Dissonant Heritage: Interventions in Xawery Dunikowski’s Monument in Olsztyn

This article explores Mohammad Arkoun’s thoughts on understanding Islamic Sharia in the modern world. Arkoun’s thought differs from previous Islamic thinkers in analyzing Islamic texts. Arkoun exceeded the limit of traditional Islamic studies by utilizing several elements from Modern Western philosophy, social sciences, and humanities. Arkoun took this effort to realize his ambition, which was the combination of valuable thoughts from Islamic notions and modern philosophy. In the philosophy of Islamic law, the combination in line with the particular theorem stated: “al-muhāfaẓah `alā al-qadīm al-ṣālih wa al-akhdzu `alā al-jadīd al-aṣlah” (literary means keeping good old traditions and adopting a new better ones). Islamic sharia should be related to historical context. According to Arkoun, the traditional and textual paradigm in understanding Islamic sharia leads people to misunderstand Quranic interpretation. People sanctify Islamic thoughts instead of understanding the substantial meaning behind the Quranic texts. Arkoun called this phenomenon “taqdīs al-Afkār ad dīniyyah” (sanctifying religious thoughts). This study finds that Arkoun’s thoughts are close to an anthropological and historical approach. The Quranic interpretation has to look at both universal and particular texts of the Quran by deconstructing the logic and discourse that underlay the emergence of these texts. Keywords: Muhammad Arkoun, Quranic interpretation, sharia deconstruction, historical and anthropological approach.

We investigate the impact of communist legacy on manifestations of entrepreneurial quality by comparing nascent entrepreneurs and owner-managers in two groups of emerging economies: non-transition and transition emerging economies. The latter group underwent a systemic transition from a communist, command-type economy to a market economy system after 1990. Using data from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (2010-2018), our multi-level regressions reveal three main results. First, we found robust evidence for a general communist legacy (or imprinting) effect related to innovation: entrepreneurs in transition emerging economies are less likely to be involved in innovation activities than entrepreneurs in non-transition emerging economies. Second, for another manifestation of entrepreneurial quality – growth ambitions – we found evidence of an imprinting effect that applies to business owners rather than nascent entrepreneurs. Third, we found that the length of communist exposure and the rigidity of the regime matter for innovation and growth ambitions among business owners. Our findings suggest that, decades after the collapse of Communism, imprinting effects on entrepreneurial quality are still present. The hesitant attitude towards innovation activities and growth ambitions by entrepreneurs in transition emerging economies calls for increased investments in entrepreneurship education that focuses on risk-taking attitudes of individuals.

Book synopsis: Twenty years after the demise of communist policy, this book evaluates the continuing communist legacies in the current minority protection systems and legislations across a number of states in post-communist Europe. The fall of communism and the process of democratisation across post-communist Europe led to considerable change in minority protection with new systems and national political institutions either developed or copied. In general, the new institutions reflected the practices and experiences of (western) European states and were installed upon advice from European security organisations. Yet many ideas, legislative frameworks, policies and practices remained open to interpretation on the ground. With case studies on a diverse set of post-communist polities including Slovakia, Bosnia, Macedonia, Ukraine, Estonia, Croatia, the Baltic States and Russia, expert contributors consider how the institutional legacies of the communist past impact on policies designed to support minority communities in the new European democracies. Providing unique empirical material and comparative analyses of ethnocultural diversity management during and after communism, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of international relations, European politics, political geography, post-communism, ethnic politics, nationalism and national identity.

Book synopsis: Twenty years after the demise of communist policy, this book evaluates the continuing communist legacies in the current minority protection systems and legislations across a number of states in post-communist Europe. The fall of communism and the process of democratisation across post-communist Europe led to considerable change in minority protection with new systems and national political institutions either developed or copied. In general, the new institutions reflected the practices and experiences of (western) European states and were installed upon advice from European security organisations. Yet many ideas, legislative frameworks, policies and practices remained open to interpretation on the ground. With case studies on a diverse set of post-communist polities including Slovakia, Bosnia, Macedonia, Ukraine, Estonia, Croatia, the Baltic States and Russia, expert contributors consider how the institutional legacies of the communist past impact on policies designed to support minority communities in the new European democracies. Providing unique empirical material and comparative analyses of ethnocultural diversity management during and after communism, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of international relations, European politics, political geography, post-communism, ethnic politics, nationalism and national identity.

