest was 0.84 in Belgium and Portugal. Regions such as the Americas, Europe, and the Western Pacific exhibited higher average Gini coefficients for authors and institutions. Similarly, high-income and upper middle-income countries showed greater research concentration than low-income and lower middle-income nations. To promote a more equitable and impactful global research landscape, it is crucial to invest strategically in developing and multiplying high-quality research groups across regions. Supporting emerging centers of excellence will foster innovation, capacity building, and more inclusive scientific production. Future research should further explore these factors to guide effective policies and investments.

A Bibliometric Analysis of the Global Research Landscape and Trends in Photoaging Therapy (2015-2024).

What changes has the Cheonan incident brought about in the Northeast Asian region? How and to what extent have those changes shifted as time goes by? I find that the Cheonan sinking has played a key role in deepening the ideological chasm in South Korea between conservatives and progressives. It has also become a serious obstacle to the improvement of South Korea-North Korea relations, and has been the catalyst for the emergence of a Cold War-like rivalry between the US-South Korea-Japan and the China-North Korea-Russia blocs. However, relations among neigh-boring countries in Northeast Asia have shifted over time, including significant improvement in China-Republic of Korea relations and worsening of relations between China and North Korea and South Korea and Japan. KEYWORDS: Cheonan incident, ideological divide, South Korean politics, inter-Korean relations, Northeast Asian security relations.ON MARCH 26, 2010, THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA (ROK OR SOUTH Korea) navy corvette PCC-722 Cheonan sank while conducting a patrol mission in the Yellow Sea just south of the Northern Limit Line near Baekryeong Island. As a result, forty-six out of 104 crew members were killed while fifty-eight were rescued. Following an investigation, a Joint Civilian-Military Investigation Group (JIG) consisting of experts from the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, Sweden, and South Korea, announced on May 20 that the Cheonan had been sunk by a North Korean torpedo attack. What changes has the Cheonan incident brought about in the Northeast Asia region? How and to what extent have those changes shifted over time?The JIG's official report, instead of leading to a consensus view among South Koreans, sparked a debate over the cause of the incident. The already deep ideological chasm between con- servatives and progressives in South Korean society worsened. The sinking of the Cheonan also further undermined interKorean relations and served as the catalyst for the emergence of a Cold War-like rivalry between the US-ROK-Japan and the China-North Korea-Russia blocs. Along with these changes in regional security dynamics, the tragic incident also exerted significant influence on interstate relations among neighboring countries in Northeast Asia. In the short run, the Cheonan sinking weakened China-ROK, US-DPRK (Democratic People's Republic of Korea, or North Korea), and US-China relations, whereas it helped strengthen China-DPRK, US-ROK, US-Japan, and ROK-Japan relations. Further shifts have occurred since the incident as China-ROK relations have significantly improved while China-DPRK and ROK-Japan relations have notably worsened.In this article, I first examine the widening ideological gap between conservatives and progressives in South Korea after the sinking of the navy ship by exploring the hotly contested points of the JIG's report. I then look into the impact of the Cheonan incident on Northeast Asian security relations and how and to what extent the changes produced by the incident have shifted over time.The Ideological Divide in South KoreaA Catalyst for Deepening MistrustIdeological disputes between conservatives and progressives in South Korea are hardly new. Since the end of the Korean War, the two camps have mainly clashed over policies toward the DPRK and the security role of the United States. Conservatives give top priority to fostering a close partnership with the United States and maintaining vigilance against the threat from North Korea. Progressives, however, radically oppose that narrative, seeing the North more as a kin nation with which to be reconciled and the United States as a disruptive interloper (Chae and Kim 2008, 77).This ideological divide became more evident after progressive President Kim Dae-jung (1998-2002) launched an engagement policy toward North Korea, called the Sunshine Policy. Conservative politicians, intellectuals, and media strongly opposed the Kim government's initiatives, criticizing him for not demanding reciprocal actions by the DPRK. …

Purpose – The structural changes of Korean agriculture are complex due to heterogeneous production processes and farms’ features. This study analyzed trends of dualism in Korean agriculture over the period 2000-15 based on farm-level data to clarify the specific trends of dualism in terms of farm income, farm-size, and farm operators’ age. From the results of this study, we would be able to understand the features of structural changes in Korean agriculture more profoundly. Research design, data, and methodology – We incorporated farm-level data in South Korea: Agricultural census and Farm household economy survey. As measures of inequality, we used size-weighted quantiles, and normalized Gini coefficients as well as mean and conventional quantiles. The size-weighted quantiles are more robust to changes in the number of small farms, but they are more sensitive to changes in the distribution of farm-size. Thus, they would be more useful to identify trends of dualism of Korean agriculture. Results - The results show that the farmland distribution of crop farms became more skewed and dispersed. However, the herd distribution of livestock farms became more concentrated. To be specific, their mean and 1st quantile increases more rapidly than their size-weighted 2nd quantile and size-weighted 3rd quantile. Gini coefficients of livestock farms regarding their herd distribution decreased by 0.1 on average. In the case of income distribution, the results indicate that the polarization regarding farm household/agricultural/non-agricultural income became more severe. However, we also found that the distribution of transfer income became concentrated continuously. The results imply that transfer income including subsidies would decrease farm income polarization. Lastly, during the study periods, Korean farms were aging over time, and age distribution of them more concentrated. Conclusions – The structure of Korean agriculture has been changing, even though the absolute size of it decreased over time. Land (herd) distribution became more dispersed (concentrated). Inequality regarding agricultural income became more severe, and it made farm household income more polarized even though transfer income would decrease income gaps among farms. Lastly, farms continue to age regardless of farm types and this might affect the structural changes in Korean agriculture in the future.