Demography of Identity in Political Conflict

The author examines in detail the phenomenon of value conflict in the mass media space. With the advent of mass media, political conflict has acquired a new scale and role, developing on several planes: in reality, in the media, in social media and in the minds of the audience. Modern society is oversaturated with information, which leads to the question of the effective use of media resources and their uneven distribution. In the context of the information society, new types of conflicts arise related to the relationship of factual and necessary information, which emphasizes the importance of studying the mediatization of political conflicts and their impact on public relations. The media space is an environment where political conflicts are formed and resolved, thereby defining many aspects of social life and interaction. The article focuses on the role of values in the political process, reveals the influence of the media on the formation of attitudes and behavior in conflict conditions. The object of the study is a political conflict in the media space. The subject of the study is the mediatization of political relations in the context of the value characteristics of society. The purpose of the study is to determine the role and place of media in the processes of managing political and value conflict in modern society. The research uses activity-based, axiological and systematic approaches that allow us to penetrate into the essence of the phenomenon of the mass media space and trace the transformation of values in it that are the subject of conflict relations. The theoretical and practical significance of the study lies in the fact that it substantiates the need to revise classical approaches to the consideration of such categories as: information war, political and value conflict in the media space. As part of the conflict agenda, the media can chronicle events, mediate and make forecasts. They influence the formation of attitudes and behaviors of social groups in conflict conditions, have the potential to form stereotypes of constructive (or not) behavior. The study of the mediatization of political conflict in a value-based way allows us to identify the features and patterns of formation of models of "conflict behavior" in the information field (participating and observing parties), the choice of motives, strategies and opportunities in the conflict, goals and ideas about the development of the conflict.

The analysis of publications has revealed that the main attention is focused on the armed conflicts of the 19th-21st centuries regarding the belongingness of territories. Many territorial disputes date back to the past historical and geographical periods. In this article, we seek to find out the following important facts: 1) to establish the dynamics and average intensity of territorial and political conflicts during 2011–2021 based on the analysis of their intensity, particularly, in the context of individual parts of the world; 2) which and how many territorial political conflicts from previous geopolitical eras have remained relevant. Since we study territorial political conflicts in the context of the formation of the political world map, we must refer to the historical and geographical method. Its application allows for establishing historical geographic sections and defining which territorial political conflicts of 2011–2022 originate in a definite period of the formation of the political world map. The article applies the classical periodization of the political map formation: 1) ancient (from the era when the first state forms appeared to the 5th century AD); 2) medieval (V-XV centuries); 3) new (late 15th century – the end of the World War I in the 20th century); 4) contemporary (after the World War I to the present day). The contemporary period of the political map development includes five stages: 1) World War I and the Versailles-Washington peace system; 2) World War II and the Yalta-Potsdam peace system; 3) decolonization and formation of new independent states; 4) unsustainability of the socialist camp and termination of its existence; 5) modern stage. We have used this periodization arrange the data on the beginning, subject and intensity of conflicts according to 11 annual reports of the «Conflict Barometer» (2011, 2012, 2013, 2014, 2015, 2016, 2017, 2018, 2019, 2020, 2021). From this database, we have selected conflicts based on such notions as «territory» and «secession». There was a total of 79 territorial and political conflicts during the research period, most of them were non-violent. This is evidenced by low intensity of the vast majority of conflicts. Cases when territorial and political conflicts developed into violent forms are not so numerous. During the period of 2011–2021, there were occasional limited wars (4 points) and the most acute conflicts with the maximum intensity at the «war» level (5 points) took place in Africa only for one year and in Europe for 6 years. The geography of territorial and political conflicts during the studied period demonstrates the leadership of Asia in terms of the number of conflicts over territory in the world. This circumstance destroys the stereotype about Africa, which is a continent that is the most vulnerable to conflicts. Europe, which is often mentioned as an example of the most peaceful macroregion with a significant track record of conflict resolution, is in fact not like that. A number of territorial and political claims from previous geopolitical eras remain relevant even when the key geopolitical and economic circumstances that provoked them have changed. The use of historical argumentation in the justification of territorial claims is illegitimate from the point of view of international law, however, it allows for the formation of an internal political agenda in states participating in territorial disputes. We have found out that the historical geopolitical narrative in substantiating territorial claims in many cases refers to the previous stages of the formation of the political world map. They are expressed in the form of mythologized territorial claims, unofficial historical territorial claims and official territorial claims. The maximal manifestation of the latter is the Russian authorities’ denial of Ukraine’s sovereignty over its sovereignly recognized territory and justification of armed aggression. The dreams of many about the conflict-free development of the world in the 21st century have not come true. Today’s challenge is to reject historical geopolitical narratives in the justification of territorial claims, as such that threaten peace and security in the world.

