Disciplining Black Literary Study

Jezebel Unhinged: Losing the Black Female Body in Religion & Culture

Beyond Discontent:

1086 Background: Black women are 40% more likely to die from their breast cancer compared to White women. Inadequate representation of Blacks in clinical trials may contribute to health care inequity. Emory’s Winship Cancer Institute (WCI) in Atlanta serves a significant Black population and has a unique opportunity to engage these underrepresented patients in clinical trials. We aimed to assess clinical outcomes in Black versus White women with metastatic breast cancer (MBC) enrolled on investigator-initiated clinical trials (IITs) at Emory. Methods: Black and White women with MBC enrolled on IITs conducted at WCI between 1/2009 and 1/2019 were retrospectively evaluated. Descriptive statistics were generated for all patient characteristics. Univariate analyses and a multiple logistic regression model were used to assess the effect of age and race on clinical response, length of time on trial, number of therapy lines prior to trial enrollment, and toxicity on trial. Overall survival was assessed using Kaplan Meier analysis. Results: Sixty-two women with MBC were included [White, n = 41 (66%), and Black, n = 21 (34%), p = 0.55]. Over 90% of women were enrolled on phase II clinical trials and received targeted therapy. Mean age at clinical trial consent was 53.2 and 55.9 years in Black and White women, respectively (p = 0.36). While the majority of women had hormone-receptor positive disease, a higher percentage of Blacks had triple negative breast cancer (29% vs. 17% in Whites, p = 0.39). Black women had fewer lines of systemic therapy prior to trial enrollment (2.86 vs. 4.3, respectively, p = 0.017) and were enrolled on trial for less time than White women (5.67 mo vs. 7.83 mo, respectively, p = 0.22). There were no differences in toxicity rates among patients enrolled on IITs based on race. Black women were more likely to have progressive disease (PD) on trial (45% in Blacks vs. 20% in Whites, p = 0.05). While there was no significant difference in overall survival (p = 0.482), there was a trend towards shorter survival in Black women (51.3 mos vs. 64 mos, respectively). Conclusions: Black women with MBC who enrolled on IIT trials at Emory had worse treatment response and a trend towards poorer survival compared to White women. More research is needed to determine whether this is due to adverse biology. These results reinforce the need for exploration of biomarkers of response by race and ethnicity and improved representation of Blacks in clinical trials to inform real world efficacy.

Black beauty culture developed in the context of widespread disparagement of black men and women in images produced by whites, and black women’s exclusion from mainstream cultural institutions, such as beauty contests, which defined beauty standards on a national scale. Though mainstream media rarely represented black women as beautiful, black women’s beauty was valued within black communities. Moreover many black women used cosmetics, hair products and styling, and clothing to meet their communities’ standards for feminine appearance. At the beginning of the 20th century, the black press, which included newspapers, general magazines, and women’s magazines, showcased the beauty of black women. As early as the 1890s, black communities organized beauty contests that celebrated black women’s beauty and served as fora for debating definitions of black beauty. Still, generally, but not always, the black press and black women’s beauty pageants favored women with lighter skin tones, and many cosmetics firms that marketed to black women sold skin lighteners. The favoring of light skin was nonetheless debated and contested within black communities, especially during periods of heightened black political activism. In the 1910s and 1920s and later in the 1960s and 1970s, social movements fostered critiques of black aesthetics and beauty practices deemed Eurocentric. One focus of criticism was the widespread black practice of hair straightening—a critique that has produced an enduring association between hairstyles perceived as natural and racial pride. In the last decades of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st, African migration and the transnational dissemination of information via the internet contributed to a creative proliferation of African American hairstyles. While such styles display hair textures associated with African American hair, and are celebrated as natural hairstyles, they generally require the use of hair products and may incorporate synthetic hair extensions. Beauty culture provided an important vehicle for African American entrepreneurship at a time when racial discrimination barred black women from other opportunities and most national cosmetics companies ignored black women. Black women’s beauty-culture business activities included beauticians who provided hair care in home settings and the extremely successful nationwide and international brand of hair- and skin-care products developed in the first two decades of the 20th century by Madam C. J. Walker. Hair-care shops provided important places for sharing information and community organizing. By the end of the 20th century, a few black-owned hair-care and cosmetics companies achieved broad markets and substantial profitability, but most declined or disappeared as they faced increased competition from or were purchased by larger white-owned corporations.

