Democracy's promise: immigrants & American civic institutions

O F ALL POSSIBLE POLITICAL ACTIONS the voting decision has received the most attention from behavioral political scientists. Probably we have compiled and analyzed more data on candidate choice and turnout than on any other form of political behavior. Of course, this heavy emphasis comes as no surprise. The voting act is the fundamental political act in a democracy. It is the most widespread political act. Furthermore, on the surface, at least, the voting act would appear to be one of the simplest (and therefore, most understandable) political acts. A heavy scholarly focus on the voting act follows naturally from these considerations. While our data base expands, however, our theoretical superstructure remains far from finished. It is fair to say that political science has relied chiefly on models rooted in the sociological, and later the social-psychological tradition.' These models hold that

Previous articleNext article No AccessResearch NotesBeyond Racial Threat: Failure of an Old Hypothesis in the New South: CommentMicheal W. Giles, and Melanie A. BucknerMicheal W. Giles Search for more articles by this author , and Melanie A. Buckner Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Politics Volume 58, Number 4Nov., 1996 Sponsored by the Southern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/2960154 Views: 4Total views on this site Citations: 22Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1996 University of Texas PressPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Kristina M. LaPlant, Deryl Mack Seckinger, Keith E. Lee, James T. LaPlant Cocked, Locked, and Loaded: An Analysis of the Five Policy Regimes of Concealed Carry on College Campuses, Politics & Policy 49, no.11 (Jan 2021): 61–86.https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12389Christopher A. Simon, John Frendreis, Raymond Tatalovich Economics, morality, or race: Referenda voting on tribal gaming legalization, The Social Science Journal 29 (Apr 2020): 1–15.https://doi.org/10.1080/03623319.2020.1744948Daniel P. Hawes Coming Together to Punish Others: Social Capital, Racial Context, and Social Control*, Social Science Quarterly 100, no.44 (Apr 2019): 1094–1111.https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.12628Joshua N. Zingher, M. Steen Thomas The Spatial and Demographic Determinants of Racial Threat, Social Science Quarterly 68 (Apr 2014): n/a–n/a.https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.12095Jason H. Windett, Kevin K. Banda, Thomas M. Carsey Racial stereotypes, racial context, and the 2008 presidential election, Politics, Groups and Identities 1, no.33 (Sep 2013): 349–369.https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2013.813396Rene R. Rocha, Tetsuya Matsubayashi Latino Immigration and Representation in Local Politics, Urban Affairs Review 49, no.33 (Oct 2012): 353–380.https://doi.org/10.1177/1078087412459719BYRON D'ANDRA OREY, L. MARVIN OVERBY, PETER K. HATEMI, BAODONG LIU White Support for Racial Referenda in the Deep South, Politics & Policy 39, no.44 (Jul 2011): 539–558.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2011.00303.xAdam Chamberlain Racial Threat or Racial Contact? How Race Affected Third-Party Presidential Voting in the Antebellum North*, Social Science Quarterly 92, no.22 (Apr 2011): 384–403.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6237.2011.00774.xTetsuya Matsubayashi Racial Environment and Political Participation, American Politics Research 38, no.33 (Nov 2009): 471–501.https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X09335486John D. GriffinJohn D. Griffin is assistant professor of political science, University of Notre Dame, South Bend, IN 46556.Brian NewmanBrian Newman is assistant professor of political science, Pepperdine University, Malibu, CA 90263. The Unequal Representation of Latinos and Whites, The Journal of Politics 69, no.44 (Jul 2015): 1032–1046.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00605.xMelissa Marschall, Paru R. Shah The Attitudinal Effects of Minority Incorporation, Urban Affairs Review 42, no.55 (Aug 2016): 629–658.https://doi.org/10.1177/1078087406297026Ryan D. King The Context of Minority Group Threat: Race, Institutions, and Complying with Hate Crime Law, Law & Society Review 41, no.11 (Mar 2007): 189–224.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5893.2007.00295.xBrady BaybeckBrady Baybeck is assistant professor of political science and public policy administration, University of Missouri-St. Louis, Normandy, MO 63121. Sorting Out the Competing Effects of Racial Context, The Journal of Politics 68, no.22 (Jul 2015): 386–396.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2006.00414.xBaodong Liu Whites as a Minority and the New Biracial Coalition in New Orleans and Memphis, PS: Political Science & Politics 39, no.0101 (Feb 2006): 69–76.https://doi.org/10.1017/S104909650606015XVincent L. Hutchings, Nicholas A. Valentino THE CENTRALITY OF RACE IN AMERICAN POLITICS, Annual Review of Political Science 7, no.11 (May 2004): 383–408.https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.7.012003.104859M. V. Hood, QuentIn Kidd, IrwIn L. Morris The Reintroduction of the Elephas Maximus to the Southern United States, American Politics Research 32, no.11 (Jul 2016): 68–101.https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X03259196Jay Barth, L. Marvin Overby Are Gay Men and Lesbians in the South the New “Threat”?: Regional Comparisons of the Contact Theory, Politics & Policy 31, no.33 (Sep 2003): 452–470.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2003.tb00157.xDonald W. Beachler All About Race? Electoral Politics in Mississippi, Politics & Policy 29, no.44 (Dec 2001): 585–599.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2001.tb00605.xD. STEPHEN VOSS, DAVID LUBLIN Black Incumbents, White Districts, American Politics Research 29, no.22 (Jul 2016): 141–182.https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X01029002002 Jan E. Leighley , and Arnold Vedlitz Race, Ethnicity, and Political Participation: Competing Models and Contrasting Explanations, The Journal of Politics 61, no.44 (Oct 2015): 1092–1114.https://doi.org/10.2307/2647555Ami Pedahzur, Yael Yishai Hatred by Hated People: Xenophobia in Israel, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 22, no.22 (May 1999): 101–117.https://doi.org/10.1080/105761099265784Byron D'Andra Orey THE RACE RACE IN BLACK AND WHITE: THE 1995 LOUISIANA GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION, Southeastern Political Review 26, no.44 (Nov 2008): 909–920.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.1998.tb00515.x

