(Dis)Guised Punishment: Examining the Consequences of Post-Release Management Programs

In contemporary news there have been several highly salient incidents where a black person has been shot and or killed by a police officer, security guard, or vigilante. But in actuality, in 2012 alone, there were 313 African American killed by police, security guards and vigilantes (Eisen, 2014). That is a rate of one African American killed every 28 hours (Eisen, 2014). With this in mind it is the oppressive state, that minority communities should be suspicious of. It is not the politics of the right or left that minorities should be leery of, it is white racist mythology manifested through state action. In order to control a group of people the state must use two things: law and force. We see the force in that there are roughly six blacks to every one white person incarcerated in the U.S and the extrajudicial killings but we do not focus enough on the law itself and the rationales and assumptions connected to them (Sentencing Project, 2012; Eisen, 2014). Cohen, Brown and Organski (1981) find that the expansion of state power is highly correlated with collective violence. I will show how these and other extralegal forms of policing black sexuality have persisted throughout history and how even today these extralegal killing of blacks have a sexual undertone and how public memory has been altered to [re]signify what these incidents mean. But most importantly I will show how the state has supported and continues to support the policing of black sexuality though public policy.

Reviewed by: Planters' Progress: Modernizing Confederate Georgia William Harris Bragg Planters' Progress: Modernizing Confederate Georgia. By Chad Morgan. (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005. Pp. xii, 163. $55.00 cloth.) The pleasantly alliterative title of Chad Morgan's excellent first book echoes John Bunyan's The Pilgrim's Progress. Most similarities between the books end there, however. Morgan's concept of "progress"—unlike Bunyan's meaning: a journey toward a goal—is "material progress, the material improvement of the lot of all classes in a society . . . generally associated with a substantial degree of industrialization and urbanization" (124n13). Nonetheless, while the idea of a journey toward a goal remains, the author demonstrates that Georgia's planters fell far short of reaching theirs: long-term "industrialization in a slave society" (2). Indeed, Bunyan's protagonist's point of departure, the City of Destruction, became the planters' destination. Morgan satisfyingly explains the link between what might seem opposites—planters and industrialization—by providing succinct histories of both. He painstakingly traces the roots of planters' power, quite disproportionate to their numbers, to the late 1700s and early 1800s. Political decisions during that period sanctioned the primacy of planters in politics by creating property-holding qualifications for officeholders. Adoption of the federal ratio for representation in the state legislature (which appointed the governor until 1824) further strengthened the planters. By the time the government became more democratized in the 1840s, planter dominance was firmly established. Early Southern industrialization, on the other hand, failed to flourish. Factory expansion came mainly at the sufferance of the planters, who comprised only 20 percent of the South's industrialists. During the early decades of the Industrial Revolution, factory owners depended on water to transport goods to major markets from their water-powered plants on the fall line. The distance from Lowell to the Massachusetts coast was around twenty miles; that [End Page 315] from Macon to Georgia's Atlantic seaboard was closer to two hundred. This made quite a difference. By the 1840s rail transportation somewhat reduced this disparity, but by then northern industrial dominance had been as well established as planter political power. The planters tended to support railroad construction and even found ways for slave property to further rail expansion; consequently, Georgia's rail mileage would exceed all but Virginia's when the Civil War came to the American southeast. But other factors limited expansion of the state's industrial base: the superior momentum and skill of Northern industries—even in manufacturing cotton products, weaknesses in the Southern banking system, and deficits in industrial tradition and experience—translating into "amateur manufacturing" (12). Morgan records pro-industrial sentiments in the antebellum South, quoting thinkers who understood that a mixed economy of agriculture and industry promised independence. These observers also knew that lack of industry helped explain the South's non-competitive population growth, which was draining the region's national political power. Consequently, many Georgians were heartened by the Confederacy's incredibly rapid wartime industrial expansion. One 1862 Georgia newspaper even hoped wistfully for a longer, rather than a shorter war, for "a too speedy peace . . . would expose [Southerners] to a worse danger than that of war—the danger of being kept in our former commercial vassalage" (33). Modernization thus came to Confederate Georgia and its sister states, adding the Southern Confederacy to those other almost instantaneously modernized nation-states of the mid-1800s, Germany and Japan—a membership that would also be quickly revoked. This modernization, "nonrevolutionary [and] overseen by a landed elite" (1), combined "industrialization, urbanization, and . . . the expansion of state power" (118n1). Consequently, long before the first Union army crossed Georgia's borders, the state's industrial base and potential, its abundant population, and its rail-linked towns had made it a battleground for Confederate and Georgia authorities, all seeking to expand their powers in the midst of war. Modernized Georgia's industries were quickly harnessed to meet the needs of the soldiers on whom the Confederacy's independence depended—producing the food, arms, clothing, and shelter vital to the nation's troops. Morgan sees that national conscription was central not only to keeping adequate forces in the field, but to controlling the industrial labor...

