Democracy Under Neoliberalism in South Korea

Liberalists has declared that economic trade brings about political cooperation and peace between two countries through enhancing the economic benefits, promoting conversation, and removing misunderstanding. On the basis of this declaration, the policy on North Korea has been pushed ahead by the Korean government which tries to transform the relationship with North Korea from mistrust and hostility to reconciliation and cooperation. It has been twenty three years since the economic trade between South and North Korea began in January, 1989 under President Noh Taewoo which was triggered by the Declaration of July 7 and the North-South Korean Economic Relation Measure of October in 1988. The total turnover between South and North Korea was about 15.9 billion USD during the period from the beginning of January, 1989 to the end of September, 2011, out of which 13.2 billion USD is for commercial trade and 2.6 billion USD is for economic aid. However, the controversy is being aroused in South Korea about the policy on North Korea because North Korea tends to keep hostility towards South Korea through nuclear experiment, blowing up the Cheonan ship, shooting a South Korean tourist in Keumkang Mountain, and shelling of Yeonpyeong Island. It seems to the realists that the economic trade between South and North Korea brings about reinforcing the North Korean military power and weakening the security in South Korea, which results in hindering the peace in Korean Peninsular. From the point of this issue, this paper aims to analyse the effect of trade and economic aid on easing conflicts between South and North Korea empirically. The result of this study can be summarized as follows. First of all, the increase of total turnover is significantly effective on creating the cooperative relationship between South and North Korea, which means that the increase of total turnover will decrease the conflict index. Secondly, the increase of commercial trade does not significantly affect the conflict index. Thirdly, the increase of non-commercial trade is significantly effective on the conflict index, which means that the increase of non-commercial trade will bring about creating the cooperative relationship between South and North Korea. Finally, the multi-variable analysis shows that rate of change in non-commercial trade is significantly effective on the conflict index, but rate of change in commercial trade is not. To sum up the results of the empirical analysis, the increase of total turnover and/or non-commercial trade is significantly effective on creating the cooperative relationship between South and North Korea, but not in the case of the increase of commercial trade. In other words, the economic trade between South and North Korea does not necessarily reduce the conflict in Korean Peninsular. In fact, it has been happening in the real world since fifty years ago. Social welfare in North Korea should be enhanced to reduce the conflict in Korean Peninsular through the economic support and trade from South Korea. The amount of social welfare increase in North Korea should be enough to offset the amount of social welfare decrease due to the cessation of the economic support and trade. Therefore, the economic trade between South and North Korea needs to be vitalized more and more so that North Korea be economically dependent upon South Korea. Limits of this paper, which are left to be studied in the future, are as follows. First of all, it needs to be analyzed how much social welfare has been enhanced in North Korea through the economic trade between South and North Korea for the past twenty three years. Secondly, it also needs to be studied what is the level of dependence of North Korea on South Korea, and whether the economic sanction toward the North Korea of the Lee Myung-bak administration is significantly effective or not.