The article considers the description of the developed training program, which is aimed at optimizing the political behavior of young people and neutralizing the potential of their political conflict. It is determined that neutralizing the potential of political conflict among young people requires a number of measures, in particular, at the stage of providing educational services, which should include both educational and counseling activities aimed at optimizing the political behavior of young people. It is proved that an effective mechanism to counteract this and neutralize the destructive influences of extremist organizations is to increase the political culture and maturity of the political identity of the younger generation, namely the development of its political activity in line with democratic initiatives and political identity of the younger generation. stimulating youth participation. And the main forms of implementation of this are the involvement of young people in public administration, namely the internship of students in order to develop the necessary professional qualities and prepare for further work in local governments. It is also important to involve the most active youth representatives in community councils or advisory bodies, which will also help them to develop the professional skills needed to work in this field. It is determined that, given the multinational and multi-religious composition of modern Ukrainian society, it is especially important to hold mass events aimed at forming a tolerant attitude of young people to different cultures and traditions and non-acceptance of any manifestations of intolerance and discrimination. It was found that the most effective socio-psychological tool for harmonizing the political behavior of young people is to conduct appropriate training aimed at forming a mature political culture that will provide a tolerant attitude and constructive ways to overcome political contradictions and conflicts. The developed program of socio-psychological training, aimed at harmonizing the political behavior of young people and neutralizing conflicts in the political space, includes the following 5 sessions. The study concludes that the implementation of this training program will increase the maturity of political identity of young people and, as a result of optimizing their political behavior and developing skills of constructive interaction in society in situations of political contradictions and conflicts, significantly reduce their potential for political conflict.

Political godfather-son conflict has been upsetting Nigeria’s development. The conflict, rooted in clash of values, interest, needs and resources, involved political office holders in top hierarchy of government. There have been scholarly works on the gate-keeping and agenda setting role of the media in political conflicts, but the actual role the Nigerian media play in political godfather-son conflict is inadequate in literature. Thus, this study was carried out to determine how selected newspapers reported such conflict between a former State Governor, Rasheed Ladoja and a political godfather Lamidi Adedibu, in Oyo State, South Western Nigeria. The study period was 2004 to 2006 when the conflict heightened and escalated to physical violence and civil unrest. Five nationally-circulated newspapers were selected for the study, namely: Daily Champion, Daily Trust, Nigerian Tribune, The Guardian and The Punch. Purposive sampling was used to select 105 editorial items in 90 editions of the selected newspapers. The study adopted dialectical hermeneutics in data gathering and analysis. This was done to investigate partisanship, fairness, bias and largely the extent of social responsibility displayed in reporting the conflict by the newspapers. It was discovered that the vast reportage of the conflicts was largely negative as the newspapers overwhelmingly published stories that contributed to escalation of the conflicts. The reportage reflected incitement, partisanship and bias on the part of the newspapers. The reportage could not have helped in reconciling the conflicting parties, but fuelled the conflicts to violence and public unrest. The reportage was socially irresponsible and unethical journalistic practice has become a constraint to the development of democracy in Nigeria. The Nigerian press need to be development oriented by practising peace journalism. This will advance Nigeria’s democracy, as well as help prevent any military intervention in Nigeria’s politics in the future.

