De gemeenten en de lokale politiek in het Brussels Hoofdstedelijk Gewest

De gemeenten en de lokale politiek in het Brussels Hoofdstedelijk Gewest The municipalities in the Capital Region of Brussels have the same legal statuts as the other Belgian municipalities. Yet the political reality is quite different, and requires a different approach. Three specific aspects of the Brussels municipalities are discussed. They are bilingual, which leads to very specific strategical problems. Moreover the power relations between parties fluctuate a lot in Brussels. And finally the small size of the Region leads to an incremental 'emptying' of a number of local competencies by the powerfull political executive of the Region.

Political realism and the quest for political progress

Indigenous and tribal peoples’ right to free, prior and informed consent has transformative potential: potential to safeguard a variety of rights specific to indigenous and tribal peoples and potential to transform the power relations between peoples, governments, and extractives companies. Yet, this potential is far from being realized in the countries studied for this report. This gap between intention and reality is no coincidence. The most powerful entities within governments, when it comes to the fate of these issues, are those with the mandates to attract and develop the extractives sectors. It is these entities that are calling the shots on whether and how the state recognizes FPIC. They, in turn, appear to be driven in part by what they perceive to be the interests and preferences of extractives investors (which in the extreme version can resemble a capture dynamic). Within extractives companies, the most influential actors seem to be those whose interests are not well-aligned with the spirit of FPIC, further stacking the odds against recognition and operationalization of FPIC. Fears of projects being delayed, costs increasing or deals collapsing generate disincentives, which are not adequately counterbalanced by incentives for compliance from legal requirements or perceived benefits. As a result, prior consultation processes are being implemented in place of recognizing FPIC and operationalizing FPIC processes. Even these prior consultation processes are carried out in ways that diminish the potential for meaningful indigenous participation in decision-making, clearly skewed toward advancing the interests of powerful actors in government and the private sector. To the extent to which there are some occasional benefits being realized by those being consulted, these consultations tend to typically reflect male perspectives and lead to gendered outcomes.260 Thus, multiple layers of political realities converge to significantly limit the breadth and depth of efforts to advance FPIC and prior consultation processes. There is growing recognition in the broader development fields focusing on governance that politics matters. This report, and the project in which it is situated, was conceived to shed light on the ways that political realities impact the governance of extractive industries in order to offer practical insights, strategies, and tangible guidance for practitioners focused on addressing implementation gaps, which can be explained in no small part by political realities. This project highlights the importance of politics in the context of FPIC specifically, but some lessons drawn from the research are equally applicable to the field of extractives governance more broadly.

Variation in Neurophysiological Function and Evidence of Quantitative Electroencephalogram Discordance: Predicting Cocaine-Dependent Treatment Attrition

The latter European crisis reveals the fact that traditional agreements between governments of the Member States and supranational political and legal institutions of the European Union are not sufficient for the maintenance of European Union stability and integrity. Therefore, the political and legal sustainability of the European Union requires a certain metatheory as a methodology, which could essentially contribute to the coherent construction, interpretation and assessment of theoretical and practical issues of the European Union’s legal and political reality. This paper aims to explore two main questions: What is constitutionalism as a legal-political metatheory? What challenges are faced by this theory while addressing the specific EU legal-political reality construction problems? The results of the research reveal that constitutionalism as a metatheory is constituted by principles and values, which provide ideological support for the development of the nation, and performs a methodological function in the construction of legal and political reality. However, the EU’s political elite still seeks to legitimize constitutionalism as a political action theory, which, accordingly, legitimizes the respective legal policies it pursues. This process dangerously increases the gap between the EU’s political elite and the societies of its Member States.