In this essay, I contend that one can understand neither the development of mass action among contemporary immigrants, nor the sporadic nature of that action, without attending to the historic role of parties and community-based organizations in shaping immigrants' political mobilization. I draw connections between the mass immigrant-rights demonstrations that took place during the spring of 2006 and what we know about how immigrants' political participation in the United States is structured by (1) the declining influence of political parties, and (2) the critical function of community-based organizations. These organizations were the focus of my recent book,Democracy's Promise: Immigrants and American Civic Institutions(2006). Why haven't activists been able to sustain the momentum that brought hundreds of thousands of immigrants and their supporters out into the streets during the spring of 2006? Although they, along with the Spanish-language media, played a critical role in organizing mass demonstrations against punitive immigration legislation in early 2006, labor organizations, workers' centers, advocacy and social service organizations, ethnic voluntary associations, and religious institutions face severe constraints in terms of engaging in sustained, consistent political mobilization and, therefore, mainly achieve limited mobilization. However, voter registration data from the National Association of Latino Elected Officials suggest that the demonstrations may have spurred interest in more traditional types of political participation among immigrants and their supporters. Thus, while it is true that, for the most part, political participation does not take place overnight, there may be ways for U.S. civic institutions to speed up that process through direct mobilization and the provision of information that helps immigrants to feel more comfortable and confident taking part in the political system. Trusted community-based institutions represent a vital potential force in promoting political inclusion for immigrant newcomers who contribute to so many other aspects of American life.

ABSTRACTSociologists mostly treat age-at-arrival as a dichotomous variable whereas economists often approach it as a continuous variable. This article extends this debate by addressing a set of political behaviours that has mostly been the purview of political scientists. Analysing restricted, geocoded data from the National Survey of Latinos on Politics and Civic Participation, this article examines how age-at-arrival and civic institutions shape political participation among Latino immigrants. Logistic regression and random effects models suggest three key findings. First, age-at-arrival has a strong impact on participation, with child arrivals showing the highest level of participation and midlife arrivals reporting the lowest level of participation. Second, there are no ethnic differences in the likelihood of participating in non-electoral politics among Latinos. Third, involvements with civic institutions significantly shape political participation, confirming these institutions’ potential role in cultivating political efficacy and participatory skills. At the same time, the impact of civic organisations on political participation is contingent on both the type of organisation and the immigrant’s age-at-arrival, with ethnic organisations playing an important role in the political resocialisation process. Finally, ethnic concentration at the county has limited positive impact on political participation.