The purpose of the article is to analyse the causes of the war that spread across the entire territory of Ukraine in February 2022. The main purpose of the study is to substantiate the essence of international economic and political conflicts, as well as scientific and theoretical approaches to resolving the political conflict that is the root cause of the russian-Ukrainian war. Various methods were used in the research, including the comparative-historical method, the method of source analysis, as well as induction, deduction, synthesis and analysis. This made it possible to gain a deeper understanding of the essence of political and political-economic conflict, as well as to divide political-economic conflicts into conflicts of values, interests, and identification, determining their essential causes. An armed conflict that turns into a war is the most dangerous form of political conflict, as it causes a transition to destructive actions on the territory of the country, involves the involvement of a large number of participants and significant losses among the military and the civilian population. The historical and modern reality in Ukraine since 2014 is characterized by the presence of political and armed conflicts that arose as a result of serious contradictions that were not resolved within the framework of the post-Soviet system. It is because of this that armed, political, economic and inter-ethnic conflicts became more frequent in the 21st century. For a long time, domestic science believed that state power and politics were aimed at finding a balance of the interests of seizing natural, energy and human resources, which was supposed to completely eliminate the conflict. However, the authorities of Ukraine did not cope with the invasion of certain territories, which has been going on for more than eight years. The article analyzes the prerequisites and nature of a full-scale invasion of the territory of Ukraine as a political conflict, and suggests key ways to resolve it. The conclusion states that Ukraine's accession to the EU and NATO is a significant prospect for ensuring future guarantees of peace and protection against further or new invasion of the Russian Federation on our territory.

Objective: Objective: This research examines the problem of Political Dynamics and Conflict of Interest in the Implementation of Government Policy in DKI Jakarta for the 2017-2018 Period with the aim of explaining the response of interest groups and political factions of the DPRD to it, because of the political conflict between the opposition factions of the DKI Jakarta Regional Government in the DPRD DKI Jakarta and the Regional Government of DKI Jakarta, and the impact of the policies of the Regional Government of DKI Jakarta after the national political conflict. Methods: This research is descriptive qualitative in nature, this writing uses qualitative methods, with primary and secondary data where data from sources using in-depth interviews, as well as documents and other written data, both printed and digital, is processed. Results: The results of data processing show that interest group responses give rise to political conflict, support and rejection from various groups in different societies encourage the interests of political elites to maintain legitimacy or also to delegitimize. This conflict of interest between political elites is apparently getting bigger due to the influence of the conflict at the central level which occurred previously. This cannot be separated from the influence of conflict between coalition camps at the national level, the interests of interest groups, and the very unique sharing of actors in this conflict of interest. This strengthens the influence of the conflict. at the national level which had occurred some time before and had led to increasingly large conflicts between elements of society in Jakarta. Conclusions: The results of data processing show that interest group responses give rise to political conflict, support and rejection from various groups in different societies encourage the interests of political elites to maintain legitimacy or also to delegitimize. This conflict of interest between political elites is apparently getting bigger due to the influence of the conflict at the central level which occurred previously. This cannot be separated from the influence of conflict between coalition camps at the national level, the interests of interest groups, and from the very unique sharing of actors in this conflict of interest. This strengthens the influence of the conflict. at the national level which had occurred some time before and had led to increasingly large conflicts between elements of society in Jakarta. Research Implications: This policy then had an impact in the form of fairer law enforcement, reducing opportunities for entrepreneurs to manipulate laws and regulations, increasing legal awareness in politics and establishing policies and the popularity of the DKI Regional Government, and increasing similar cases in Jakarta. Originality / value: This research resulted in a revision of the theory of formulating public policy in conditions of conflict by considering internal, external aspects, perceptions of interests and worldview (view of life) and revised the theory of the causes of political conflict. Including the structure of those in power and those controlled, the struggle for certain positions of power, playing with sources of power. for pragmatic purposes, worldview (view of life), and wider conflict areas/conflict areas above.

This study discusses Politics and Conflict in Islamic History during the reign of Usman bin Affan. Usman bin Affan's 644-656 reign is considered one of the most controversial periods in Islamic history due to the many conflicts and disagreements among political leaders at that time. The aim of this study is to understand the political background during Usman bin Affan's reign, analyze the political conflicts that occurred at that time, and evaluate the impact of these political conflicts on society at that time. This study uses historical analysis methods by examining literature and primary and secondary sources related to Islamic history during Usman bin Affan's reign 644-656 . The research findings indicate that the political conflicts during Usman bin Affan's 644-656 reign were very complex and had a broad impact on society at that time. Therefore, this research is expected to provide a deeper understanding of the political history and conflicts in Islamic history and to serve as a basis for understanding the political dynamics in the future. Additionally, the results of this study can contribute to the development of knowledge of Islamic history and serve as a reference for researchers and academics in the fields of history and Islamic politics.