Economists have expressed their opinion that the economic trade between countries brings about economic prosperity as well as peace. Their opinion is based upon that the trading countries do not want to face the situation of decline in their welfare and benefits due to not participating in economic trade. They argue that economic trades between countries give them the opportunities of conversation, decrease misunderstanding, and leads them to peaceful mind and behavioral attitude to adjust the political conflicts. On the basis of this kind of opinion and the reunification of Germany, the economic trade between South and North Korea has been suggested as the most efficient measure to maintain the peace in Korean Peninsula. It has been twenty four years since the economic trade between South and North Korea was triggered in January, 1989 under President Noh Taewoo’s Declaration of July 7 in spite of several crises. The total turnover between South and North Korea is about US$ 18.3 billion from 1989 to 2012, out of which US$ 9.2 billion is the export to the North and US$ 9.1 billion is the import from the North. Since the end of cold war, South Korea and China have established diplomatic relations on July 24, 1992, and they have become strategic cooperative partners. The total turnover between South Korea and China was US$ 6.4 billion in 1992, and it increased to US$ 215.2 billion in 2012. On the other hand, the total turnover between North Korea and China amounts to US$ 5.9 billion in 2012, which is around three times as much as that between South and North Korea. The results of theoretical analyses are summarized as follows. First of all, exports and imports between South and North Korea turned out to ease the conflicts between two countries. Therefore, ‘theory of peace through trade’ by the liberalists was supported here. Secondly, it turned out that the economic trade between North Korea and China affects to easing conflicts between South and North Korea only if South Korea and China are in friendly partnership. It implies that China induces North Korea to ease the conflicts between South and North Korea. Thirdly, exports from South Korea to China affects to easing conflicts between South and North Korea only if North Korea and China are friendly partners politically. Imports from China to South. Korea affects to easing conflicts between South and North Korea only if North Korea and China are in antagonistic relationship politically. Empirical analysis shows that the difference quotient in the total turnover between South and North Korea turned out to have a significant positive relationship with the conflict index of the former year. It implies that the increase of the difference quotient in the total turnover between South and North Korea is likely to ease the conflicts between two countries. On the other hand, the difference quotient in the imports turned out to have significant positive relationship with the conflict index of the former year. It tells that the increase of the imports is likely to ease the conflicts between South and North Korea. While the expand of trade with China will ease the conflicts in Korean Peninsula from the theoretical viewpoint, empirical analyses present opposite results. It implies that the relationship between North Korea and China since the end of cold war is not the same as that before the end of cold war. It also tells that North Korea puts the higher political priority to developing the nuclear weapon and long-range missile. Inter-Korean policy has to keep consistency focusing economic cooperation apart from political issues. Long-term goal of inter-Korean policy should be unification, although short-term one is peace and stability in Korean Peninsula.

The South Korea-North Korea relation has always been full of tensions since the end of the Second World War. Those tensions can turn into military conflicts any time which might me detrimental to regional stability and international peace. In such a situation South Korea and North Korea have been negotiating for a peaceful reunification for the previous two decades. But the South Korea-North Korea relation has not been normalized yet. In addition, North Korea has been continuously increasing nuclear weapons reserves and long-range missiles production. As a result, the South Korea-North Korea relation remains full of tensions. The objective of this research is to study the real scenario of South Korea-North Korea peaceful reunification initiative. This research study identifies the progress and limitations of the South Korea-North Korea reunification process. It is evident from the present research study that both of South Korea and North Korea want a peaceful reunification in the Korean peninsula. But there are many domestic, regional and international challenges. The South Korea- North Korea peaceful reunification is plausible if those challenges are resolved.

This study investigates the effects of combined human capital of North and South Korea on the economic adjustment of North Korean defectors. Household income and job stability are used as outcome variables. Informal economic activities in North Korea exert a significant and positive impact on economic adjustment in the South. Membership in the Workers Party and time spent in the South positively affect household income. Overall, acquired human capital from North Korea appears more important than that obtained from the South. This finding has significant policy implications.

ABSTRACTIn South Africa and South Korea, the state adopted corporatism as a crisis response to the demands of democratisation. As a result, as social dialogue mechanisms, the corporatist institutions in South Africa and South Korea have failed to bring the actors together and to resolve the various issues as these institutions were expected to do. Labour in particular has been placed at a disadvantage in the overall policy-making process. Consequently, labour has become discontented, forcing it to withdraw from these processes. This article compares the rise and fall of corporatism in two seemingly very different cases, namely South Africa and South Korea by examining four similar reasons that prompted the adoption of corporatism and four similar conditions that also led to its collapse.

BackgroundAmong high-income countries, South Korea has a considerable tuberculosis (TB) burden; North Korea has one of the highest TB burdens in the world. Predicting the impact of control strategies on...

PurposeThe purpose of this study was to categorize surgery-related medical terminologies used in South and North Korea and to compare and analyze discrepancies observed in the terms.MethodsThis study collected medical terminology used in the North Korean medical book “Surgery” and compared it to medical terminology found in the medical glossary of South Korea. The order of the subtitle was described according to the Instruction to Authors.ResultsIn total, there were 2,168 individual medical terms, of which only 1,004 words (46.3%) were identical to South Korean medical terms. There were 581 similar terms (26.8%), 265 different terms (12.2%), and 318 terms that are nonexistent in South Korea (14.7%).ConclusionLess than half of the medical terms used in North Korea match those used in South Korea. It is expected that the prolongation of the current division of South and North Korea will only worsen this discrepancy. Further efforts to bridge the gap through academic exchange between South Korea and North Korea are required in preparation for an era of reunification.

