Defining and Evaluating Perceptions of Victim Blame in Antigay Hate Crimes

Recent years have seen increased attention to the problem of hate crime, including such crime motivated by anti-gay bias. Although there is a growing body of research regarding the context of hate crime offending, there is a relative dearth of work investigating the community-level context of anti-gay hate crime. The current study investigates the community-level determinants of anti-gay hate crime in New York City from 2006 to 2010, using data obtained from the New York Police Department (NYPD)'s Hate Crimes Task Force (HCTF), one of the nation's leading hate crime police units. Using a framework drawing on group conflict and criminological theories, the current study examines anti-gay hate crime as an outcome of gay visibility, social disorganization, and economic strain. It is hypothesized that greater gay visibility, as well as social disorganization and poor and worsening economic conditions over time will be associated with increases in anti-gay hate crime. Results show that gay demographics, measured by static visibility and increasing gay populations over time, are shown to consistently predict higher levels of anti-gay hate crime. Adding to the generally mixed findings on the role of economic conditions in explaining hate crime, this study also finds that anti-gay hate crime occurs in more disadvantaged communities and communities marked by poorer economic conditions. The findings show anti-gay hate crime to be an outcome of gay visibility, disadvantage, and poor economic conditions, indicating that anti-gay crime may be an angry response to the strains present in the community. The study concludes with a discussion of the findings and implications for policy makers and practitioners.

Mechanisms of moral disingagement in sex offenders

Study objectives were to examine associations of irritation and anger with negative attributions, and associations of negative attributions with trait aggression in participants with traumatic brain injury (TBI). Forty-eight participants with moderate to severe TBI participated in this study. Participants were primarily male (68.8%), and on average, approximately 5 years postinjury. Prospective study using a quasi-experimental design. Participants were presented with 21 vignettes that hypothetically led to negative consequences for the participant. Stories portrayed characters' actions as benign, ambiguous, or hostile. After each vignette, participants rated how irritated and angry they would be, and how intentional, hostile, and blameworthy they perceived the characters' actions. Participants' trait aggression was evaluated with the aggression questionnaire. Irritation and anger ratings were strongly correlated with intent, hostility, and blame ratings of the character (p < .001). Trait aggression was significantly associated with attributions of intent, hostility, and blame (p < .001). These preliminary findings suggest that irritation and anger after TBI may be linked to the negative attributions they make about others' behaviors. Findings further indicate a relationship between negative attributions and trait aggression. Thus, individuals with TBI who have higher trait aggression may have a tendency to make more negative attributions about others' behaviors, and in turn, have stronger feelings of irritation and anger as a response. Future studies with healthy controls and larger sample sizes are needed to build upon this clinically relevant topic.

Blame attribution is a valuable mechanism explaining decision making. However, present literature mainly employs blame attribution as a dependent variable. The shortcoming of this fact is that blame attribution offers a potentially valuable explanatory mechanism for decision making. The authors designed two studies to investigate blame attribution as a moderator of sentencing decisions in sexual orientation-based hate crimes. Study 1 showed that mock jurors punished perpetrators of hate crimes more severely than a control condition. Also, degree of victim blame influenced punitive decision making. In Study 2, mock jurors extended findings that perpetrators of hate crimes are more harshly punished than those of other types of crimes. Victim and perpetrator blame failed to moderate decision making in this more complex scenario. Results are discussed in relation to hate crimes definitions and attribution theory.

Although research has found that between 5% to 20% of adult men in non-institutionalized and non-military populations have been the victimes of a sexual assault, these victims are largely ignored by society and mental health professionals. Factos that may account for this lack of attention may be due to the small number of victims (as compared to female victims) and rape myths that promote the denial that male rape can occur. The psychological literature also reflects this neglect as the majority of this literature has focused on female and child victims, largely ignoring adult male victims. The purpose of the present research was to address some of the limitations of the literature regarding the attribution of victim blame towards male victims of sexual assault. The study investigated how the independent variables of 1.) victim gender, 2.) victim sexual orientation, and 3.) participant sexual orientation influence the dependent variables of attribution of blame and participant's perceived similarity to the victim. The results indicated that the participants' sexual orientation, the victims' sexual orientation, and the victims' gender were found to be related to the particpant perceived similarity to the victim. However, participants' perceived similarity to the victim did not influence their attribution of blame towards the victims. The results were not consistent with Defensive Attribution Theory (Shaver, 1970; Walster, 1966).

