Daydreaming

List of tables List of figures Acknowledgements 1. Northern Ireland after the troubles? An introduction to the book - Colin Coulter and Michael Murray PART I: POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS AND DIVISIONS 2. Telling stories, facing truths: memory, justice and post-conflict transition in Northern Ireland - Patricia Lundy and Mark McGovern 3. From conflict to communal politics: the politics of peace in Northern Ireland - Jonathan Tonge 4. Belfast: a segregated city - Peter Shirlow 5. Spatial planning in contested territory: the search for a place vision in 'post-troubles' Northern Ireland - William J.V.Neill and Geraint Ellis 6. Policing change in Northern Ireland: to reform or not to transform? - Mary O'Rawe PART II: SOCIAL IDENTITIES 7. Religious change and persistence in contemporary Northern Ireland - Claire Mitchell 8. Gender and ethno-nationalist politics in Northern Ireland - Fidelma Ashe 9. The glacier moves? Economic change and class structure in Northern Ireland - Jim Smyth and Andreas Cebulla 10. Whiteness, racism and exclusion in Northern Ireland: a critical race perspective - Paul Connolly and Romana Khaoury PART III: CULTURAL PRACTICES 11. Still taking sides: sport, leisure and identity in Northern Ireland - Alan Bairner 12. From shellshock rock to ceasefire sounds: popular music in Northern Ireland - Sean Campbell and Gerry Smyth 13. Housetraining the paramilitaries: the media and the propaganda of peace in Northern Ireland - Stephen Baker and Greg McLaughlin

The European Union’s Programmes for Peace and Reconciliation in Northern Ireland (PEACE I, II and III, 1994–2011) are assumed to be unique, unprecedented interventions designed for the specific context of the Troubles. Yet they are part of a much broader and historically deeper trend: the European liberal(ising) peace project, which emerged from World War I and World War II and evolved as part of the (post‐) Cold War reconstruction framework. The first, in the 1960s, took place through programmes and rhetoric of Prime Minister Terence O’Neill, who fused the Brooke government’s ambitious post‐partition state‐building plans with the liberal polity‐building project, both normatively and structurally. The PEACE programmes, this article argues, constituted the second attempt to extend this version of peace‐as‐polity‐building into Northern Ireland, albeit in a much more overt, intentional and comprehensive manner.

Contents: Introduction Case 1: Peak experience at gunpoint, Ginger Charles Peak experience at gunpoint: (analysis) Case 2: Hurricane Katrina - a police officera (TM)s experience, Wendy Kipple Hurricane Katrina - a police officera (TM)s experience: (analysis). Case 3: Assistance required - can you respond?, Andrew A. Malcolm Assistance required - can you respond?: (analysis) Case 4: Emotions on the sidewalk, Ronald J. Walsh Jr Emotions on the sidewalk: (analysis) Case 5: Eyes wide open, Eric Kellogg Eyes wide open: (analysis) Case 6: Leadership in crisis, Sir Peter Fahy Leadership in crisis: (analysis) Case 7: Policing for peace in Northern Ireland - the four voices, Tim Meaklim Policing for peace in Northern Ireland - the four voices: (analysis) Conclusions References Index.

Based on interview material with a wide range of Protestant clergy in Northern Ireland, this book examines how Protestant identity impacts on the possibility of peace and stability and argues for grea

2023 marks the 25th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement, which led peace in Northern Ireland. As well as its impact on peace and reconciliation, the Good Friday Agreement has also had a lasting positive impact on cancer research and cancer care across the island of Ireland. Pursuant to the Good Friday Agreement, a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) was signed between the respective Departments of Health in Ireland, Northern Ireland and the US National Cancer Institute (NCI), giving rise to the Ireland – Northern Ireland – National Cancer Institute Cancer Consortium, an unparalleled tripartite agreement designed to nurture and develop linkages between cancer researchers, physicians and allied healthcare professionals across Ireland, Northern Ireland and the US, delivering world class research and better care for cancer patients on the island of Ireland and driving research and innovation in the US.

The End of Violence and Introduction of 'Real' Politics: Tensions in Peaceful Northern Ireland

When the Good Friday or Belfast Agreement was signed in 1998, those involved believed that they ‘were finally able to bring about peace in Northern Ireland’. The process of implementing the accord and resolving tensions between the various political parties began and on 7 May 2007, the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Fein entered government together. Nine years after the Agreement was signed, this ‘historic’ day was heralded by the British and Irish political classes and the media as the end of the conflict in Northern Ireland. As noted by Blair in his description of that day, this achievement signalled the ‘normalisation’ of the region's politics to the British and Irish governments through a movement away from division: Every time we set foot in Northern Ireland there were protests … always showing how divided the politics of Northern Ireland was from that anywhere else. That day for the first time there was a protest not about Northern Ireland, but about Iraq. When I saw it, I felt that Northern Ireland had just rejoined the rest of the world. The British and Irish governments believed that the Peace Process, with its focus on elite political settlement, was complete and it was expected that the rest of society would follow the example set by their leaders and overcome divisions to work together. However, the resolution of conflict is not simple and, as will be demonstrated later in this introduction, Northern Ireland is not peaceful.