Introduction.The article analyzes the evolution of priority directions and main methods of legal regulation of the information sphere in modern Russia. The main focus is on the specifcs of the regulation of the state information policy in Russia in the new political reality that emerged after 2014. The article explores the basic criteria for the improvement of information legislation with the aim of increasing the effciency of forms and methods of implementation of the communication policy as a management function of the modern state.Materials and methods.Comparative analysis of the legal regulation of the information sphere as one of the main tools of state power in relation to media policy as a management function of the modern state allows conducting a comprehensive interdisciplinary study of the modern practice of implementation of state information policy by public authorities and management of the Russian Federation. The article also uses general scientifc and special methods of cognition of legal phenomena and processes in the sphere of Russian information legislation: the method of systemic structural analysis, comparative-legal and formal-logical methods.Results.The formation and improvement of the legal framework for the development of the information society acts as a priority direction of the state information policy. To date, Russia has established and successfully operates an integrated system of national legislation in the feld of information as a separate independent branch of Russian law. The basis of information policy, as well as policy in General, constitute a set of rules of law and mechanisms for their implementation.Discussion and Conclusion.Information legislation is one of the main conditions for the development and implementation of the state information policy. It creates a legal basis for the regulation of the market of information products and services, as well as the development of the entire complex of mass communication, information and communication. The practical implementation of the state information policy in all its functional and temporary aspects provides for the constant development of information legislation as a system of interrelated legal norms based on the constitutional principles of the Federal structure of the Russian state, the separation of powers, the delimitation of the subjects of jurisdiction and authority and the construction of a unifed system of Russian legislation.

I am aware that, on the eve of the 2012 United States presidential election, it may seem like sidestepping "real politics" and the "real issues" to talk about cultural politics. Still, I want to do so because thinking in terms of cultural politics enables us to examine the ways in which people debate, reproduce, and sometimes change power relations through their engagements with expressive culture. I’ll even go so far as to say that through engagement with expressive culture people respond to and deal with "real politics" and "real issues."

This article argues that Bernard Williams’ Critical Theory Principle (CTP) is in tension with his realist commitments, i.e., deriving political norms from practices that are inherent to political life. The Williamsian theory of legitimate state power is based on the central importance of the distinction between political rule and domination. Further, Williams supplements the normative force of his theory with the CTP, i.e., the principle that acceptance of a justification regarding power relations ought not to be created by the very same coercive power. I contend that the CTP is an epistemic criterion of reflective (un)acceptability which is not strictly connected to the question of whether people are dominated or not. I show that there are cases of non-domination that fail the epistemic requirements of the CTP.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the transformation of the concept of power in political realism. In recent decades, the International Relations Theory has witnessed an emerging consensus about the nature of this transformation. According to an increasingly popular point of view, classical realists, primarily Hans Morgenthau, interpreted power as power relationships between two individuals that have psychological and normative dimensions. The reform of realism by Kenneth Waltz and other structuralists stripped power of these dimensions, turning it into quantifiable material might. Critics of structural realism interpret such a rethinking as impoverishment and erosion of the concept, fraught with dangerous consequences for the International Relations Science. In their eyes structural realism is nothing more than a disguised ideology of power politics, which could and should be overcome by returning to the roots of the realist tradition and using classical concepts, which are supposedly richer and deeper. The study shows that the transformation of the concept of power can be explained by the objective rather than ideological reasons: in the era of quantitative methods, attempts to define power as something immeasurable were perceived as a rejection of “scientific”. At the same time, classical realism itself already contained the prerequisites for such interpretation of power, which was largely viewed as a might. In comparison to the general theory, Morgenthau's approach to the definition of this concept slightly stands out, but is not fundamentally different. At the same time, Morgenthau’s concept of power in its original formulation is poorly applicable as an analytical tool, revealing a number of contradictions and difficulties associated with the ontological dimension of the project of political realism.

This article synthesizes the literature on Dutch flood risk governance to analyze how external conditions shaped past and present dynamics of cross-sector collaboration for integrated flood risk management in the Netherlands. It traces the extent to which policy and legal frameworks, socio-economic circumstances, political realities, power relations and conflict situations have influenced attempts at collaboration between flood safety, spatial planning, environmental protection and other sectors. Despite the growing interdependences, existing power relations between the sectors are characterized by the dominance of the water sector. Hence, cross-sector collaboration can develop as long as it does not compromise flood safety.