The Equality Clause [9(3)] in the South African Constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. Little research has been conducted into gay and lesbian issues in South Africa to monitor whether constitutional protection has had an impact on the lives of gay and lesbian people. This briefing draws on research conducted in Gauteng Province, South Africa to investigate anti-gay hate crimes, reporting practices and experiences of the police. It was found that anti-gay hate crimes are still prevalent, and that confidence in the police was found to be low with most cases going unreported.

Several studies have examined victim blaming in rape scenarios. However, there is limited research on the analysis of the perception of blame when two or more perpetrators are involved. The present article explores the perception of blame in cases involving rape based on the level of resistance shown by the victim and the presence of one or more perpetrators. A study was carried out involving 351 university students who responded to a survey after reading a hypothetical assault scenario. Six situations were established where the victim showed either low or high resistance, depending on whether the resistance was verbal or physical and verbal, and in the presence of one or two male perpetrators. It is expected that perpetrators are more culpable when acting in groups and that less resistance from the victim leads to greater attribution of blame. The results confirm that more blame is attributed to the perpetrators when they act in groups than when they act alone. Likewise, women consider the victim generally exerts greater resistance and this variable influences the attribution of greater blame.

Primary objective: To compare patients with traumatic brain injury (TBI) with controls on sub-types of aggression and explore the role of social desirability.Design: Quasi-experimental, matched-participants design.Methods and procedures: Sixty-nine participants were included in the study. The sample comprised a TBI group (n = 24), a spinal cord injury (SCI) group (n = 21) and an uninjured (UI) group of matched healthy volunteers (n = 24). Participants were given self-report measures of aggression, social desirability and impulsivity. Sixty-one independent ‘other-raters’ were nominated, who rated participant pre-morbid and post-morbid aggression.Main outcomes and results: Using standardized norms, 25–39% of participants with TBI were classified as high average–very high on anger and 35–38% as high average–very high on verbal aggression. Other-raters rated participants with TBI as significantly higher on verbal aggression than SCI and UI participants. There were no differences between the groups on physical aggression. The TBI group also had higher levels of impulsivity than SCI and UI groups. Social desirability was a highly significant predictor of self-reported aggression for the entire sample.Conclusions: Impulsive verbal aggression and anger are the principal aggressive traits after brain injury. Physical aggression may present in extreme cases after TBI, but appears less prominent overall in this population. Social desirability, previously overlooked in research examining TBI aggression, emerged as an influential variable that should be considered in future TBI research.