ABSTRACTThis paper uses a case study approach to explore issues of social work policy and practice in three sites of political conflict in Europe: Northern Ireland; Bosnia and Herzegovina; and Cyprus. It begins with a review of the international literature on social work and political conflict and then discusses the strengths and limitations in engaging with comparative case study approaches. The authors explain how they view the writing of the paper as an intellectual encounter that helped establish the beginning stages of their comparative analysis. This starts with an analysis of the existing knowledge base about the three case studies that each share similar patterns of colonial histories, political and community conflict and the social work response. The second part of the paper extends this analysis to a critique of the impact of neo-liberal social and economic policies that often adversely impact upon the role of social workers in resolving conflict and building peace. The paper concludes with an appeal for social work to rediscover its rights-based role in working with victims and survivors of political conflict, what the authors describe as: ‘social work for critical peace’.

This paper evaluates Nigeria’s press coverage of political crises and conflicts during the President Obasanjo (Second Term) regime of 2003-2007. The major focus of this paper is to assess the role of the Nigerian press in the struggle for political positions, which breeds crises and conflicts especially in a pluralistic society. It is the position of the paper that the Nigerian press has not fared very well in reporting political conflicts and crises because of the advocacy position adopted by most of them. It is also observed that editorial influence on the part of publishers may not be unconnected with this trend. Using the content analytical research method as the main instrument of data generation, this paper submits that the Nigerian press has operated more as active players in political crises and conflicts than as an impartial judge of such crises and conflicts. This has negatively affected the management of such crises and conflicts. The paper therefore cautions against advocacy journalism in the Nigerian media industry and suggests more public participation in the media industry through “people” ownership. The press should also strive towards better professional and ethical practices in the industry and ensures that it only engages in constructive and balanced reporting of conflicts and issues.

This article offers an ethnographic cross-section in one province of South Africa's new land reform programme. 'Demand' and 'participation' are the rhetorical keywords of the programme. Demand for land redistribution, however, cannot be understood in abstraction from the political and economic conditions of its supply. Similarly, 'participation' is a managed process involving many institutional intermediaries. A series of illustrative case-studies is presented, relating to the allocation of stateowned land; state-facilitated 'market' access to privately-owned land; the reconstruction and partial privatization of a para-statal development agency, which have brought into question the viability of a 'community conservation' project and also exposed the agency to political cross-fire; and, finally, some intricacies of the possibility of land restitution to people dispossessed under apartheid, which raises the question of whether the concept of indirect racial discrimination may be applied in the South African context. Several contradictions of the process of land redistribution are analysed: for example, the massive financial costs, direct and indirect, of bringing projects to fruition in the short term, without resolution of the need for long-term support; the divergence between nominal and actual beneficiaries; political and institutional conflicts, both inside and outside the state; and routine incompatibility between the diverse aspirations of beneficiaries and the 'business plans' required by bureaucrats and suppliers of credit. THE SOUTH AFRICAN GOVERNMENT is committed to a strategy of land reform that is 'demand-led' and places an emphasis on the active 'participation' of individuals and communities in decision-making. There are three principal elements of the emerging programme: the restitution of land to those who were dispossessed under apartheid laws; the redistribution of land to those who need it; and tenure reform, intended to achieve security of tenure for people holding land under diverse forms of tenure.1 The literature on the topic, both from official and unofficial sources, is already large.2 In a recent review of the politics of land reform, Richard Levin and Dan Weiner distinguished between an 'elite-pacted' process of transition, Colin Murray is a Senior Research Fellow at the University of Manchester. 1. Department of Land Affairs (DLA), Green Paper on South African Land Policy (Pretoria, 1996); C. Murray, 'Land reform in the eastern Free State: Policy dilemmas and political conflicts', 3fournal of Peasant Studies, 23, 2/3 January/April 1996), pp. 209-244. 2. For references see H. Bernstein (ed.), The Agrarian Question in South Africa, special issue of 3tournal of Peasant Studies, 23, 2/3 January/April 1996).