ABSTRACTObjectiveBlack individuals remain underrepresented in disordered eating research, despite evidence that both Black men and women present with disordered eating behaviors. Culturally‐informed theoretical frameworks suggest that these behaviors may be linked to race‐related sociocultural experiences, such as aspects of racial identity. While studies have focused on racial identity commitment, the association between attitudes toward one's racial identity and disordered eating remains underexplored. The present study examines whether positive attitudes toward one's Blackness and Black culture are associated with disordered eating.MethodIn a cross‐sectional online sample of Black men and women (N = 458), we measured self‐reported attitudes toward Blackness (i.e., centrality and private regard) and disordered eating behaviors (i.e., purging, binge eating, excessive exercise, and drive for thinness).ResultsIn pre‐registered linear regression models, private regard was negatively associated with purging and binge eating. Across all models, centrality was not associated with disordered eating. On average, Black women reported greater drive for thinness whereas Black men reported higher excessive exercise scores.DiscussionThis is the first study to demonstrate associations between racial attitudes and disordered eating among Black men and women. Our findings affirm unique correlates of disordered eating among Black people and suggest that positive attitudes toward one's Blackness and Black culture may be a protective factor against the development of disordered eating.

Review: Double Negative: The Black Image and Popular Culture, by Racquel J. Gates

The musical supervision of HBO’s insecure sonically maps various representations of Black women’s connections to hip-hop music as a site of autonomy, agency, and authenticity. Importantly, the variety of Black female rappers who are featured in seasons 1–3 of insecure connects nuanced and contemporary representations of Black millennial women’s understanding of Black womanhood, sex, friendship, love, and relationships. I argue that the influence of Issa Rae’s perception and connections to hip-hop and the placement of songs in insecure supports a soundtrack that takes on a hip-hop feminist approach to Black popular culture. I explore contemporary female hip-hop artist as an emerging group of rappers who support nuanced narratives and identities of Black millennial women. Furthermore, this article highlights the connectedness of Black popular culture and hip-hop feminism as an important site of representation for Black women who use hip-hop as a signifier to culture, self-expression, and identity. I recognize the importance of insecure’s soundtrack and usage of Black women in hip-hop to underline the ways hip-hop sits at the intersections of race, sexuality, and gender for Black women’s everyday lives.

Experience with racism and its relationship to meaning in life (i.e., the degree to which a person feels the world is a safe and caring place), African American identity, and African American acculturation were explored in a sample of Black college students (N = 48) who attended a predominately White, public, state university in the Northeastern United States. Black men and women who have Black nationalistic ideals and were immersed in Black culture reported more lifetime racist experience than those students who were less immersed in African American culture. As a group, Black women who were under the age of 21 and Black men over 21 reported similar levels of racist experiences while Black women over 21 and Black men under 21 reported similar levels of racist experience. The former group reported experiencing more racism and found these experiences more stressful than the latter group. Black women reported more racist experiences across their lifetimes than other respondents, whereas Black men reported more racism over the past year. Black women reported greater social support from their families than did Black men. Black students who grew up in Black neighborhoods reported greater immersion in Black culture than those students who grew up in White neighborhoods. The confluence of community, family, African American culture, religiosity, and how racist experiences affect the identity development process differently for Black men and women are discussed.

Sexual assault victims face more social criticism than victims of any other crime. It is uncertain whether women of color are more at risk for sexual assault than White women during their college years. However, studies suggest that Black female sexual assault victims are more likely than White female victims to be blamed for their attacks and have their reports invalidated in the courts and on college campuses (Donovan, 2007; George & Martinez, 2002). In this article identity development models are used to frame the intersecting effects of race and gender on the psychosocial well-being of Black female sexual assault victims in college. Implications for counseling and student affairs practice, as well as recommendations for future research are offered.

In the post–World War II period, nations and territories used international sport to codify and communicate their ideal citizenries. For the United States, black women who competed in track and field complicated these efforts. This book analyzes the ideological influence of black women track stars, examining how they destabilized dominant ideas about race, gender, sexuality, and national identity. The strivings and successes of black American track women, such as Alice Coachman, Mae Faggs, and Wilma Rudolph, at the Olympic Games and other international sporting events from 1948 to 1962 repeatedly forced white and black sport cultures in the United States to wrestle with the meaning of black women’s athleticism. Both white and black sport cultures struggled to fit black women athletes into their respective visions for the postwar American nation, reflecting and reinforcing how the Cold War, civil rights movement, and their intersection encouraged broader reconfigurations of the racial, gender, and sexual associations of ideal American identity. Ultimately, these American sport cultures marshaled racialized gender expectations to contain the threat that black women track stars embodied, interpreting and reinterpreting the meaning of their athletic efforts in ways that bolstered established hierarchies of race and gender.