Previous articleNext article No AccessResearch NotesFamiliarity Doesn't Breed Contempt: A Rejoinder to "Comment"D. Stephen VossD. Stephen Voss Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Politics Volume 58, Number 4Nov., 1996 Sponsored by the Southern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/2960155 Views: 5Total views on this site Citations: 8Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1996 University of Texas PressPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Rene R. Rocha, Rodolfo Espino Racial Threat, Residential Segregation, and the Policy Attitudes of Anglos, Political Research Quarterly 62, no.22 (Sep 2008): 415–426.https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912908320931Brady BaybeckBrady Baybeck is assistant professor of political science and public policy administration, University of Missouri-St. Louis, Normandy, MO 63121. Sorting Out the Competing Effects of Racial Context, The Journal of Politics 68, no.22 (Jul 2015): 386–396.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2006.00414.xDavid E. CampbellDavid E. Campbell is assistant professor of political science, University of Notre Dame, Notre Dame, IN 46556. Religious “Threat” in Contemporary Presidential Elections, The Journal of Politics 68, no.11 (Jul 2015): 104–115.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2006.00373.xVincent L. Hutchings, Nicholas A. Valentino THE CENTRALITY OF RACE IN AMERICAN POLITICS, Annual Review of Political Science 7, no.11 (May 2004): 383–408.https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.7.012003.104859Donald W. Beachler All About Race? Electoral Politics in Mississippi, Politics & Policy 29, no.44 (Dec 2001): 585–599.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2001.tb00605.xD. STEPHEN VOSS, DAVID LUBLIN Black Incumbents, White Districts, American Politics Research 29, no.22 (Jul 2016): 141–182.https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X01029002002D. Stephen Voss, Penny Miller Following a False Trail: The Hunt for White Backlash in Kentucky's 1996 Desegregation Vote, State Politics & Policy Quarterly 1, no.11 (Jan 2021): 62–80.https://doi.org/10.1177/153244000100100105 Jan E. Leighley , and Arnold Vedlitz Race, Ethnicity, and Political Participation: Competing Models and Contrasting Explanations, The Journal of Politics 61, no.44 (Oct 2015): 1092–1114.https://doi.org/10.2307/2647555

This comprehensive reference examines the history and importance of youth participation in politics, suggests reasons for their disengagement, and discusses efforts to increase the interest of young voters in the political process–a process in which they could be a controlling factor. Surveys indicate that those under the age of 30 consistently score the lowest on factual questions about politics, and young people are the least likely to engage in political activity online despite being the age group most likely to use the Internet. Many political researchers and activists are justifiably concerned, linking the low level of political participation among American youth to the overall health of our democratic system. Youth and Political Participation: A Reference Handbook sheds light on this important subject, identifying and discussing factors that have influenced youth political participation in the past and those that play a role today, including the mass media, political parties, interest groups, and individual attitudes toward political engagement. The book also provides historical perspective by addressing the early years of the Republic, the protest politics of the 1960s, the campaign for the 18-year-old vote, and the results of the 26th Amendment granting that right.