The data on which this paper is based comes from an international study of ‘Perceptions of Europe’ sponsored in 1990 by the Polish Association for the Club of Rome in Warsaw. In all, twelve countries throughout Asia, the Middle East, North and South America, Europe, and Australia participated. The catalyst for the study was provided by the massive paradigm shift in political realities within Europe over the previous few years; a shift resulting in ideological realignments, rapidly changing power relations, and increases in ‘ethnic’ tensions and conflict on an unprecedented scale. Stemming from these changes arose the question as to the precise nature of this ‘new’ Europe. Given historical realities and contemporary power relations, one might wish to ask for example how this collectivity of disparate states will evolve by the eve of the twenty‐first century. And, how might this ‘Europe’ relate to the rest of the world? These questions were to be approached by a study of ‘perceptions'; in particula...

Na atualidade, a produção cultural/poética de cunho popular pode ser compreendida como uma espécie de crônica da realidade brasileira. De modo geral, tal produção se pauta numa coerência estética que tem no imbricamento de elementos como: a oralidade, a sátira, a rasura discursiva, a coloquialidade, a liberdade formal e linguística, a questão identitária, sua maior força de contestação e expressividade. Isso atrelado a uma atitude de engajamento de seus produtores em causas sociais de caráter popular. Considerando tais pressupostos, o presente artigo discute e sustenta que a poesia social produzida sob a égide da cultura popular se configura como uma potente chave interpretativa da organização estrutural e das relações de poder que ocorreram/ocorrem em diferentes etapas da vida brasileira. Ademais, busca influenciar eventuais mudanças na realidade sociocultural e política do país. Para tanto, compila e analisa criticamente aspectos dessa cultura e de sua expressão poética, visando ampliar o debate e o campo de conhecimento sobre esse tema.

In the context of globalization, teachers of English are no longer expected to cultivate learners’ functional and communicative abilities alone; instead, the profession also requires teachers to acknowledge that teaching English is a political act, to discuss how power relations are negotiated through language, and to enrich learners’ historical and political consciousness. This article proposes that teachers of English can use historical fiction as a way to help learners be more cognizant of historical and political realities that they are part of—in addition to becoming more familiar with the English language. This pedagogical suggestion begins with the rationale for using historical fiction in teaching English. This rationale lends itself to a series of classroom tasks, which are designed to contribute to learners’ awareness of how historical realities are shaped in/through language and how the construction of historical representation reinforces particular memories and discourses. This process will eventually help learners of English reflect on who they have been, understand who they are now, and envision who they want to be.

There is a gap in the literature to understand how professionalizing systems intersect with socioeconomic and political realities such as globalization to (re)produce social inequities between those trained locally and those trained abroad. In this critical review, the question of how systemic racism is reproduced in health care is addressed. Electronic databases and nontraditional avenues for searching literature such as reference chaining and discussions with experts were employed to build an archive of texts related to integration of internationally educated health care professionals (IEHPs) into the workforce. Data related to workplace racialization were sought out, particularly those that used antiracist and postcolonial approaches. Rather than an exhaustive summary of the data, a critical review contributes to theory building and a spatial analysis was overlayed on the critical literature of IEHP integration to conceptualize the material effects of the convergence of globalization and professional systems. The critical review suggests that professions maintain their value and social status through discourses of "Canadianness" that maintain the homogeneity of professional spaces through social closure mechanisms of credential nonrecognition and resocialization. Power relations are maintained through mechanisms of workplace racialization/spatialization and surveillance which operate through discourses of "foreign-trainedness." Movement of professionals supports a professional system that on the surface values diversity while maintaining its social status and power through the (re)production of the discourse of "Whiteness." The analysis shows how in the process domestic graduates are emplaced as the "rightful" citizens of professional paces while IEHPs are marginalized in the workforce.

The research aims to identify the trends of transformation of power relations in the context of a risk-generating reality of network society, which forms a risk-generating space. The article examines the communicative dimension of modern society as a space for the formation and development of risk-generating conditions – states of uncertainty and instability. The structure of network communications provides high dynamics of risks, their mutual influence, which poses a challenge to the institution of power. The structure of the network itself outlines new contours of social existence and power relations, which is manifested in the increased role of virtual space, internet communications, and the subject’s involvement in network interactions: the institute of network leadership emerges, new network states are constructed, and new moral and ethical models of behavior arise. Scientific novelty lies in the following: transformations of power under the influence of network communications at the institutional, value, and subject-oriented levels have been identified. The research results in an understanding of the trends of transformation of communicative processes in the political reality under the conditions of the network structure of society, which forms a risk-generating space.