Green market mechanisms, as part of the architecture of climate finance, have become key components of international environmental frameworks. One of the most widely known mechanisms for climate change mitigation has been the creation of Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+). The purpose of this paper is to trace global discourses and narratives throughout REDD+ official documents and compare them to the implementation on the ground to determine the extent that REDD+ meets its stated objectives in the Ghanaian context. Then, given the gaps in discourse and practice, this paper aims to define the inexplicit consequences, or rather instrumental effects, of REDD+. Discourse analysis of official REDD+ documents and land policies combined with qualitative interviews and focus groups to determine the linkages between discourse and practice of REDD+ and the impacts of these gaps. While critical civic environmentalism, highlighting environmental justice as a core principle, was somewhat incorporated into official discourse from the international to the national level, the depoliticization of the discourse and the apolitical nature of interventions make these justice concerns negligible and create gaps in discourse and practice. These gaps create disjointed, infeasible policies that establish REDD+ as a fad to bring in financial resources that expand state control of forest resources under the veil of social-ecological responsibility. As a result, state power expands into rural areas, allowing for greater control over land and forests at the expense of local communities.

Successfully analyze crime at any level of law enforcement! This book is a practical resource guide for the development of crime analysis in local law enforcement. The tragedy of September 11, 2001, has raised awareness on how crucial it is to analyze information and intelligence. Smaller agencies that cannot financially justify hiring a full-time analyst will find strategies and techniques to teach officers the methods of analysis. Introduction to Crime Analysis: Basic Resources for Criminal Justice Practice provides basic tools and step-by-step directions that will improve the skills and knowledge of new crime analysts. From the editors: “Military strategists have used analysis for centuries; it makes sense to know as much as possible about the enemy and about the conditions and causes of a situation if we hope to institute any kind of significant change for the better. Career criminals are the enemies of a community's well being. Now that advances in information technology give us the means and methods to fully examine and find meaningful knowledge in the vast amounts of existing information on crimes and criminals, we have an obligation to use our technological strength to protect innocent people. Systematic crime analysis as a law enforcement and public safety asset has become not only possible, but also truly necessary as a weapon in the war against crime.” Along with defining the various roles of the crime analyst, Introduction to Crime Analysis demonstrates how to: improve the personal skills necessary to make you a good crime analyst successfully work through the five stages—collection, collation, analysis, dissemination, and feedback and evaluation—of analysis select the appropriate crime mapping software for your agency evaluate the usefulness of your crime analysis products benefit from email discussion groups and professional associations create a crime analysis unit-including policies and procedures as well as marketing and funding This clearly written resource includes case studies, figures, and appendixes that will simplify the learning process. Links to Internet pages also offer resources and information beneficial to both new and experienced crime analysts. Introduction to Crime Analysis will benefit crime analysts, police officers, intelligence analysts, community groups focused on crime prevention, criminal justice students, and police departments and sheriff’s agencies.

ABSTRACTThis study used a qualitative design to investigate police officer decision-making processes within the context of the focal concerns framework. A sample of 25 metropolitan police officers were interviewed to explore how the constructs of blameworthiness, protecting the community, and practical considerations manifest themselves in a policing context and how those considerations affect officers’ enforcement decisions. The results indicate that police officers share the same broad focal concerns as judges, but the way these concerns manifest themselves is sometimes different in a policing context as compared to a judicial sentencing context. The results, theoretical implications, and directions for future research are presented.

