Disconnected development in the Central African Republic: why there is no trickle down nor building up in the world’s poorest state

Access to education constitutes a critically important socio-economic issue for developing countries, particularly those that have suffered from protracted armed conflicts and political instability. Conflicts have severely deteriorated the educational infrastructure, resulting in the closure of numerous schools. Political instability has further exacerbated the situation by diverting resources away from the education sector and undermining efforts to develop and implement effective educational policies. The absence of a safe environment has hindered children’s learning and development, thereby reducing prospects for socio-economic progress. These problems are clearly manifested in the case of the Central African Republic (CAR), which for decades has been enduring prolonged crises, armed conflicts, political instability, economic stagnation, and social fragmentation. The education system there continues to face serious challenges. A shortage of qualified personnel, insufficient funding, and other socio-economic barriers significantly limit access to education for residents of remote regions, indigenous peoples, nomadic tribes, refugees, and internally displaced persons. In addition to domestic issues, the education system is significantly influenced by international and foreign actors, including non-profit organizations (NPOs) and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Their projects, on the one hand, continue to provide temporary solutions; on the other hand, they contribute to the country’s dependency on external assistance and to the formulation of public policies that do not always align with national interests. This article examines the historical context of the development of the education system in the Central African Republic, its current condition, the impact of armed conflicts, governmental efforts and the national education strategy, as well as the influence of foreign actors on educational policy.

“Anarchy”, “religious war”, “genocide” and, recently, “cannibalism” – these are some of the most commonly used words in Western news media when referring to the crisis in the Central African Republic (CAR), at least since the takeover of power by the rebel coalition Séléka in March 2013. In the context of these media stereotypes, this article unravels some of the complexities that have arisen in the CAR conflict since the fall of the Bozizé regime and the Séléka takeover. We show how international actors have been pivotal in shaping the current crisis in the country. In order to help steer CAR out of its predicament, we show how important it is that international peacekeeping operations, policymakers and diplomats understand not only the situation on the ground but also the close ties major groups in CAR have with various regional and other international actors. If context awareness remains scant, there is a serious risk that their activities will at best be suboptimal and at worst aid in fuelling the crisis.

The conflict in the Central African Republic (CAR) has attracted international attention since the early 2000s. The African Union, the United Nations (UN) and the French Republic have all been involved in trying to help resolve the conflict. Since 2018, Russia has been actively involved in resolving the conflict in the Central African Republic. The government and people of the CAR have repeatedly expressed their dissatisfaction with the functioning of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) contingent and, conversely, expressed their appreciation for the Russian military specialists stationed in the CAR. The author attempts to compare the effectiveness of the UN peacekeeping contingent (MINUSCA) and Russian military specialists operating under the auspices of the Officers Union for International Security (OUIS), based on the essential unity of purpose of these forces. Based on an analysis of data on state control in the CAR and violent incidents from 2014 to 2022, the author concludes that the Russian contingent is more effective in providing security and strengthening the state in the CAR (tasks also outlined in the MINUSCA mandate). The author also analyzes the problems in the functioning of the UN peacekeeping contingents, highlighting their systemic and structural shortcomings. The main shortcoming, however, in his view, is the UN’s commitment to a liberal approach that challenges the sovereignty of the host state. The Russian realist approach, by contrast, focuses on sovereignty and its power component. Thus, the actions of the Russians in the CAR can be studied within the paradigm of “illiberal” peacekeeping.

Global health 2035: a world converging within a generation

There is a growing interest among state and local government officials in the possibility of privatization of the provision of public goods. In the face of increasing opposition to tax increases and government growth, the transfer of responsibility for the delivery and pricing of services from the public sector to the private sector becomes an attractive option. Assessment of the impact of the transfer from public to private institutional arrangements upon provision of public goods requires that properties of the private and public equilibria be established. In a series of provocative papers the possibility of private market provision of public goods has been explored. Building upon early contributions by Thompson [10] and Demsetz [5], both competitive [7] and monopoly [3; 2; 4] models have been developed in an attempt to characterize private market solutions to the public goods allocation problem under conditions of costless exclusion. A common conclusion of these recent papers is that private provision of excludable public goods is inefficient. The private pricing mechanism results in underallocation of resources to the production of public goods capacity and in the underutilization of the capacity which is produced. The implication is that, relative to the first-best Lindahl-type public equilibrium, the private equilibrium represents an inferior alternative. Although the Lindahl solution provides an appropriate benchmark for pure theoretical inquiry, the actual process of privatization develops from a majority voting status quo in the public sector. In this paper we wish to extend the scope of comparative analysis to the case of private market versus majority voting public sector provision of excludable public goods. The concept of public sector equilibrium employed is that of median voter equilibrium. This concept has become a standard within the theoretical public goods literature [1] and has enjoyed some recent empirical support as well [6]. The particular research issue we will address is the identification of conditions under which a majority of the consumer/voters would prefer the private monopoly outcome to the public monopoly outcome. Given the increasing interest in the privatization of public service delivery, the framework of analysis contained in this paper would seem to be of significant potential public policy import. A nonexhaustive list of potential candidate services for monopoly privatization would include roads, waterways, parks, museums, zoos, and airports. We employ consumer surplus analysis to determine the percentage of voters who prefer the private monopoly solution to the public outcome. Successful privatization requires majority support from an interesting coalition of low and high demanders of the public good. Low demanders