남북한이 상이한 사회적 규범체계 하에 분단국가로 장기화될수록, 건설기술에 대한 이론적 기술적 차이가 많이 발생하게 된다. 따라서 남북한이 화해의 국면에서 상호 교류시, 공동으로 사용하는 철근콘크리트 도로교의 성능수준도 명확히 차이가 발생한다. 이에 본 연구는 북한의 철근콘크리트 도로교 설계기준과 관련된 자료를 면밀히 비교 분석하고, 철근콘크리트 슬래브교에 대한 표준설계 제원과 사례를 토대로 구조해석을 수행했다. 특히 남북한의 설계트럭하중에 대하여 활하중 영향을 분석함으로써, 북한의 철근콘크리트 슬래브교에 대한 수준을 추정하였고, 이를통해 통행에 대한 안전성을 사전에 검토할 수 있도록 기초 연구를 수행하였다. 따라서 향후 남북한이 화해국면에 접어들어 교류가 활발히 진행되거나, 더 나아가 통일국가로 준비하는 단계에서, 공통의 철근콘크리트 도로교 설계기준을 작성하는데 기초자료로 활용될 것으로 기대한다. If North Korea continuously remains an isolated nation without social interaction with South Korea, the gaps in the theoretical and technological status in construction technology become greater between North and South Korea. Therefore if interactions between North and South Korea can be made, there will be significant improvement in infrastructure technological performance can be made(i.e., Reinforced Concrete bridges). This study was performed to compare and analyze data related to the design standards of North Korean RC bridges and to execute a structural analysis based on standard design specifications of RC slab bridges. Especially, basic study of analyzing the influences on design truck loads of North and South Korea was conducted for the purpose of predicting the performance of North Korean RC slab bridges and the safety levels of traveling vehicles in advance. It is expected that the results of this study can be used as fundamental data for the set-up of South-North RC bridge specification when South and North Korea enter a stage of cooperation and interaction between South and North Korea are actively pursued to prepare for reunification.

This research investigates on South Korea trust politic approach under Park Geun Hye administration to handle the challenges of Korean reunification in Korean Peninsula based constructivism perspective. There are third challenges that faced by South Korea within Korean reunification which is international community believed on these challenges. Those challenges are the differences of ideology and system between South and North Korea, South Korea and United States of America military provocation, and North Korea’s nuclear weapon program. The type of this research is qualitative research that used secondary data by desk research approach and also using explanation methods to analyse the topic. Based on the result of this research, by using constructivism perspective those problems are not relevan more as barrier for Korean reunification in Korean peninsula. Today, the main problem to Korean reunification is what researcher called with “trust deficit” and identity changed. So that’s why South Korea used this kind approach where a structure of mistrust and confrontation is replaced by that of trust and cooperation. This structure changing is hoped to increase the possibility of reunification in Korean Peninsula between South and North Korea in the future.

PurposeWe aimed to investigate the extent of heterogeneity in medical terminology between South and North Korea by comparing medical terms related to the colorectal system.MethodsNorth Korean medical terms were collected from the sections on diseases of the small intestine and colon in a surgery textbook from North Korea, and those terms were compared with their corresponding terms in a South Korean medical terminology textbook. The terms were categorized as either identical, similar, showing disparity, or not used in South Korea. In a subsection analysis, the terms were allocated to pathophysiology, diagnosis, symptoms and examination, drugs, testing, treatment, or others according to the categorization used in the textbook.ResultsWe found 705 terms in the North Korean textbook, most of which were pathophysiological terms (206, 29.2%), followed by diagnostic terms (165, 23.4%) and symptom and examination terms (122, 17.3%). Treatment-, drug-, and testing-related terms constituted 15.5%, 5.8%, and 4.1% of the 705 terms, respectively. There were 331 identical terms (47.0%) and 146 similar terms (20.7%); 126 terms (17.9%) showed disparity. Another 102 terms (14.5%) were not used in South Korea. The pathophysiological terms were the least heterogeneous, with 61.2% being identical terms used in both countries. However, 26.8% of the terms in the drug category were not used in South Korea.ConclusionThe present study showed that less than 50% of the terms for the colorectal system used in South and North Korea were identical. As the division between South and North Korea persists, the heterogeneity of medical terminology is expected to increase.