This article is a critical analysis of the historical and sociological works of the American political anthropologist J. S. Scott (1936–2024). His works were largely related to the study of the contradictions of social development between the city and the village. This topic is presented especially deeply and comprehensively in Scott's monographs of his late intellectual period: ‘From the Point of View of the State’ (1998), ‘The Art of Being Ungovernable’ (2006), and ‘Against the Grain’ (2016). In these works, Scott analyzed—practically in retrospective order—several key rural-urban contradictions and paradoxes of social development from the era of high modernism of the 19th–20th centuries to the era of the emergence of the first city-states in the 6th millennium BC. Scott based his analysis on extensive regional comparative studies and interdisciplinary research at the intersection of history, sociology, anthropology, cultural studies, ecology, and political science. The problem of the formation, development, and expansion of state power in matters of regulating relations between city and countryside are core themes of these works. On the other hand—in matters of state-controlled relations between city and countryside—Scott highlights the influence of a third force, a third party: the so-called stateless, unsettled barbarism and anarchy that wedges itself into the regulation of rural-urban contradictions.

This chapter introduces the major themes of the collection Debt in the Ancient Mediterranean and Near East. It surveys the arguments of David Graeber’s 2011 monograph Debt: The First 5,000 Years and situates them in the wider context of the author’s oeuvre. It examines the implications of his anthropological theory of value and makes a case that it has the potential to widen the field of vision of ancient historians. Unlike the currently dominant paradigm of new institutional economics, which tends to see the market as the natural and efficient resource allocation mechanism, it directs attention to the processes by which some fields of life were subjected to quantitative logics and others were not. The chapter concludes by exploring to what extent the studies assembled in this volume corroborate or modify the picture of ancient economic history presented in Debt. It suggests that Graeber’s concept of a “military–coinage–slavery” complex provides a useful analytic for understanding the ways in which the expansion of state power, the creation of new commodity markets, and the emergence of new forms of rationality reinforced each other in different ancient societies.

This article examines how SEAs in three states designed, installed, and operated statewide, longitudinal student information systems (SLSIS). SLSIS track individual students’ progress in K-12 schools, college, and beyond and link it to individual schools and teachers. They are key components of the information infrastructure of test-based accountability. Drawing on science and technology studies, this study documents the strategies SEAs use to assemble and coordinate the vast amounts of technology and people across and beyond the educational system needed to collect, process, and disseminate test-based accountability data through SLSIS. We find that while SLSIS expand state power through what we refer to as informatic power, SEA control over these systems and the data they produce depends on whether SEA staff can manage the competing interests of federal, state, district, and external actors. SLSIS are thus sites of the ongoing contestation of state power within and beyond the educational system.

In the early twentieth century, the Chinese state made strenuous efforts to broaden and deepen its authority over rural society. This book is an ambitious attempt to offer both a method and a framework for analyzing Chinese social history in the state-making era. The author constructs a prismatic view of village-level society that shows how marketing, kinship, water control, temple patronage, and other structures of human interaction overlapped to form what he calls the cultural nexus of power in local society. The author's concept of the cultural nexus and his tracing of how it was altered enables us for the first time to grapple with change at the village level in all its complexity. The author asserts that the growth of the state transformed and delegitimized the traditional cultural nexus during the Republican era, particularly in the realm of village leadership and finances. Thus, the expansion of state power was ultimately and paradoxically responsible for the revolution in China as it eroded the foundations of village life, leaving nothing in its place. The problems of state-making in China were different from those of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe; the Chinese experience heralds the process that would become increasingly common in the emergent states of the developing world under the very different circumstances of the twentieth century.

This Note reports some findings from a larger study we are embarked upon. Our broader objective is to develop a general theory of the national state's interest in cities in advanced industrial societies. We argue that state officialsgenerallypursue their own interests in the protection and expansion of state power and resources andspecificallyhave interest in the viability of cities, interests that do not simply reflect the interests of private capital or any other societal groups. A broad twofold distinction is made between those state activities necessary for the perpetuation of the state (maintenance of public order, legitimacy, durable political institutions, revenue base) and those necessary for the perpetuation of cities (provision of collective goods, developmental policies and social services). Space limitations preclude a full account and justification of these arguments here. Rather, we present some hypotheses about how such state interests should inform the allocation of funds across cities and report the findings of some initial empirical tests for the United States.