Part I 1. Introduction: Establishing the Context Karl Cordell and Timofey Agarin 2. The Dead Weight of the Past? Institutional Change, Policy Dynamics and the Communist Legacy in Minority Protection Timofey Agarin 3. Faulted for the Wrong Reasons: Soviet Institutionalization of Ethnic Diversity and Western (mis)interpretations Pal Kolsto 4. Minorities' Protection in Russia: Is there a 'Communist Legacy'? Bill Bowring 5. Soviet Parity of Nations or Western non-discrimination: is there a Dilemma for Russia? Alexander Osipov Part II 6. The Ideology of Minority Protection During the post-Communist Transition in Europe Karl Cordell 7. Institutional Memories and Institutional Legacies: Managing Minority-Majority Relations in post-Communist Europe Qua Cultural Autonomy David Smith 8. Damp Squibs? Essentialist Underpinnings of Nationalities Policy and the Limits of Minority Participation in Slovakia Ada-Charlotte Regelmann 9. Ethnic Power-Sharing in Bosnia and Macedonia: Institutional Legacies of Communism Cvete Koneska 10. Between the Soviet Legacy and Opportunism: Minority Policy in Ukraine Tatyana Malyarenko Part III 11. Old Concept New Rhetoric? Zero Classes for Romani Children as an Example of Minority Governance in Slovakia Jarmila Lajcakova 12. Soviet Nationalities Policy and Minority Protection in the Baltic States: a Battle of Legacies Priit Jarve 13. Boosting Similarity and Difference or Only Difference? Soviet Nationality Policies and Integration in post-Communist Estonia Elo-Hanna Seljamaa 14. Estonia's state-building: The Dying Embers of the Soviet Institutional Legacy? Olena Podolian 15. The Representation of Minorities in the Public Sector in the EU Accession Process: The Case of Croatia Simondia Kacarska 16. Conclusion Karl Cordell and Timofey Agarin

During the period between the fall of the Iron Curtain (1986) and the beginning of the global crisis (2008) Russian universities made an attempt to switch over to graduation of specialists that would be able to meet competition in the international market for intellectual labour. As the crisis evolved, the processes of globalization of higher education in Russia faced problems of the bureaucratized system of management. As a result, Russian universities split up into two unequal groups: the minority of universities remained on the way of globalization and integration into the global system, and the majority (about 95 %) took a track of balkanization. The architecture of university campuses is expected to develop in two directions: one of them is in line with international stylistics common for all regions of the world, and the other keeps with diversity of regional and situational decisions tied to peculiarities of a certain university.

Walking into Democratic Citizenship: Anti-Corruption Protests in Romania’s Capital

Fifteen years after the ‘peaceful revolutions’ brought about the collapse of communism and the reunification of East and West Germany, a heated debate rages over the legacy of communism and the continuing impact of 1989. This paper describes a new course that explores the contentious issues in this debate through the innovative use of the course management system Blackboard. The paper describes how using Internet technology (video and audio links to archival and documentary footage, historic recordings, web linked academic articles, newspaper reports, internet sites, on‐line quizzes and virtual discussions) has brought today's undergraduates into the current debate and engaged them technologically in ways that deviate from more traditional teaching models. Such a course is not as prevalent as one would expect, least of all in undergraduate curricula in Germany and the United States.

This paper is concerned with monumental art in Slovakia before and after the fall of Communism in 1989. Generally, art in public spaces is important, because it influences the knowledge and feelings the people who use this space have about the past and the present, and thus influences the shared social construction of who we are as a social group. In this article we concentrate on the period of Communism and the formal and iconographic aspects that were essential to art at that time. We also look at the political use of art—the ways in which explicit and implicit meanings and ideas were communicated through art to the general public. We touch also on the present situation regarding the perception of “Communist art”. In the final section we discuss the state of affairs of the last twenty years of chaotic freedom in the post-socialist era. On the one hand, since there is no real cultural politics or conception for artworks in public spaces at the level of the state many artworks simply disappear, often without public discussion, and on the other hand, some actors use their political power to build monuments that promote their private political views.