Purpose: This study aimed to investigate the extent of the difference in health status between South Korea (SK) and North Korea (NK) by comparing indicators relevant to maternal and child health.Methods: The maternal and child health status of SK and NK considering population, birth, and mortality was reviewed using 2 Korean statistics, United Nations Children’s Fund, and United Nations databases from 1950 to 2017.Results: The annual number of total live births in SK had decreased from 1,006,600 in 1970 to 326,900 in 2018, and that in NK had declined from 530,000 in 1970 to 360,000 in 2015. The percentage of children among the total population was higher in NK than in SK, and the decrease in the percentage of children in SK is remarkable, which is related to a low fertility rate in the last few decades. However, the mortality rates related to children were higher in NK than in SK. In 2017, neonatal mortality rates (per 1,000 live births) in SK and NK were 1.5 and 9.0, respectively. The fertile female population of SK and NK in 2015 was 50.2% and 52.0%, respectively, and SK and NK’s aging index (%) in 2017 was 107.3 and 46.1, respectively.Conclusion: This study shows the different population distributions and maternal and child health statuses between SK and NK, which may have a negative impact on social integration after reunification. Therefore, it is important to understand the indicators of maternal and child health to become the powerbase of efficient healthcare system integration by minimizing the impact at the beginning of the reunification.

Plasmodium vivax malaria is the indigenous strain in the Republic of Korea (ROK). Plasmodium vivax can be transmitted through the transfusions of various blood components, which became a severe problem with the safety of blood transfusions and blood-related products in ROK. We evaluated a P.vivax-specific enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (Genedia Malaria Ab ELISA 2.0, Green Cross, ROK) with blood samples from four groups: 251 samples from P.vivax-infected patients, 39 samples from post-treatment patients upon follow-up, 200 samples from healthy volunteers and 421 samples from domestic travellers to and from high endemic areas of ROK. The positive cases from the ELISA test were confirmed by both Giemsa microscopic and polymerase chain reaction methods. The clinical sensitivity and specificity of detecting P.vivax with ELISA test were 94.4% and 99.0%, respectively. Thirteen of 421 domestic travellers (3.0%) to endemic areas tested positive. The results indicate the effectiveness of detecting antibodies against P.vivax in blood with Genedia Malaria Ab ELISA 2.0 test in a large blood screen setting.

We analysed daily precipitation data at the rain gauge stations in North Korea over a period of 25 years from 1983 to 2007, and in South Korea over a period of 35 years from 1973 and 2007. We found a striking trend of decreasing summer precipitation across North Korea. By contrast, in South Korea, the trend is opposite: there is a major increase in summer precipitation. Also, the number of dry days in summer showed an increasing trend in North Korea and a decreasing trend in South Korea. For the number of days with heavy precipitation (i.e. days with above 50 mm/day daily precipitation) during summer, a decreasing trend was detected in North Korea, but no trend in South Korea. However, in South Korea, there was a significant increase of days with heavy precipitation over the whole year. These opposite trends in summer precipitation between North and South Korea were further confirmed using four global/regional satellite and rain gauge datasets of CPC Merged Analysis of Precipitation (CMAP), the Global Precipitation Climatology Project (GPCP), Precipitation REConstruction over the Land (PREC/L), and the Asian Precipitation‐Highly Resolved Observation Data Integration Towards the Evaluation of Water Resources (APHRODITE). Copyright © 2011 Royal Meteorological Society