A key driver of market education experimentation in England since the 1980s has been a focus on improved conditions for school autonomy and devolved management through greater privatisation management of education services and public-private partnerships, reduced local government bureaucracy and oversight, and maximum delegation of financial and managerial responsibilities to school leaders and governors. In 2010 the scope and scale of these reforms were enlarged significantly through the expansion of the academies programme which led to large numbers of schools operating outside local government jurisdiction. The roll back of local government made possible and encouraged by these reforms has not only given rise to concerns over a regulation gap but intensified scrutiny of the role of school governors. Worried that some school governors are ineffective at holding school leaders to account for the educational and financial performance of schools, government and non-government actors and organisations have intervened in various ways to promote new forms of institutional reflexivity and professionalisation designed to embed self-governance and mitigate ‘governance failure’. In this chapter I examine how school governors are called upon to take responsibility for various strategic-management priorities against the background of receding government control, while at the same time appear to be implicated in various technologies of rational self-management that strengthen the continuation and exercise of government control. An additional, related focus of the chapter therefore concerns the contradictions and vagaries of these reforms, namely the contraction and expansion of state power or what is described as ‘decentralised centralism’.

The expansion of state power over the course of U.S. history came at the expense of democracy. As state power grew, there developed a disconnect between the theory and practice of democracy in the United States. Ever-greater state power meant it became more and more absolute. This resulted in a government that directed its energies and resources toward silencing those who dared question the state’s authority. Such questioning of state power had emanated as a response to mass-based political movements striving to further democracy with an increase in freedom, especially for the downtrodden. This put mass movements in direct confrontation with the elite politics of policy makers.KeywordsPolice StateForeign PolicyBush AdministrationExecutive BranchPolitical MovementThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

The essay is aimed at investigating the formation and disappearance of public sphere by studying the evolution in the meaning of the terms ”qun” (community), ”shehui” (society), and ”shehuizhuyi” (socialism) in modern Chinese history. In traditional Chinese society, public sphere failed to come into existence though village autonomy did exist below the county level where the gentry had dominance. In late nineteenth century, under the impact of the west, ”qun” emerged out of various traditional political terms and became a guiding principle of the society. This phenomenon was closely related to the fact that some intellectuals used ”Jinwen Jingxue” (the Modern Text Shool of Confucian classics) as a guideline for the 1898 Reform Movement. As the notion of reform was superseded by that of revolution, ”shehui” took the place of ”qun” and became the equivalent of the western term ”society”. This marked the debut of public sphere in modern Chinese history. And the subsequent rise of socialism could be seen as the subordination of private realm to public realm. This heralded the expansion of state power and the intensification of bureaucratization in Chinese society in early twentieth century. In this essay, we not only make use of the analytical method (s) of intellectual history but also draw on the study of linguistics. By employing quantitative analysis as our research method, we hope that this study can throw a new light on the formation of modern Chinese political concepts.

The relevance of the origin of written law issues stems from the need to address pluralism of concepts concerning law origin. Research investigates the issues of the origin of law as a set of rules of conduct fixed by the state in writing and intended for interaction of people between themselves and public authority represented by the state and other persons. In a primitive society the rules of behavior were fixed mainly in oral speech, which forced people to interact usually within the earshot of a person's voice. Oral speech could not be used for constant and everyday interaction between those groups of people who were far from each other in their camps and settlements. The written form of law and legal norms is an attributive feature of the legal system, consisting of law, legal relations and legal consciousness. The hypothesis suggests that law formation takes place in the process of establishing a written form by the state to a number of social norms of primitive society. Written law creates an additional opportunity for residents of different settlements, cities and countries to interact with each other at a distance; it contributes to centralization of state regulation in a certain territory, unification of social norms, and strengthening and expansion of state power.

The diminishing extent of sea ice in Arctic areas brings opportunities for increased shipping activities in the Canadian Arctic. However, it also causes concerns, e.g., related to environmental pollution to vulnerable areas and impacts on ecosystems at local, regional, and global scales, which can further impact human health. Increased shipping activity also causes concerns about safety risks associated with the navigation of vessels, for instance, related to the response to vessels or people in distress. Appropriate risk management strategies, tools, and equipment are essential to successfully mitigate these risks, with due consideration of concerns of rights-holders, stakeholders, and society at large. In this chapter, an exploratory application of key elements of the International Risk Governance Council (IRGC) risk governance framework is presented, focusing on selected risks associated with shipping in the Canadian Arctic. After introducing the IRGC framework, selected shipping risks in the Canadian Arctic are classified in terms of the type of risk problem these represent. Subsequently, a discussion is given on the implications of this pre-screening for selecting appropriate risk governance strategies. The chapter concludes with a discussion on suggestions for future work on risk governance in a Canadian Arctic maritime shipping risk context.