Disruptive Repentance: Protesting in the Morning Service at Waitangi in 1983

UNESCO World Heritage site nominations require the use and presence of maps and GIS to demarcate potential heritage property boundaries. UNESCO and the World Heritage Committee provided specific cartographic guidelines and standards for the inclusion of maps within the nominations. The New Zealand government used maps and GIS to visually convince UNESCO, the World Heritage Committee, the International Union on the Conservation of Nature, and the International Council on Monuments and Sites of intangible cultural relationships at Tongariro National Park. More specifically, New Zealand combined scientific maps, Māori language narratives, and symbols to make the intangible tangible and geographically visible. Maps and GIS images that accompanied World Heritage nomination dossiers were housed at the UNESCO World Heritage Centre and the International Council on Monuments and Sites in Paris, France. The first section of the paper introduces the data sources and methods used in our archival research. Next, we provide a brief description of the Tongariro National Park nomination and present a case study on, and interpretation of, the maps and GIS contained within the Tongariro National Park World Heritage nomination dossier. Finally, we will offer some conclusions and directions for future research.

In February 1840, Māori co-signed the Treaty of Waitangi with the British Crown. Partnership, protection, and participation are the fundamental principles provided in the Treaty. In April 2010, the New Zealand government endorsed the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. These two instruments provide indigenous peoples with the right to participate fully in decision-making that will affect their legal, social, economic, cultural, and political rights. Having endorsed the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the New Zealand government is morally obliged to comply with the intent of the Declaration. The focus of this chapter is on the right of Māori to participate and be represented on the governing councils of local government. It will be demonstrated that the refusal by the New Zealand government in 2010 to provide dedicated Māori wards on the Auckland Council is contrary to the intent of the Declaration. The principles of the Treaty of Waitangi require the government to act with integrity toward the indigenous people of New Zealand. It will be argued that the failure of local government to utilize electoral options that will enhance Māori representation in local government breach obligations inherent in both the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the Treaty of Waitangi.

Mana Maori Motuhake: Maori Self­Determination

It is well established that Aotearoa, New Zealand has high rates of child abuse compared to other OECD (The Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development) countries. From 2007 to 2017, 12% of homicides were of tamariki (children) under 12 years of age. On average, a child dies every five weeks from family violence, ranking Aotearoa 7th highest for child homicide and 35th out of 41 OECD countries for child wellbeing outcomes. Inequities in health outcomes exist outside of child abuse as well — Māori tamariki with meningococcal disease are hospitalised at 3.5 times the rate of non-Māori, non-Pasifika children. Māori tamariki with skin infections are also hospitalised at 2–2.5 times the rate of non-Māori, non-Pasifika children. These examples serve to highlight the inequitable outcomes Māori tamariki experience in both disease and abuse. With the prevalence of child abuse, there is a corresponding amount of activity in the child protection sector. Oranga Tamariki is the branch of government that oversees care for children of the state, youth offenders, and children at risk of harm from violence. In the 12 months prior to September 2021, 5100 children were entered into the care and custody of Oranga Tamariki. Out of these children in state custody, 57% identified as Māori and a further 11% identified as both Māori and Pasifika.5 These statistics serve to demonstrate the inequitable picture that makes up child protection interventions and outcomes in Aotearoa. The conclusive evidence that we have a child abuse epidemic in our country needs to be framed in the context of its inequitable representation. It is Oranga Tamariki and its subsidiaries that are responsible for upholding the legislative duty of the New Zealand Government as the Crown partner in Te Tiriti o Waitangi (the Treaty of Waitangi) to provide equitable outcomes for Māori children and their whānau (families).

Aotearoa New Zealand is a bicultural nation with a superdiverse society, a feature which presents opportunities and challenges for our early childhood education (ECE) sector (Chan & Ritchie, 2020). A primary challenge within the sector is achieving, in accordance with the partnership, protection and participation principles of te Tiriti o Waitangi and the Treaty of Waitangi, equitable educational outcomes for Māori tamariki (children) as well as for tamariki from the many other minority groups attending ECE services. An important over-arching policy initiative in this regard is growing and sustaining a quality ECE teacher workforce that reflects and represents Aotearoa New Zealand’s increasingly diverse society (Ministry of Education, 2019). Research evidence suggests that such a workforce can make a positive contribution to ensuring more equitable educational environments for diverse tamariki, their whānau (family and extended family) and their communities. Our study investigated barriers to and facilitators of attracting diverse kaiako (teacher) to ECE in Aotearoa New Zealand and retaining them once there. Although our research showed some positive developments in this regard, it also indicates much work is still needed to ensure our ECE teacher workforce and workplaces are representative of and inclusive towards diversity. We hope this research and its recommendations will create further discussion and reflection around the opportunities and challenges still ahead of us in working towards a world-class inclusive ECE education system for all (New Zealand Government, 2019).