In the current Canadian carceral system, categories of risk related to reoffending are assigned to individuals based on their behaviours and traits inside and outside carceral institutions. This dissertation examines the complex history and application of how classifications are generated to understand how the police take up these classifications in their work toward ensuring public safety as they supervise certain high risk individuals in the community. An 'action in practice' methodology (actor network theory) was adopted in this project whereby voluminous government-produced records were analyzed and interviews were used to capture the experiences of police officers in Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, and how their work relates to risk classification practices for the supervision of individuals classified as 'high risk to reoffend' in the community. This research captures how police officers self-identify and define their roles in risk classification practices through which both actions of replication of carceral risk classifications and altered policing practices have emerged. This original research makes visible how police officers' processes and practices exist within the parameters of the current carceral risk classification system. By challenging positivist, realist notions that risk is a negative and calculable construct, this research instead engages with constructivist risk theory, drawing specifically from Ulrich Beck's risk society theory. The resulting analysis utilizes narratives, stories, and experiences of risk as defined by the police in their writings and conversations to construct a more comprehensive understanding of risk classification practices at the level of municipal policing. This dissertation is organized into four core chapters addressing: (1) risk is essentially a psychological-statistical construct premised on individual traits or behaviours or combinations thereof; (2) risk classification practices are legitimized by a system-wide deference to those who claim to possess expert or scientific knowledge on risk; and (3) the lived realities of high risk individuals, the police, and Canadian communities more generally spotlight the inapplicability of risk classifications in alternate contexts outside of carceral institutions. The findings from this research contribute new sociological insights into the reality of altered practices and innovations in policing today through a focused case study of a municipal police force in Canada.

Toward Greater Pre-exposure Prophylaxis Equity: Increasing Provision and Uptake for Black and Hispanic/Latino Individuals in the U.S.

This article examines the ways literary adaptations between Hong Kong and Taiwanese writers shape literary cultures in both places during the Cold War period. The 1950s and 1960s were the time when Hong Kong and Taiwan literary cultures were starting to thrive. An influx of literati into both places collaborated with each other and the locals to experiment with literary forms in literary magazines. The 1950s and 1960s were also the time when Hong Kong and Taiwan cinema experienced the first waves of adapting literary works into film in the postwar period. After the literary magazine culture dwindled in the 1970s, a new generation of writers in both places emerged. In Hong Kong, these new writers may not be native, but they take Hong Kong as their main subject in their writings. The Taiwanese writer Shih Shu-ching is one of them. In studying Hong Kong-Taiwan literary adaptation histories, one may easily overlook the adaptation from fiction to screenplay, as in Shih and the Taiwanese playwright Wang Chi-mei's case. By understanding the literary relationship between Hong Kong and Taiwan in the Cold War, together with their adaptation histories, we can acquire a clearer sense of how these literary cultures developed.