In this investigation, we offer a quite comprehensive examination of political participation among people with disabilities-a large and growing segment of the U.S. population. In the 2000 census, nearly 50 million people identified themselves as living with a disability. Using national household survey data from 1998 and 2000, we find that senior citizens with disabilities have significantly lower levels of political participation than their non-disabled counterparts. In contrast, younger people with disabilities have levels similar to (or higher than) those of their non-disabled peers. In addition, seniors with disabilities are less likely than younger people with disabilities to attend disability groups or engage in disability activism. Finally, we find that increases in group involvement are strongly linked to increases in political participation, indicating that the lower group involvement of seniors with disabilities may account for at least some of their lower political participation. While scholars have demonstrated the importance of generational differences in understanding the political participation of the general electorate (Miller and Shanks 1996, Putnam 2000), there has been little attention paid to generational changes among people with disabilities, even though this could help account for their lower average participation. The few existing studies examining political participation among people with disabilities suggest that even after adjusting for socioeconomic factors, people with disabilities have lower levels of political participation than have non-disabled citizens. In particular, voting rates among people with disabilities are 14-21 percentage points lower than that of non-disabled Americans, with especially low turnout among senior citizens with disabilities (Shields, Schriner, and Schriner 1998; Schur and Kruse 2000; Schur et al. 2002). In general, there are three hypotheses accounting for the relationship between age and political participation. The life-experience hypothesis suggests that as people age, they acquire resources and have learning experiences promoting active community involvement (Rosenstone and Hansen 1993: 139). The life-cycle hypothesis contends that young citizens are less likely to become active in political life because they lack the community involvement necessary to believe that politics and community are important arenas. In addition, the life-cycle hypothesis suggests that there will be a gradual decrease of political and social involvement among the most elderly citizens as physical limitations begin to increase and intensify (Rosenstone and Hansen 1993: 139). Finally, the generational hypothesis suggests that socializing experiences influence each generation differently, which alters life-long patterns of political participation. These socializing experiences have led senior cohorts to have high levels of involvement (relative to younger generations) because of the political socialization they experienced before and after WWlI-rendering them part of the 'long civic generation' (Putnam 2000: 254; Miller and Shanks 1996). Regardless, there are reasons to expect these relationships to be substantially different among people with disabilities who have experienced dramatic differences in their treatment across generational cohorts (French and Swain 1996). Senior cohorts who grew up with disabilities experienced prejudice and discrimination that explicitly barred them from civic engagement and community affairs (Shapiro 1993; Hahn 1985). Discrimination was evidenced by segregation from public schools, inaccessible buildings, and neglect from political leaders. Even individuals who grew up without disabilities had their views of disability shaped in this environment. Younger individuals with disabilities, while still experiencing discrimination, have also witnessed a growing disability rights movement, the passage of the ADA, and incremental improvement in laws and policies providing greater integration into mainstream society. …

While many fine works of scholarship examine the role of the Supreme Court in American politics, there has been a dearth of scholarly books that focus on the Courts of Appeals. Continuity and Change on the United States Courts of Appeals unique both in its focus on this level of the judiciary and its approach that examines major trends over the twentieth century. Since the Supreme Court has the discretion to refuse to hear almost all cases appealed to it, the Courts of Appeals are usually the final option for litigants in the federal system. Unless overturned by the Supreme Court or, in cases decided on the basis of statute, by Congressional action, the rulings can have a significant impact on government policy.The authors present the first comprehensive examination of the shifting role of the Courts of Appeals, investigating changes over time and presenting the first systematic analyses of those changes. Their work is the first book to utilize the database of the U.S. Courts of Appeals, analyzing over 15,000 cases to examine trends between 1925 and 1988. The book answers questions such as who are the judges? What are their decisional tendencies? What has been the role of region and partisan politics? Who are the litigants? And who has won and who has lost throughout the twentieth century? It is the only current, up-to-date book on the Courts of Appeals and an essential read for all scholars and students interested in American politics and judicial behavior.Donald R. Songer is Professor of Political Science, University of South Carolina. Reginald S. Sheehan is Associate Professor of Political Science and Director of the Program for Law and Juridical Politics, Michigan State University. Susan B. Haire is Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of Georgia

Although Sri Lanka has 51% women, their participation in local governance as well as in the national parliament is 5% in total. The strong social development indicator of women in areas such as health and education has not translated into their increased political participation. As such, this study focuses on the level of women’s participation in local governance and explores why there is a low level of political participation of women in local governance. Both quantitative and qualitative methods comprising of questionnaire survey, interviews and focus group discussions were employed in this study. The findings show organized collective involvement of women was effective only in social welfare, livelihood and social security than political participation. The study also reveals that the low level of political participation by women is attributable to biological, economic, psychological, religious and political factors. Overall, it was found that although women are interested in participating in local governance, they have a lack of space for political participation.