This chapter considers a number of key chapters of the TPP relating to access to genetic resources, informed consent and benefit-sharing. Part 2 looks at the TPP chapter on Intellectual Property and focuses on access to genetic resources, informed consent and benefit-sharing. In particular, this part considers Indigenous intellectual property in the context of a challenge under the Treaty of Waitangi between the New Zealand government and the Māori. This conflict has raised larger questions about Indigenous sovereignty, investor-state dispute settlement, and plant intellectual property. Part 3 considers the TPP chapter on the Environment, and its treatment of access to genetic resources. Part 4 focuses on the TPP chapter on development, and considers its relevance and implications for biodiversity. The conclusion in Part 5 considers the future of the TPP, and the rival regional agreement, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). The conclusion contends that trade agreements in the Pacific Rim should seek to strengthen the regional institutions, networks, and rules in respect of access to genetic resources, informed consent and benefit-sharing.

The New Zealand Government's Freshwater for a sustainable future (2004a) discussion paper raises the need for an effective process for the inclusion of Māori input on water management issues. Few processes have been developed specifically for Aotearoa/New Zealand. In Aotearoa/New Zealand, for Māori communities, a more appropriate level of resource management decision making is at the hapū (sub-tribe) level and it is here that input from Māori communities affected by proposals under the Resource Management Act must be considered. Hapū have direct relationships to puna (springs), other water bodies and a geographic region that are reinforced in their pepeha (tribal sayings) and whakataukī (proverbs). Water bodies, such as streams, rivers, lakes and wetlands are key elements in the identity, whakapapa (genealogy) and mana (prestige) of the hapū. Water and all living things have their own mauri (life force or principle), which is important for a hapū to protect from degradation and damage. Therefore consultation and other forms of Māori involvement should incorporate representation of relevant hapū. Such a step would be consistent with the Treaty of Waitangi. Mauri is the central concept that the Mauri Model uses to interpret hapū values in the context of contemporary development. The Mauri Model has a strong foundation in the traditional values of tangata whenua (people of the land) and also parallels the current policy direction being taken by central government in New Zealand. This enables a direct comparison between the results of conventional engineering analysis and results based on analysis of impacts on mauri within the Mauri Model.

This article is based on the author's inaugural professorial lecture delivered at Victoria University of Wellington in March 2011. The author's subject is treaties and treaty-like agreements, entered into between the New Zealand government and Māori after the Treaty of Waitangi.

Pests such as invasive exotic wasps and rats are a serious threat to Aotearoa New Zealand’s native species, and the country has been working toward the New Zealand government’s target of eliminating rats, possums, and mustelids by 2050. Since current control methods lack the efficiency and scalability to eradicate mammalian predators and pest invertebrates like wasps, gene technologies are being considered and developed as additional methods of control. Social studies to gauge public perceptions on these novel technologies have also been conducted, with a strong emphasis on Indigenous viewpoints and the importance of societal compacts, particularly Te Tiriti o Waitangi (Treaty of Waitangi). Conservation volunteers and environmental specialists are uniquely experienced and positioned to inform decisions on which technologies are developed and how, but 1) what are their views on genetic technologies for pest control and 2) how do they expect gene technology for pest control to be discussed and developed? To help answer these two questions, we conducted a new analysis of a dataset of 8,199 nationwide survey responses, 23 in-depth surveys of wasp control volunteers, and 18 interviews with rat and wasp control volunteers and environmental experts, using Q-methodology. All of the conservation volunteers, scientists, academics, and environmental professionals expect that risks associated with the technology are carefully and fully identified and mitigated against. A majority cautiously supports gene technologies for their potential to more effectively control pests. A significant minority supports gene technologies for pest control under certain conditions, most significantly if Māori as Tiriti partners are also supportive. A smaller minority has doubts and concerns about gene technologies for pest control and raises important considerations for scientists and policy-makers alike. Addressing all of these concerns, supported by Tiriti-based decision-making processes, will facilitate consensus-based discussions and decisions on genetic technology use.

This thesis analyses the nationalist rhetoric of successive Australian and New Zealand governments over the twentieth century. It uses political rhetoric to analyse the way that ideas about race, Empire and geopolitical identities were invoked, transformed and discarded in Australia and New Zealand. Each chapter in this thesis is a case study of an event that caused the two governments to articulate visions of Australia and New Zealand and their place in the world. It draws upon transnational and comparative historiography dealing with Australia and New Zealand, as well as scholarship seeking to understand nationalism and geopolitics. It uses these theoretical frameworks to explain the resilience and then rapid decline of British settler nationalism in Australia and New Zealand and analyse the post-British nationalisms that took its place. This thesis begins at a time when Britishness pervaded most aspects of nationalist rhetoric in Australia and New Zealand, and it ends in 1990 where governments adopted explicitly post-British post-racial national identities. It explains this transformation by analysing a series of case studies through the twentieth century that illustrate the decline of the British Empire and the attempts by governments in Australia and New Zealand to define a new place for themselves within the world. This project places that process in comparative perspective by comparing their response to this challenge. This comparative and transnational approach provides an explanation for the divergence in nationalist rhetoric in Australia and New Zealand. By considering: Federation in 1901, World War One, World War II, Britain’s decline in the 1960s, new Labo(u)r governments in the 1970s, the ANZUS crisis in 1984-5 and national celebrations in 1988 and 1990, this thesis tracks the decline of the British Empire in the settler colonies. This caused the differences between Australia and New Zealand — apparent in 1901 and influential on the two governments’ responses to a range of issues — to become even more pronounced. At the same time, an analysis of political rhetoric in the two countries points to important ongoing similarities that reflect the fact that governments on both sides of the Tasman were affected by similar processes and concerned with similar issues. They were both coming to terms with Britain’s decline and developing post-British national identities that addressed the myriad challenges the two countries faced.