Sighted Eyes | Feeling Heart (2017), directed by Tracy Heather Strain, recounts the storied life and dissembled desire of insurgent playwright and activist Lorraine Hansberry. My analysis of Sighted Eyes | Feeling Heart pulls on a thread tucked into the title of Hansberry's famous play. The concept and problematics of deferral not only punctuate the narrative of A Raisin in the Sun but hug the contours of Hansberry's life as an activist, outline the closeted confines of her sexual desire, and concretize with the impact of her untimely death. The phrase “a raisin in the sun” appears in the third line of the first stanza of Langston Hughes's poem “Harlem [2],” which is one of the eighty-seven poems that comprise Hughes's book-length serial poem “Montage of a Dream Deferred” (1994: 426).Harlem [2]What happens to a dream deferred?Does it dry upLike a raisin in the sun?Or fester like a sore—And then run?Does it stink like rotten meat?Or crust and sugar over—Like a syrupy sweet?Maybe it just sagsLike a heavy load.Or does it explode?The dream deferred, or, more appositely, the refusal to accept deferral any longer, is the imperative that sears her famous play, her radical resistance, her love life—and deferral is what we are left with in the wake of her death. In my discussion of Sighted Eyes | Feeling Heart, I track the way this deferral, along with an attendant refusal to defer, reverberates through Hansberry's celebrated play and emerges in Strain's film. My analysis pays special attention to the inclusion of photographs and rare archival footage of Hansberry at her Croton-on-Hudson home. I consider the ways that, even though she cloistered herself, sumptuous visual evidence of Hansberry's refusal to defer her lesbian life is burned into the photographs and silent film footage captured in and around her upstate New York sanctuary.Sighted Eyes | Feeling Heart had its world premiere at the Toronto International Film Festival on September 8, 2017. Over the next several years the documentary was broadcast on PBS, exhibited at museums and colleges across the country, and screened at historic venues like the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture in Harlem and significant locations like the Croton Free Library in Croton-on-Hudson, where Hansberry lived at the time of her death. Given that Sighted Eyes | Feeling Heart is the first feature-length documentary film about Hansberry's life, it is noteworthy that very little buzz has surrounded this film. While the documentary had an impactful presence at film festivals with screenings at the Chicago International Film Festival, DOC NYC, and Festival International des Films de la Diaspora Africaine in Paris, the film has gained very little notoriety beyond the festival circuit. The general lack of knowledge about the first feature-length film that chronicles the life of one of the greatest African American playwrights is curious; it appears that while A Raisin in the Sun is world renowned, its playwright may not yet be a household name. As a PBS American Masters production, this documentary's primary outlet was television; Sighted Eyes | Feeling Heart did not enjoy a theatrical showing like the documentary films that captured the lives of other Black luminaries from her generation, such as the twenty-first-century documentary about James Baldwin's life, I Am Not Your Negro (2016), Toni Morrison: The Pieces That I Am (2019), and Miles Davis: Birth of the Cool (2019). While the obscurity of Sighted Eyes | Feeling Heart can be attributed to its sparse programming on PBS, the limited audience of film festival screenings, and the exclusivity of academic streaming services, which have been the primary platforms for accessing the film in the years after its release, the limited knowledge of and access to this film reflect and redouble the shroud of secrecy that surrounds aspects of Hansberry's life—namely, her sexuality. The film's treatment of Hansberry's lesbian relationships further compounds the dissemblance and mystery that haunts this facet of the playwright's legacy. Despite the murkiness that envelops Hansberry's sexuality in this film, Strain creates the cinematic space to appreciate the life and legacy of this dynamic and courageous Black woman playwright who is an underrecognized American treasure. A chance to screen Sighted Eyes | Feeling Heart is a chance to hear the voice of an artist gone too soon, to learn about her life outside her famous play, and to spend time with a brilliant, pathbreaking Black woman playwright who was just finding a way to become her own.The title of Strain's documentary is an extraction from a quote by Hansberry that appears in the film. In an interview, she is recorded saying, “One cannot live with sighted eyes and feeling heart and not know or react to the miseries which affect this world.” Hansberry's imperative to see, feel, and react to the miseries of the world as an activist, writer, and lover comes through in this documentary film. Sighted Eyes | Feeling Heart captures the vicissitudes of Hansberry's magnificent life and the heartbreak of her untimely death. The traditional style of framing expert interviews is made exciting by the cast of Black celebrities and the expertise of scholars who knit together this illustrious story.The film moves chronologically, beginning with Hansberry's early life in Chicago. Family photographs, archival footage, and photographs of everyday Black life on the South Side of Chicago in the 1930s accompany the array of interviews, narration by LaTanya Richardson Jackson, and recitation of personal papers performed by Anika Noni Rose. The film incorporates archival footage of interviews with Hansberry herself as well as reenactments of pivotal moments in her life and the priceless home footage of her in Croton-on-Hudson. All