What changes has the Cheonan incident brought about in the Northeast Asian region? How and to what extent have those changes shifted as time goes by? I find that the Cheonan sinking has played a key role in deepening the ideological chasm in South Korea between conservatives and progressives. It has also become a serious obstacle to the improvement of South Korea-North Korea relations, and has been the catalyst for the emergence of a Cold War-like rivalry between the US-South Korea-Japan and the China-North Korea-Russia blocs. However, relations among neigh-boring countries in Northeast Asia have shifted over time, including significant improvement in China-Republic of Korea relations and worsening of relations between China and North Korea and South Korea and Japan. KEYWORDS: Cheonan incident, ideological divide, South Korean politics, inter-Korean relations, Northeast Asian security relations.ON MARCH 26, 2010, THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA (ROK OR SOUTH Korea) navy corvette PCC-722 Cheonan sank while conducting a patrol mission in the Yellow Sea just south of the Northern Limit Line near Baekryeong Island. As a result, forty-six out of 104 crew members were killed while fifty-eight were rescued. Following an investigation, a Joint Civilian-Military Investigation Group (JIG) consisting of experts from the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, Sweden, and South Korea, announced on May 20 that the Cheonan had been sunk by a North Korean torpedo attack. What changes has the Cheonan incident brought about in the Northeast Asia region? How and to what extent have those changes shifted over time?The JIG's official report, instead of leading to a consensus view among South Koreans, sparked a debate over the cause of the incident. The already deep ideological chasm between con- servatives and progressives in South Korean society worsened. The sinking of the Cheonan also further undermined interKorean relations and served as the catalyst for the emergence of a Cold War-like rivalry between the US-ROK-Japan and the China-North Korea-Russia blocs. Along with these changes in regional security dynamics, the tragic incident also exerted significant influence on interstate relations among neighboring countries in Northeast Asia. In the short run, the Cheonan sinking weakened China-ROK, US-DPRK (Democratic People's Republic of Korea, or North Korea), and US-China relations, whereas it helped strengthen China-DPRK, US-ROK, US-Japan, and ROK-Japan relations. Further shifts have occurred since the incident as China-ROK relations have significantly improved while China-DPRK and ROK-Japan relations have notably worsened.In this article, I first examine the widening ideological gap between conservatives and progressives in South Korea after the sinking of the navy ship by exploring the hotly contested points of the JIG's report. I then look into the impact of the Cheonan incident on Northeast Asian security relations and how and to what extent the changes produced by the incident have shifted over time.The Ideological Divide in South KoreaA Catalyst for Deepening MistrustIdeological disputes between conservatives and progressives in South Korea are hardly new. Since the end of the Korean War, the two camps have mainly clashed over policies toward the DPRK and the security role of the United States. Conservatives give top priority to fostering a close partnership with the United States and maintaining vigilance against the threat from North Korea. Progressives, however, radically oppose that narrative, seeing the North more as a kin nation with which to be reconciled and the United States as a disruptive interloper (Chae and Kim 2008, 77).This ideological divide became more evident after progressive President Kim Dae-jung (1998-2002) launched an engagement policy toward North Korea, called the Sunshine Policy. Conservative politicians, intellectuals, and media strongly opposed the Kim government's initiatives, criticizing him for not demanding reciprocal actions by the DPRK. …

Purpose - First, this study contextually examines the governance codes of South Africa and South Korea. Second, it analyzes board features of South African (JSE) Mainboard and South Korean (KRX) KOSPI-listed companies. Design/methodology - This review is qualitative and uses data from the annual reports of the selected markets’ companies, respective exchanges’ official web sites and corporate governance-related web sites in order to examine the corporate governance practices in the two markets. In addition, Nvivo is employed in analyzing the content of the corporate governance codes of the selected countries. Findings - Our analysis indicates that the corporate governance codes of the two countries are evolving to keep up with the international trend of principles-based approach. The composition of the board of directors (BODs) of non-financial companies of both South Africa and South Korea shows no significant variation between the companies with regards to the executive (inside) and nonexecutive (outside) directors. On the contrary, there is a significant variation between South African and South Korean listed companies with respect to diversity. Originality/value - While previous studies are centered on the impact of governance codes on performance, this study intends to contextually evaluate the codes and features of South Africa and South Korea listed companies. This is essential and timely for regulators and policy makers given the importance of corporate governance features such as board independence and diversity in recent times.