The concept of democracy has faced significant challenges in a globalized world, particularly in contexts of increasing political conflicts and social polarization. This study explores the evolution of solidarity within democratic systems amid political conflicts by employing a bibliometric analysis. Using data from the Scopus database for the decade 2014–2024, this study analyzed 2,082 publications related to democracy, solidarity, and political conflict using R Studio. The analysis focuses on thematic evolution, key research trends, and collaborative networks within the literature across disciplines such as political science, social sciences, and peace studies. The findings indicate that solidarity in democratic systems is often associated with concepts such as governance, social movements, deliberative democracy, and conflict management. While democracy remains central, emerging themes such as sustainability, social media, and local participation increasingly shape the discourse. Furthermore, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia dominate the field in terms of research output and collaboration. This study provides a comprehensive overview of the development of solidarity in democratic contexts and highlights critical gaps in the literature, offering a foundation for future interdisciplinary research on strengthening democratic resilience in the face of political conflict. The concept of democracy has faced significant challenges in the globalized world, particularly in contexts of increasing political conflicts and social polarization. This study explores the evolution of solidarity within democratic systems amid political conflicts by employing a bibliometric analysis. Using data from the Scopus database for the decade 2014–2024, this study analyzed 2,082 publications related to democracy, solidarity, and political conflict using R Studio. The analysis focuses on the thematic evolution, key research trends, and collaborative networks within the literature across disciplines such as Political Science, Social Sciences, and Peace Studies. Results indicate that solidarity in democratic systems is often associated with concepts like governance, social movements, deliberative democracy, and conflict management. The findings reveal that while democracy remains central, emerging themes such as sustainability, social media, and local participation increasingly shape the discourse. Furthermore, the United States, United Kingdom, and Australia dominate the field in terms of research output and collaboration. This study provides a comprehensive overview of the development of solidarity in democratic contexts and highlights critical gaps in the literature, offering a foundation for future interdisciplinary research on strengthening democratic resilience in the face of political conflict.

Exploring the influence of internal and external conflicts on the resource curse hypothesis in OECD countries

Drawing on empirical studies and literature reviews, this paper aims to clarify and qualify the relevance of resilience to youth experiencing political conflict. It focuses on the discordance between expectations of widespread dysfunction among conflict-affected youth and a body of empirical evidence that does not confirm these expectations. The expectation for widespread dysfunction appears exaggerated, relying as it does on low correlations and on presumptions of universal response to adversity. Such a position ignores cultural differences in understanding and responding to adversity, and in the specific case of political conflict, it does not account for the critical role of ideologies and meaning systems that underlie the political conflict and shape a young people's interpretation of the conflict, and their exposure, participation, and processing of experiences. With respect to empirical evidence, the findings must be viewed as tentative given the primitive nature of research designs: namely, concentration on violence exposure as the primary risk factor, at the expense of recognizing war's impact on the broader ecology of youth's lives, including disruptions to key economic, social, and political resources; priority given to psychopathology in the assessment of youth functioning, rather than holistic assessments that would include social and institutional functioning and fit with cultural and normative expectations and transitions; and heavy reliance on cross-sectional, rather than longitudinal, studies. Researchers and practitioners interested in employing resilience as a guiding construct will face such questions: Is resilience predicated on evidence of competent functioning across the breadth of risks associated with political conflict, across most or all domains of functioning, and/or across time? In reality, youth resilience amidst political conflict is likely a complex package of better and poorer functioning that varies over time and in direct relationship to social, economic, and political opportunities. Addressing this complexity will complicate the definition of resilience, but it confronts the ambiguities and limitations of work in cross-cultural contexts.

This paper investigates the dynamic causal relationship between Sino-U.S. political conflict and bilateral trade using a time-varying (bootstrap) Granger full-sample causality test and sub-sample rolling window estimation. The result indicates that Sino-U.S. political conflict and bilateral trade may interact in various ways. Bilateral trade has both positive and negative effects on political conflict in several sub-phases, and in turn, political conflict has the same impacts on bilateral trade. In general, the relationship between Sino-U.S. political conflict and bilateral trade is not always consistent with the model of Polachek, which states bilateral trade has significantly reduced political conflict. In the face of a severe economic situation, China and the U.S. government should strengthen trade cooperation and seek common ground of economic interests in order to expand the improvement of political relations.

The past ten years has been a steady rise in political conflict in England & Wales. More and more political organisations, pressure groups and trade unionists, frustrated with the existing democratic processes, have been willing to defy the law to achieve their objectives. The present Government readily uses the criminal justice system and indeed is keen to increase its powers to regulate political and industrial conflict. This, of course, has been the situation, though to a far greater degree, in Northern Ireland since 1969. Since 1975 NAPO policy on politically motivated offenders has been used to guide probation officers through the dilemmas which are constantly thrown up by such a situation. At the AGM in 1985 it was decided to undertake a fundamental review of this policy. This article explores some of the reasons for this decision.