of these elements come together to chart the trajectory of Hansberry's life as the youngest daughter of the prominent Black real estate broker Carl Augustus Hansberry. As the film recounts, Lorraine's father loomed large in his family and was a powerful figure in Chicago. He served as the secretary of his local NAACP chapter. He was a philanthropist committed to ending segregation, and to that end he created the Hansberry Foundation to resist racial discrimination with a $10,000 endowment.The documentary spends time exploring a monumental and terrifying moment in Lorraine's young life when her family moved from the South Side to a home in the Woodlawn neighborhood of Chicago, a white neighborhood under a racially restrictive covenant.1 Carl Hansberry would not be intimidated into moving out of the neighborhood by the pressure of white supremacist vigilantism; he and his family lived for several months under imminent threat of violence. Lorraine's memory of this period is distilled in a quote performed by Rose: “My memories of the correct way of fighting white supremacy in America included being spat at, cursed, and pummeled on the daily trek to and from school.”The interviews with Lorraine's sister Mamie and cousin Shauneille Perry, who, as it happens, is herself a playwright and theater director, convey family stories from Lorraine's early years.2 Mamie recalls one terrifying evening when the family was living in their Woodlawn home and a gang of white supremacists descended onto their property. Lorraine was nearly killed when a vandal threw a piece of mortar through their living room window; it narrowly missed her head. The stone was thrown so hard that it lodged into the wall on the opposite side of the window. Leading Lorraine Hansberry scholars Imani Perry and Margaret Wilkerson, given prominent voices in this documentary, describe how this harrowing chapter in the family's life left a lasting impression on Lorraine and became fodder for her landmark play. Eventually, a court order demanded that the Hansberrys leave their Woodlawn home, but Carl Hansberry appealed the order, which led to a hearing before the United States Supreme Court. Hansberry v. Lee (311 U.S. 32) was heard in 1940. Though Carl Hansberry won that case, racially restrictive covenants would not be made illegal until the Fair Housing Act was passed in 1968.3An array of interviews with scholars, family members, and theater producers convey Hansberry's biographical details before, during, and after her rise to prominence.4 They describe how she moved to New York City after spending two years studying at the University of Wisconsin. In 1950, when she was twenty years old, Hansberry moved to Harlem as an aspiring journalist full of radical ambition. She began working for Paul Robeson's Freedom, a Negro publication that was new to the scene. She met her soon-to-be husband Robert Nemiroff during this time. They were married in 1953, when interracial marriage was still illegal in many US states.5 Hansberry wrote A Raisin in the Sun while living with Nemiroff in their Greenwich Village apartment at 337 Bleeker Street. These biographical threads are complemented by interviews with Hansberry's contemporaries and confidants, from the late Ruby Dee, Amiri Baraka, and Lloyd Richards to Sidney Poitier, Glenn Turman, and Harry Belafonte. These interviews weave together a behind-the-scenes narrative about the casting, production, and opening of A Raisin in the Sun. The prospect of launching the first play written by a Black woman to open on Broadway gave producers such pause and trepidation that they nearly missed the opportunity to stage this groundbreaking production.6 In fact, A Raisin in the Sun first opened in Philadelphia, because Broadway producers were not willing to take the risk on a play written by a Black woman. The run in Philadelphia was such a rousing success that Broadway was compelled to have a change of heart; on March 11, 1959, A Raisin in the Sun opened at the Ethel Barrymore theater in New York City. In their retelling of the origin story of this production, the interviewed Black Hollywood legends describe how a bashful Hansberry handled her newfound influence and fame. Such stories told by friends, fellow playwrights, actors, directors, and producers pull back the curtain on the life of a reluctant star on the rise.After moving through the remarkable story of how A Raisin in the Sun came to be, the film connects the play's narrative with Hansberry's commitment to activism and Black liberation. The issue at the center of A Raisin in the Sun, what catalyzes the dramatic twists and turns in this play, is the peril of housing, space, and quality of life for a Black family, the Youngers, during the era of jim crow7 segregation. When the life insurance policy of the recently deceased patriarch of the Younger family returns ten thousand dollars, the family becomes fractured: Mama would like to purchase a house; Walter Lee, her son, would like to open a liquor store; Beneatha, her daughter, aspires to go to medical school and would like to use the money to that end. Walter Lee's wife Ruth and son Travis live in the small apartment as well. After Ruth discloses that she is pregnant, Mama makes the choice to buy a house in Clybourne Park, an exclusively white Chicago neighborhood. A representative of the Clybourne Park Improvement Association pays the Younger family a visit to their South Side apartment in order to persuade them to change their minds, to not move into Clybourne Park, and to accept instead a refund for the purchase of their home. The Youngers refuse. The play ends with the Youngers moving out of their South Side Chicago apartment and into an uncertain future in their new Clybourne Park home. The expectation of Black deferral for the sake of white comfort