The present study investigated the attribution of responsibility to victims and perpetrators in rape compared to robbery cases in Turkey. Each participant read three short case scenarios (vignettes) and completed items pertaining to the female victim and male perpetrator. The vignettes were systematically varied with regard to the type of crime that was committed (rape or robbery), the perpetrator’s coercive strategy (physical force or exploiting the victim’s alcohol-induced defenselessness), and the victim-perpetrator relationship prior to the incident (stranger, acquaintance, or ex-partner). Furthermore, participant gender and acceptance of rape myths (beliefs that justify or trivialize sexual violence) were taken into account. One half of the participants completed the rape myth acceptance (RMA) scales first and then received the vignettes, while the other half were given the vignettes first and then completed the RMA scales. As expected, more blame was attributed to victims of rape than to victims of robbery. Conversely, perpetrators of rape were blamed less than perpetrators of robbery. The more participants endorsed rape myths, the more blame was attributed to the victim and the less blame was attributed to the perpetrators. Increasing levels of RMA were associated with an increase in victim blame (VB) in both rape and robbery cases, but the increase in rape VB was significantly more pronounced than in robbery VB. Increasing RMA was associated with an attenuation of perpetrator blame (PB) that was more pronounced for rape than for robbery cases, but the difference was not significant. As expected, victims of rape were blamed more when the perpetrator exploited their defenselessness due to alcohol intoxication than when they were overpowered by physical force. Contrary to the hypothesis, this was also true for robbery victims. Rape victims who knew their attacker (ex-partner or acquaintance) were blamed more than victims who were assaulted by strangers. Contrary to the hypothesis, robbery victims who were assaulted by an ex-partner were blamed more than acquaintance or stranger robbery victims. As predicted, the closer the relationship between victim and perpetrator, the less blame was attributed to perpetrators of rape while this factor had no effect on PB in robbery cases. Men compared to women attributed more blame to the victims and less blame to the perpetrators. As expected, these gender differences in blame attributions were partially mediated by gender differences in RMA: After RMA was taken into account, the gender differences disappeared nearly completely for VB and were significantly reduced in PB. The order of presentation of the vignettes and the RMA measures was systematically varied to test the causal influence of RMA on rape blame attributions. The hypothesis that RMA causes VB and PB in rape cases (as opposed to the other way around or both are caused by a third variable) was not supported. Possible reasons for this failed manipulation and its implications for the mediation model are discussed. With regard to blame attribution in rape cases, the present results match what was expected from previous studies which were mainly conducted in “Western” countries like the United States, the United Kingdom, or Germany. The present results support the notion that the victim-perpetrator relationship and the victim’s alcohol consumption are cross-culturally stable factors for blame attribution in rape cases. It was expected that blame attribution in robbery cases would be unaffected by the perpetrator’s coercive strategy and the victim-perpetrator relationship, but the results were inconsistent. One unexpected effect is particularly noteworthy: When the perpetrator used physical force, more blame was attributed to rape than to robbery victims, but intoxicated victims were blamed more and almost equally so for both types of crime. Perpetrators who exploited drunk victims were blamed less in both rape and robbery cases. These results contradict German results collected with the German version of the same instruments (Bieneck & Krahe, 2011). Turkey is a Muslim country and alcohol is surrounded by a certain taboo. Possibly, the results reflect a cultural difference in that intoxicated victims are generally blamed more for their victimization and this factor is not limited to rape cases.

Three studies were conducted to examine the role of order effects in attributions of blame in cases of acquaintance rape. Participants were presented with a vignette describing an acquaintance rape and were then asked to respond to a victim blame scale and a perpetrator blame scale, the presentation order of which was manipulated. The results of Study 1 (n = 129) indicated that the participants who first responded to the perpetrator blame scale blamed the perpetrator less than the participants who first responded to the victim blame scale. This effect was replicated in Study 2 (n = 120) and Study 3 (n = 70), which was run 18 months after Study 2 and used a modified vignette. These findings suggest that order effects should be a methodological consideration in future studies on blame attribution.

Objectives. The study of crime directed at gay and lesbian targets is hampered by two measurement problems: Police agencies provide unreliable data on hate crime, and tract‐level census data contain no direct information about gay or lesbian population density. This article attempts to gauge two quantities that cannot be measured directly or unambiguously: the size of the gay and lesbian populations and the number of hate crimes directed at gay and lesbian targets. Methods. Population data for New York City were gathered from market research lists and from a special tabulation of the 1990 Census. Hate crime data were obtained from the Anti‐Violence Project and the New York Police Department. Confirmatory factor analysis was used to assess the reliability of each measure and the correlation between latent population density and hate crime. Results. Each of these measures offers a reliable means by which to assess cross‐sectional differences in the population density and victimization of gay men. Census and police data prove to be inferior indicators of lesbian population density and antilesbian hate crime. For both men and women, population density is strongly correlated with the incidence of hate crime. Conclusions. Despite the fact that advocacy groups record many more antigay incidents than do the police, both sources of data are in agreement about where hate crimes occur. The strong correlation between population density and hate crime against gay men implies that Census data could be used to forecast the occurrence of hate crime in areas where no police records exist.