The idea of this book originated in the 4th International Conference of Contemporary Affairs in Architecture and Urbanism ICCAUA2021, held online in Alanya Hamdullah Emin Pasa University in May 2021. It was conceived as an intellectual discourse and a concise compendium of recent research in two parts, first part comprises Architecture and Urban studies with fourteen chapters and the second part contains Heritage and Habitat studies with ten chapters. This provocative collection of essays and contributors is concerned with underlying issues such as ecosystem, architectural history, open and public space, aesthetics of urban planning, livability, urban equity, sustainable development, construction and risk management, urban identity, conservation and regeneration, ethnicity, engagement and gender studies, some with case studies. Each chapter is a free-standing text, but the twenty-four contributions have been grouped to enable cross-reference and comparison. This book is a useful collection of academic resource and discusses some unsolved issues that cities has to face. Dr. Rokhsaneh Rahbarianyazd Alanya HEP University Alanya, Turkey

West and East – Europe’s Dual Experience1 Tomáš Halík The spirit of the West When we speak of East and West in relation to Europe the terms usually have a cultural and political, rather than a geographical sense. The cultural differences between Christianity in the two areas stem from the difference between Greek and Latin thinking. The mutual alienation of the two branches of European Christianity resulted from the schism between the Byzantine and Latin patriarchates. It was particularly after that schism that the initial cultural diversity of western Christianity gave way to ‘Romanisation’and the dominance of papal Rome. The western cultural mentality was then formed fundamentally by a series of historical events and spiritual currents: conflicts between the papacy and the empire, the mediaeval ‘papal revolution’, the separation of secular and spiritual spheres, the emergence and gradual emancipation of secular culture, the humanism of the Renaissance, the Reformation, Enlightenment, the French Revolution, the ideals of democracy, human rights and civil liberties. Those major cultural transformations had a minimal effect on Eastern Europe (particularly after the centre of orthodox Christianity moved to Russia after the fall of Constantinople). Nationalism and the nation states came into existence on the ruins of mediaeval Christianitas. Europe’s West is also the cradle of scientific and technical progress, capitalism and the industrial revolution. Marxism and the socialist movement were a reaction to the social consequences of the industrial revolution. As a reaction to the major crisis of capitalism in the 1930s there was an upsurge of three revolutionary counter-cultural movements, which represented three forms of radical rejection of the western culture of Christianity, humanism and liberal democracy: German Nazism, Italian Fascism and Russian Communism. All three drew sustenance from mythological sources: Nazism from Germanic cults of land and blood, Fascism from Ancient Rome, and Bolshevism from Russian Messianism. The two world wars that started in western Europe weakened Europe’s standing in the world. In the subsequent Cold War, Europe was divided politically into the East (which now denoted the countries under the Soviet Studies • volume 109 • number 433 11 Studies_layout_SPRING-2020.indd 11 Studies_layout_SPRING-2020.indd 11 27/02/2020 13:59 27/02/2020 13:59 diktat) and the West, under the influence of the United States. Thus the terms West and East acquired a new meaning. Does this division into West and East still hold good today? The integration of Europe after the fall of Communism After the fall of Communism and the end of the Cold War, marked by the entry of several post-Communist countries into the EU and NATO, the process of European integration accelerated. Politicians spoke about ‘a common European home’and John Paul II about ‘Europe breathing with both its lungs’. It would now seem that those visions were a reflection of overoptimism . After 1989 the process of European integration relied excessively on economic and administrative aspects and neglected the cultural, moral and spiritual component: nurturing European awareness. The difficulty of defining a European identity became evident particularly during the attempts to frame a basic constitutional document for the EU. It is very difficult to find a compromise between two concepts: a conservative one based on nostalgia for ‘a Christian Europe’, and a secular liberal one that avoids linking the European idea with Christianity. Clearly on both sides there are prejudices, ‘enemy images’ and fears of the possible destructive consequences if the other side were to totally dominate public space. The continuation of the European integration process is encountering major difficulties. The West underestimates the dangers from Putin’s Russia, which is waging intensive hybrid warfare helped by a propaganda campaign of disinformation, aimed chiefly at the post-Communist countries.The European Union is weakened by the departure of Great Britain. The integration process is torpedoed by nationalists and populists – often financed by Russia– who are enjoying success on both side of the former ‘Iron Curtain’, particularly in the post-Communist countries such as Hungary and Poland, where they are gradually destroying liberal democracy, which did not manage to put down deep roots in the previous decades. The crisis of European integration is related, of course, to the crisis of a broader process...