Robert McNab (1864–1917), lawyer, politician, and historian, was one of the most prominent and influential of New Zealand's early intellectuals, renowned for his meticulous gathering of historical resources. The result of nine years of painstaking research, this book was developed from a series of articles on Southland history published in the newspaper Southern Standard in the late 1890s. Murihiku spans the history of European exploration and settlement in the South Island, from the voyages of Abel Tasman and Captain Cook to the arrival of the sealers, whalers, missionaries, and the early settlers in the years leading up the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840. The book was first published in 1905. After extensive research in archives in Australia, the USA, and Britain, McNab produced a more substantial edition in 1907. This third edition appeared in 1909. McNab was elected fellow of the Royal Geographical society in 1908.

Aim of this paper is to show development of Christian liturgical tradition in 4 century, on the base of “Constitutions of the Holy Apostles”. On the basis of this manuscript we can observe the development of the liturgical tradition of the Eastern Church. This paper shows all church services described in manuscript, which leads to short analysis of liturgy, evening worship and morning service. thPaper also shows liturgical calendar of Church in 4 century which can educate about feasts and specials days in Christian life. This analysis leads to conclusion that liturgical tradition showed in “Constitutions...” was an example of developed liturgical life and even nowadays has serious influence in Orthodox liturgical life.

A more meaningful evening service We inherited the practice of the evening service (evening prayer), and with it the problem of its diminishing importance. Various factors contributed to this state of affairs. Guidelines for a more meaningful evening service, are: » It must be a genuine church service » It must have a different character from the morning service, and as such a freer character. » The form should be varied and can have alternatively different accents: an ordinary morning service, a service with holy communion, a service with the accent on teaching, prayer, song, the main lines of the church work, confession and witness, discussion or fellowship/koinonia. The watch word is proper preparation, good control, variation and responsibility.

The Nagoya Protocol is a recent binding international instrument that articulates the need to recognise the rights of indigenous peoples regarding their biological resources and cultural knowledge and strengthens the mechanisms to do so. New Zealand has not signed this protocol because of the overriding importance of the Treaty of Waitangi in New Zealand’s domestic affairs, and the need to ensure that government options are not limited concerning the development of domestic policy on access to biological resources. In particular, policy makers and legislators are waiting for the government response to a 2011 Waitangi Tribunal report (Ko Aotearoa Tēnei) on a far-reaching and complex claim (WAI 262) concerning the place of Māori traditional knowledge, culture and identity in contemporary New Zealand law and government policies and practice. Especially pertinent to this paper is the report’s section on Māori rights relating to biological and genetic resources. In accordance with the recommendation within Ko Aotearoa Tēnei, the principle of partnership, built on the explicit Treaty premise of Crown and Māori as formal equals, is presented here as the overarching framework and mechanism by which government agencies and Māori can work together to safeguard such resources. Core concepts and values are elucidated that underpin the Māori relationship to indigenous flora and fauna and are integral to the protection of cultural knowledge of seeds and plants. Examples are given of plant species regarded as taonga (treasures) and how they are conserved, and a case study is presented of institutional stewardship of harakeke (New Zealand flax) weaving varieties. Seed bank facilities are also evaluated regarding their incorporation of Māori values and rights under the Treaty of Waitangi.

On 2 July 2011, the Waitangi Tribunal delivered the Wai 262 report to the New Zealand Government. After 20 years of deliberation, the report is monumental in both substance and symbolism. Making recommendations as to the place of Māori culture in New Zealand, as guaranteed by Article 2 of the Treaty of Waitangi, the report has the potential to change how Māori cultural heritage is used in the future, including with regard to research practice, trade and intellectual property rights. This paper analyses the recommendations made over traditional cultural expressions, including fixed and non-fixed forms (taonga works), the related traditional knowledge (mātauranga Māori) and hybrid uses of Māori motifs (taonga-derived work). In doing so, it attempts to address and fill in the details left out by the Tribunal. This is followed by a discussion on whether the recommendations are compliant with New Zealand’s international obligations.