This study employed the articulated thoughts in simulated situations (ATSS) paradigm in the investigation of college students' thoughts upon confrontation with a conspiracy to commit a sexual-orientation-based hate crime versus a nonbias crime. In a between-subjects experimental design, participants were exposed to an audiotaped scenario depicting either the planning of a hate crime or a comparable nonhate crime. Content analysis of participants' articulated thoughts in response to these stimuli revealed that the hate crime resulted in more intentions to physically aggress against the perpetrator. This supports the notion that hate crimes have a greater potential than other crimes to lead to future violence. More people were also willing to intervene and help the hate crime victim than the nonhate crime victim. In addition, antigay attitudes turned out to be predictive of anger against the hate crime victim, disapproval of the hate crime victim, and support of the hate crime perpetrators. Implications of these findings, as well as suggestions for future research, are discussed.

ABSTRACTMinimal studies have investigated individuals’ evaluations of antigay hate crimes and hate crime legislation simultaneously, with most research focusing on one or the other. In a sample of 246 heterosexual undergraduates, the present study found that evaluations of antigay hate crimes and hate crime legislation were unrelated. Higher social dominance orientation (SDO) and crime control orientation scores were associated with more positive evaluations of antigay hate crimes. Positive evaluations of hate crime legislation were associated with more positive attitudes toward gay men and lesbians. We also found that the relationship between SDO and evaluations were mediated by crime control beliefs (for hate crimes evaluations) and antigay attitudes (for hate crime legislation evaluations). The present findings have possible implications for the manner in which organizations advocate for the extension of hate crime legislation to include sexual orientation.

Attribution of blame was examined in three samples differing in education and experience (38 undergraduates, 31 graduate students, 37 MA clinicians). 106 subjects completed the Jackson Incest Blame Scale, which yields four blame factors, situation, victim, society, and offender. The four factor scores were analyzed using 2 (sex) X 3 (education) analysis of variance. Attribution of blame decreased as a function of more education. The blame scores of men were significantly higher than those of women on all factors except offender. The percentage of graduate students and clinicians indicating a history of sexual abuse fell in the upper range of estimates of incidence. Individuals with histories of abuse differed only on their attribution of blame to situational factors.

IntroductionTraditional masculinity norms have been consistently linked to aggression in men, yet relatively few studies have examined how specific masculinity dimensions relate to distinct forms of aggression within structural and social contexts. Drawing on hegemonic masculinity and gender role strain theory, this study conceptualized masculinity as a socially constructed and contextually reinforced set of ideals influencing emotional and behavioral regulation. The aim was to examine how distinct masculinity dimensions relate to multiple aggression domains, while considering educational attainment and geographic setting as contextual factors.MethodsA sample of 229 Swedish men aged 18 to 40 completed the Male Role Norms Inventory–Short Form (MRNI-SF) and the Swedish Universities Scales of Personality (SSP), assessing seven masculinity dimensions and five aggression domains: mistrust, irritability, verbal trait aggression, physical trait aggression, and social desirability. A multivariate general linear model (GLM) was conducted, followed by univariate analyses.ResultsThe multivariate GLM revealed significant multivariate effects for the masculinity dimensions Restrictive Emotionality, Dominance, and Toughness, as well as for Educational Attainment. Univariate analyses showed that Restrictive Emotionality and Dominance predicted higher levels of Mistrust, whereas Dominance and Toughness were associated with higher Physical Trait Aggression. Avoidance of Femininity showed a positive unadjusted association with Verbal Trait Aggression, although this effect did not remain significant after correction. Educational Attainment demonstrated consistent main effects, with lower education associated with higher scores on Mistrust and Physical Trait Aggression. Geographic Setting did not show significant effects.DiscussionThese findings indicate that aggression is shaped by a combination of psychological dispositions and socially reinforced gender expectations, with different masculinity dimensions uniquely associated with specific forms of aggression. The results underscore the importance of structural context, particularly educational environments, in shaping the internalization and behavioral expression of masculine norms. Interventions that promote emotional competence and critical engagement with gender roles, especially within educational settings, may help reduce male aggression and support healthier expressions of masculinity. Future research should adopt intersectional and longitudinal approaches to further clarify how gender, class, and cultural background interact to shape masculinity and its behavioral outcomes.