1. Changing American Political Parties (Jeffrey M. Stonecash) 2. Social Change in America: The Context for Parties (Jeffrey M. Stonecash) 3. Strategic Maneuvers: Political Parties and the Pursuit of Winning Coalitions in a Constantly Changing Electoral Environment (Mark D. Brewer) 4. Parties and the Media: Getting Messages to Voters (Danny Hayes) 5. Party Organization and Mobilization of Resources: Evolution, Reinvention and Survival (Diana Dwyre) 6. Blacks and the Democratic Party: A Resilient Coalition (Kerry Haynie and Candis S. Watts) 7. Class in American Politics (Jeffrey M. Stonecash) 8. Ideological Realignment Among Voters (Alan Abramowitz) 9. Religion, Moralism and the Cultural Wars: Competing Moral Visions (Laura Olson) 10. Immigrants and Political Parties (Marika Dunn and Jane Junn) 11. Partisan Trends in the South and Northeast: Political Ping Pong (Howard L. Reiter) 12. The President as a Partisan Actor (Sidney M. Milkis) 13. Consequences of Electoral and Institutional Change: the Evolution of Conditional Party Government in the U.S. House of Representatives (David Rohde and John Aldrich) 14. Parties, Public Policy Differences, and Impact (Rebekah E. Liscio and Jeffrey M. Stonecash)

1. Changing American Political Parties (Jeffrey M. Stonecash) 2. Social Change in America: The Context for Parties (Jeffrey M. Stonecash) 3. Strategic Maneuvers: Political Parties and the Pursuit of Winning Coalitions in a Constantly Changing Electoral Environment (Mark D. Brewer) 4. Parties and the Media: Getting Messages to Voters (Danny Hayes) 5. Party Organization and Mobilization of Resources: Evolution, Reinvention and Survival (Diana Dwyre) 6. Blacks and the Democratic Party: A Resilient Coalition (Kerry Haynie and Candis S. Watts) 7. Class in American Politics (Jeffrey M. Stonecash) 8. Ideological Realignment Among Voters (Alan Abramowitz) 9. Religion, Moralism and the Cultural Wars: Competing Moral Visions (Laura Olson) 10. Immigrants and Political Parties (Marika Dunn and Jane Junn) 11. Partisan Trends in the South and Northeast: Political Ping Pong (Howard L. Reiter) 12. The President as a Partisan Actor (Sidney M. Milkis) 13. Consequences of Electoral and Institutional Change: the Evolution of Conditional Party Government in the U.S. House of Representatives (David Rohde and John Aldrich) 14. Parties, Public Policy Differences, and Impact (Rebekah E. Liscio and Jeffrey M. Stonecash)

The Heterogenous Citizen: How Many of Us Care about Don Bradman’s Average?

The Heterogenous Citizen

Youth voters potential in Indonesia is quite large due to the significant number of voters. However, the potential of low level of political participation in society, especially among first-time voters are also predicted to increase with the increasing public apathy due to the poor performance of the elected government. Electoral education is a strategic mean to address these problems. Unfortunately since the beginning of the democratic election, after the new regime era, the Election Organizer (KPU) has not yet doing the electoral education and has been using the sameprogrammatic approach which isvoter information which only a temporary solution. Political parties also are still not up to running a electoral education functions as mandated by the law.It needs a mutual commitmentfrom the government and political parties to involve all elements of society such as CSO and educational institutions to start doing programmatic electoral/voter education to improve not only the rate of voter participation in elections but also the overall political participation.

Although South Korea has achieved unprecedented economic growth, gender inequality remains a serious social issue and continues to persist in various sectors. This paper explores the low levels of political participation by women in the country and activities undertaken by women’s organizations to improve these. Political gender quotas were first introduced in South Korea in 2000 and have developed gradually. Women’s movements have played a significant role in introducing and strengthening these quotas. This paper introduces activities for political gender quotas and gender-sensitive political reform. To prepare for future struggle, this paper calls for the need to widen the perspectives of women’s political empowerment and devise new strategies to make effective alliances with other women’s organizations and female politicians. In addition, both women’s organizations and political parties need to make efforts for nurturing young female leaders.