Ważnym elementem każdego miasta zawsze były, są i będą przestrzenie publiczne rozumiane jako obszary, do których jest nieograniczony dostęp dla każdego i w których jest wolność zachowań i wypowiedzi. Centra handlowe wpisują się w przestrzeń miast, nieraz stając się ich wizytówkami rywalizując z tradycyjnymi przestrzeniami publicznymi. Pod względem kryteriów jakościowych są dobrymi przestrzeniami publicznymi, ale jednocześnie są to tereny, w których występuje wiele ograniczeń dyskryminujących je jako takie przestrzenie. W układzie kontinuum publiczno-prywatnym stanowią przestrzenie pośrednie ‒ hybrydowe o cechach dobrej przestrzeni publicznej. Centra handlowe są więc miejscami o koncentracji ważnych funkcji społecznych, zastępując, „wyręczając” w ten sposób tradycyjne przestrzenie publiczne, w tym centra miast. Publiczność tych nowoczesnych kompleksów jest pod wieloma względami ograniczona (ograniczenia czasowe, ofertowe, personalne, w zachowaniach, m.in. społecznych, politycznych), dlatego trudno centra handlowe traktować jako przestrzenie publiczne w czystej postaci. W związku z rolą tych nowoczesnych przestrzeni handlowo-usługowych należy podjąć trud w umiejscowieniu centrów handlowych w relacji do przestrzeni publicznych miast. Powinno się dążyć do wypracowania pewnych relacji między tradycyjnymi przestrzeniami publicznymi a przestrzeniami hybrydowymi (w tym terenami centrów handlowych), aby przynosiły korzyści mieszkańcom oraz sprzyjały lepszemu funkcjonowaniu miast. W literaturze nie ma jednoznacznego stanowiska, jak traktować kompleksy handlowe: czy jako przestrzeń prywatną, publiczną (z wolnym dostępem) lub jako przestrzeń pośrednią zwaną „hybrydową”. Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie różnych podejść do roli centrów handlowych jako powierzchni umiejscowionych między przestrzenią publiczną (w czystej postaci) a typową przestrzenią prywatną. Podejmowanie dyskusji na temat roli tych nowoczesnych „świątyń konsumpcji” w kontekście zawłaszczania przestrzeni publicznych wydaje się istotnym zagadnieniem. Należy szczególnie zastanowić się, jak odpowiednio chronić typowe przestrzenie publiczne przed naciskami komercyjnymi oraz jak powinny koegzystować one z przestrzeniami hybrydowymi.

The collapse of communism in eastern Europe set off an inevitable chain of political transitions. The abruptness of this change resulted in several stable communist societies' rapid deterioration into chaos and crisis. This text is divided into three sections. Firstly it examines Yugoslavia and the underlying forces that led to its disintegration. Then it presents a view of the Balkan countries immediately after the collapse of communism. And thirdly it focuses on various aspects of post-communist Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary.

The objective of this work is to analyze the production of club-condominiums, aiming to understand the relation of the model with the public space in Vila Andrade, district of the city of Sao Paulo. Based on surveys and mapping of the projects built in the district during the 2000s, the relationship of the model with three aspects is analyzed: 1) spatial segregation; 2) the increase of violence in the public space; 3) public leisure spaces. The conditions used by Jane Jacobs to ensure the diversity of people and the use of public spaces in the districts were used as a basis for analysis. It was thus revealed that the Condominio-Clube, understood as an urban typology, in the sense that its spatial configurations in the local context have induced new territorial dynamics guided by spatial segregation and social exclusion, has collaborated to reduce the supply of spaces Opened by the municipality. First, the new spatial dynamics occurred in Vila Andrade and a characterization of the district was analyzed; Later the relationship of the Villaggio Panamby Condominium with the public space was analyzed.

Even when the domestic political system has undergone reform, it sometimes seems unlikely that any outside force can introduce enough of a “carrot and stick” approach to persuade a country to maintain momentum. This article is concerned with understanding the cultural peculiarities of fighting corruption and building civil society in Romania, where despite the tough EU monitoring and domestic anti‐sleaze efforts, corruption, and low trust remain significant problems. Many of the theorists in the post‐communist literature argue that socioeconomic factors and the communist legacy have weakened post‐communist civil society in the region. This article explores the question whether corruption has replaced the legacy of communism as a factor undermining trust in others and government in Romania and presents an examination of the association between corruption and post‐communist civil society. The article argues that future research needs to switch focus from discussing Romanian social, political, and cultural behaviors from a longue durée perspective to evaluating the impact of political corruption on trust and, hence, civil society in Romania.