is the pressure that drives the action of A Raisin in the Sun.The family's concerted and collective resistance to that expectation indexes not only the biographical parallels of the Hansberry family's choice to move into the hotly contested space of the racially restricted Woodlawn neighborhood, it also reflects the writer's life as a radical activist. Like her father, Lorraine deplored segregation; but unlike her father, she was less convinced by the promise of the American Dream. Perhaps witnessing her father's struggle to achieve that dream activated a more radical tack in the journalist-cum–playwright, who was flagged by the FBI because of her political alliances and movement-building activities. To contextualize the racial and political climate out of which Hansberry was writing, Sighted Eyes | Feeling Heart uses photographs and newsreel footage of the attacks by police on civil rights protesters in 1963 and 1964. These images show the police in Alabama using German Shepherd hounds and high-powered water hoses to attack, brutalize, and subdue the Black citizens who refused to comply with racist segregationist laws. The documentary includes photographs of Hansberry in action at protests with friends like Nina Simone, and sound recordings of her giving speeches on the utility of violent resistance to white supremacy. Strain focuses in on Hansberry's work in the movement after the acclaim of A Raisin in the Sun and recounts how the playwright used her newfound celebrity and influence to help raise funds for the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee, and the Congress of Racial Equality. One such enterprise raised $5,000 to purchase the station wagon that James Chaney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Schwermer drove to Mississippi in 1964. These freedom fighters were abducted by police on a Mississippi highway and killed. The burned car was found days after their abduction, and their bodies were discovered several months later. This set of events was devastating for Hansberry. The cost of the refusal to wait, to prolong, delay, or defer a dream of freedom was born out in the lives and murders of freedom fighters who did not adhere to the tacit or explicit, violently enforced expectation for Black people to save liberty for another day.The photographs and archival footage not only historically situate the racial and political climate within which Hansberry existed, they also visualize the collective refusal to defer freedom that powered the civil rights movement. The scenes of Black resistance to white supremacy from the civil rights era included in Sighted Eyes | Feeling Heart carry an intensified meaning in the contemporary moment. The national uprisings and global protests that erupted in the summer of 2020 after the murders by police of George Floyd in Minneapolis, Breonna Taylor in Louisville, and Rayshard Brooks in Atlanta have an incendiary tether through time and space with the civil rights protests of the 1960s in this country. In the summer of 2020, there were lynchings of Black men in California, Texas, and New York (Democracy Now! 2020), while KKK members were making themselves unabashedly visible in public places, and armed white supremacist militias were welcomed by police at Black Lives Matter protests. These horrific realities make perfectly clear that the terror of anti-Black racial violence that Black protesters fought in the mid-1960s is still being battled two decades into the new millennium.8 The refusal to defer resistance to white supremacist violence that mobilized the protests of jim crow segregation during the civil rights movement had been reawakened in recent years by the state-sanctioned murders of Trayvon Martin in 2012, Eric Garner, Mike Brown, and Tamar Rice in 2014, Sandra Bland, Walter Scott, and Freddie Gray in 2015, Philando Castile and Alton Sterling in 2016. Tony McDade, a Black trans man, was murdered by the police in Florida two days after the murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis. Black trans people who are murdered receive very little attention outside the queer community; by the summer of 2020, the year had already seen twelve trans people of color murdered: Dustin Parker in Oklahoma, Neulisa Luciano Ruiz in Puerto Rico, Yampi Mendez Arocho in Puerto Rico, Monika Diamond in North Carolina, Lexi in Harlem, Johanna Metzger in Maryland, Serena Angelique Velazquez Ramos in Puerto Rico, Layla Pelaz Sanchez in Puerto Rico, Penelope Diaz Ramirez in Puerto Rico, Nina Pop in Missouri, Helle Ja O'Regan in Texas, Dominique in in in and in Chicago The terror of white anti-Black police and is at a and the national and global movement that is to this of violence has to delay, defer, or comply any The newsreel footage that appears in Sighted Eyes | Feeling Heart of Black and being and by police is to contemporary moment. are are living in the legacy of freedom collective at any to defer Eyes | Feeling Heart then together Hansberry's movement-building work as a radical civil rights activist, her lesbian and love her with her in Sidney her with visual and of from her stories and personal the documentary Hansberry's marriage to Nemiroff with the playwright's of her love for learn that Hansberry her lesbian even while this she used had and to move out of the for more While Hansberry and Nemiroff were and even after their he her in this facet of her life and in her by making public with a in which Hansberry to a about her sexual desire and her and I have been for years we the friends of I I know that what I have before that it has to be I the woman. not be the for they had been lives Hansberry and Nemiroff in when she moved to the home that she in Croton-on-Hudson, outside New York City. 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Agency versus Insurgency