Having hosted nearly a dozen peacekeeping and peacebuilding efforts since the mid-1990s, the Central African Republic (CAR) has been a laboratory for peace interventions – an ‘early adopter’ of various peace initiatives. It is thus a useful case from which to draw preliminary conclusions about the roles of the United Nations (UN) and regional organisations in resolving conflicts that involve entire regions. This article examines the roles of the UN and the African Union (AU) in CAR, where there is a long history of successive conflict resolution efforts that have been overseen by the international community and the region alternatively. The AU, regional economic communities (RECs) such as the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), and regional leaders have also played important roles during the many initiatives aimed at resolving conflict in CAR. This article analyses the responses and relationship between these institutions and actors, beginning with the deployment of an inter-African monitoring mission in 1997. It is argued that peace operations in CAR have lacked a clear political strategy and a clear understanding of the situation, as well as the necessary sustained engagement from both regional and international actors. It is further argued that each subsequent intervention has added an additional layer to the previous one, thus creating a proliferation of peace operations whose mandates, troop contingents and leadership have not always been fit for purpose.

Despite its considerable potential and growth rates, the African continent has not yet overcome its main challenge: con icts, which have become almost chronic in some countries. Given the tangible consequences of these con icts for both African countries and the rest of the world, establishing and maintaining peace and security in Africa remains a priority for the international community. The Central African Republic (CAR), one of the world’s poorest countries, landlocked but rich in natural resources, has experienced the full impact of endless coups, weak governance and con ict. Since the mid-1990s, more than a dozen peacekeeping operations have been conducted here. The CAR has become a kind of ‘laboratory’ for all possible types of intervention, including multidimensional stabilization operations, training, observation, advisory, military missions and peacekeeping and peacebuilding operations. The peacekeeping ‘marathon’ in the CAR involved a multitude of actors, including the United Nations (UN), the African Union (AU), the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (CEMAC), the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) and the European Union (EU), as well as individual countries, such as France and, to some extent, Russia. Despite these interventions, the domestic political situation in the country remained unstable for a long time, representing the Central African security paradox. To study this issue, the dynamics of numerous peacekeeping operations since 1997 were examined, and three main stages of international intervention were identi ed based on qualitative changes in the security situation. The present study is based on a qualitative comparative analysis, which enables to identify stable combinations of factors that determine the e ectiveness or ine ectiveness of international missions in protracted con icts. The study reveals the main reasons for the limited e ectiveness of international peacekeeping in the CAR.

В данной статье используется простая модель для анализа причин, которые определяют размер общественного сектора и качество занятой в нем рабочей силы. Работники отличаются друг от друга по ряду характеристик, а общественный сектор использует стратегию найма, максимизирующую функцию полезности U(s, Y), где s - доля рабочей силы, занятой в общественном секторе, а Y - объем выпуска в частном секторе. Правительство имеет полную информацию о производительности труда работников. Авторы описывают поведение общественного сектора экономики и изучают, как наличие фискальных ограничений для правительства влияет на эффективность и занятость.

BackgroundThe electronic routine health information system (eRHIS) is crucial for policy and planning. However, its effectiveness depends on end-users’ capabilities in utilising it. Using a mixed-methods approach, we evaluated end-users’ data in the Central African Republic (CAR), Ethiopia, Tanzania, and Uganda in one of the first standardised cross-country assessment of eRHIS users’ capabilities focussed on newborn and stillbirth indicators.MethodsWe collected data in 12 regions and 4 city administrations between November 2022 and July 2024 using the Every Newborn-Measurement Improvement for Newborn & Stillbirth Indicators (EN-MINI) Performance of Routine Information System Management (PRISM) tools. All data but staff opinions were collected through direct observation. We analysed quantitative questions and reported them as frequencies/normalised PRISM scores, both on the overall sample and by country. We analysed qualitative data using thematic analysis.ResultsWe included end-users of the eRHIS from 151 sites (56 data offices, 95 facilities). Their capabilities in utilising the eRHIS varied and were mainly higher in Uganda, followed by Tanzania, Ethiopia, and the CAR. End-users’ capabilities also varied by type of abilities, being in general higher for track report completeness (with Tanzania, Uganda, Ethiopia, and CAR having 6/10, 5/10, 4/10, and 2/10 indicators at >80%, respectively), compared to skills in data analysis and visualisation (with only Uganda showing 2/6 indicators >80% for both domains and the other countries having no indicators at >80%). Practical skills scores were low in all countries, particularly on plotting, problem-solving, and use of information. ‘Champion/good performer’ emerged in each country, with staff at higher health system levels showing the highest capabilities. End-users’ suggestions to improve the eRHIS (n = 127) were focussed on technical/software improvements (n = 73, 57.5%) and functionalities for data quality checks and data analysis (n = 36, 28.3%).ConclusionsOur findings suggest several common gaps in end-users’ capabilities in utilising the eRHIS, particularly in the CAR, and in all countries at facility levels.

This paper considers the proposition, popular in much political rhetoric over the last two decades, that public sector organisations should develop entrepreneurial capabilities in their provision of public goods and their interactions with private sector providers. We take national security as a paradigm case of public goods and discuss issues around entrepreneurship in its provision by public and private sector organisations. We argue that while there appear to be clear opportunities for extending an entrepreneurial culture into the operations of national defense organisations, the special features of providing security as a public good presents fundamental challenges. We use a principal-agent framework to undertake analysis.

ABSTRACTThis paper analyses the declining importance of political parties in the Central African Republic (CAR). The country can be considered an extreme example of the lack of viability of a state in general, and democracy in particular. However, the quality of elections has exceeded the average in the sub-region over a substantial time-span. Hopes for a democratic future only faded in recent years. The paper hypothesises that both political parties and rebel movements are failing to adequately represent (ethnoregional) interests, but that parties are suffering more in the course of the enduring warandthe peace process. Patterns of elite behaviour are presented as the main explanation for the resulting crisis of representation, with international actors' preference for inclusionary power-sharing deals seen as the main aggravating factor.

Reshaping Political Space? The Impact of the Armed Insurgency in the Central African Republic on Political Parties and Representation

Introductionmaternal and child health remains a major challenge in the Central African Republic (CAR), with alarming indicators worsened by recurrent crises. This study aims to assess the impact of performance-based financing (PBF), implemented as part of the Health System Support Project (PASS), on maternal and child health indicators in the Kémo health district between 2019 and 2020. The study aims to assess the impact of PBF on maternal and child health indicators.Methodsthis retrospective cross-sectional study with a before/after comparison was conducted in June 2024 in 14 health facilities in the sub-prefectures of Dekoa and Mala (Kémo health district, CAR), which had implemented performance-based financing between 2019 and 2020. Convenience sampling was used. The analysis was carried out using Excel and Epi-info version 7.2.6.Resultsthe study revealed that the number of skilled personnel almost doubled in all professional categories after the introduction of PBF. A significant improvement in medical equipment and health infrastructure was noted. Coverage of delivery assisted by skilled personnel increased from 64.76% before to 71.95% after, OR = 1.39; 95% CI = [1.27-1]. Coverage of ANC4+ antenatal consultation increased from 58.90% before to 93.58% after, OR= 10.17 95% CI= [9.55-10.84]. Coverage of Penta 3 vaccine increased from 48.30% before to 79.57% after, OR = 4.17; 95% CI= [3.18-4.48]. All these results were significant, with p < 0.05.Conclusionperformance-based financing has improved maternal and child health indicators in the district. As for its effect on improving the quality of maternal and child health care, other factors need to be taken into account, which will require further study.

EVER since A. C. Pigou wrote his books on "welfare,"' a divergence between private and social costs has provided the main argument for instituting government action to correct allegedly inefficient market activities. The analysis in such cases has been designed less to aid our understanding of how the economic system operates than to find flaws in it to justify policy recommendations. Both to illustrate the argument and to demonstrate the nature of the actual situation, the quest has been for real-world examples of such defects.

Background/Objectives: Yellow fever (YF) outbreaks continue to affect populations that are not reached by routine immunization services, such as workers at a high risk of occupational exposure to YF. In the Central African Republic (CAR), YF cases were detected in districts characterized by the presence of workers in forest areas. We developed an innovative approach based on a local partnership with private companies of the extractive industry to administer YF vaccine to workers in remote areas during the response to an outbreak. Methods: The planning stage of the campaign included the mapping of forestry and mining companies through the involvement of national and/or local representatives of companies from both the formal and informal sectors. Information sessions and mobilization targeted the heads of operating companies. Advanced and mobile strategies were used to target workers on their work site. Companies provided logistical support including transportation and communication and set up temporary vaccination posts. Results: Using this local partnership, it was possible to vaccinate over 70,000 workers (5.8% of the entire vaccinated population) in hard-to-reach areas, protecting them from YF. This represented around 47% of the estimated number of workers and dependents. The partnership with the private sector also contributed to increasing knowledge on the risk of YF and means of protection among a high-risk community. Conclusions: Private companies represent potentially useful actors that can contribute to the protection of high-risk workers and to the prevention and control YF outbreaks. The experience in the CAR has demonstrated that it is possible to obtain support from private companies, including informal ones, for a vaccination campaign.