Reframing War to Make Peace in Northern Ireland: IRA Internal Consensus-Building for Peace and Disarmament In exploring alternatives to armed struggle, how do non-state armed groups embark on such complex internal discussions, and how do they reframe their worldview and strategy to persuade their militants to support such transition?The article tackles this question by examining the internal processes of consensus-building that brought the most prominent militant organization in Northern Ireland – the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) – from violent struggle for independence to non-violent political participation in the political system it had previously fought to expel.The study relies on fieldwork and applied research through interviews, conducted in Northern Ireland and Ireland with key stakeholders, ranging from ex-prisoner leaders and former militants to politicians, official negotiators and civil society practitioners who work with various conflict parties on the ground. Historical literature and primary sources are also used, including Sinn Féin and IRA official documents. All primary sources are integrated with the theoretical literature on intra-group consensus-building and discursive reframing.The analysis underscores the importance of discursive practices to ensure frame-shift in both the understanding of the conflict (consensus mobilization) and the means chosen to wage it (action mobilization). The case of the IRA further reveals the importance of preserving continuity with an organization’s core ideological pillars as a key mechanism to minimize chances of internal strife, along with enlisting credible supporters from the ‘militant constituency’ – such as former prisoners and/or militants with deep and personal involvement in the group’s armed struggle.

Northern Ireland has undergone a successful peace process after nearly 30 years of violent conflict. The people in Northern Ireland today live in the most peaceful times since the beginning of the Troubles in the late 1960s. Hand in hand with the peace process was a significant upswing in the Northern Irish economy. Many companies from within the UK and from overseas made enormous investments in Northern Ireland. While there is no doubt that the peace process was a precondition for business to flourish, does this nexus also work the other way around? What did business contribute to peace in Northern Ireland? The Northern Irish business community recognized the link between the violent conflict and the weak economic situation at the beginning of the 1990s and became actively involved in promoting the peace process. In 1994, the Northern Irish department of the Confederation of British Industry published a paper, 'Peace — A Challenging New Era', that contained a strong economic rationale for peace in Northern Ireland. The paper outlined that the cessation of violence would have a very positive impact on the Northern Irish economy, that is, a 'peace dividend' (Confederation of British Industry-Northern Ireland 1994). In 1996, when the peace process was about to collapse, major business organizations formed the Group of Seven to collectively advocate for peace and a revitalization of the peace talks.

Recognising the health dividend of peace: cancer and Northern Ireland

This chapter provides an overview of the Northern Ireland Troubles which arose in the 1960s and which persisted into the twenty-first century. Those Troubles involved the transition from a civil rights movement, through inter-communal polarization and somewhat heavy-handed state response, into a civil war which lasted for decades and which cost nearly 4,000 lives. Anti-state terrorists such as the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) and the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) sought to defend their communities from loyalist attack, and to resist, subvert, and destroy a Northern Ireland polity which they considered both illegitimate and systemically unfair. Pro-state terrorists such as the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) and Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) sought to bring pressure to bear, both on their Irish nationalist neighbours and on the UK state, to prevent the ending of UK sovereignty over Northern Ireland. There was also violence from state forces in efforts to contain, combat, and thwart non-state terrorisms. The decades-long conflict was largely brought to an end through a peace process which reached its apotheosis in the 1998 Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, but which also involved important subsequent amendments and developments in attempts to sustain peace in Northern Ireland.

ABSTRACTNGOs aided by external economic aid can play a critical part in post-accord peacebuilding situations. This article explores the impact of the International Fund for Ireland and the European Union Peace III Fund in nurturing sustainable peace through development in Northern Ireland and the border counties of the Republic of Ireland by examining the perceptions and experiences of 107 local NGO leaders and 13 funding agency development officers. During the summer of 2010, 120 people were interviewed using semi-structured interviews in Derry city and nine border counties. The article explores the role of external economic international assistance aids in building sustainable development, reconciliation, and peace in Northern Ireland and the border counties.

ABSTRACTFrom 2000 to 2014, the British government engaged in a secret scheme aimed at allowing Republican paramilitaries ‘On the Run’ to return to the United Kingdom without risk of penalty. When this scheme came into public view in 2013, those responsible in the British government justified it as ‘necessary’ to maintaining peace following the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, as a failure to address IRA demands on the topic would have risked a return to active fighting. This research compares the success of the preceding Early Release Scheme in Northern Ireland with the experiences and potential of the On the Runs (OTR) Scheme, evaluating British governmental officials’ testimony on the OTR Scheme to determine the degree to which the potential for paramilitary spoilers drove the development of a clandestine programme designed to encourage IRA support. It was the perception that these paramilitary spoilers would and could derail peace in Northern Ireland if their demands were not met that drove the OTR Scheme. As peace remains fragile, with the future of power-sharing due to concerns about the IRA remaining questionable as recently as 2015, it is obvious that the threat of spoilers remains a driving force of action in the region.

Paul Arthur, Special Relationships: Britain, Ireland and the Northern Ireland Problem. The Blackstaff Press, 2000; 316pp; 0–85640–688; £16.99. Rick Wilford (ed), Aspects of the Belfast Agreement. Oxford University Press, 2001; 263pp; 0–19–924262–3 (hb) £40; 0–19–924404–9 (pb) £15.99 Robert McCartney, Reflections on Liberty, Democracy and the Union. Maunsel and Company, 2001; 262pp; 1–930901–12–7 (pb) npg. Deaglán de Breadún, The Far Side of Revenge: Making Peace in Northern Ireland. The Collins Press, 2000; 400pp; 1–90346–401–3 (pb) npg. Michael Cox, Adrian Guelke and Fiona Stephen (eds), A farewell to arms? From ‘long war’ to long peace in Northern Ireland. Manchester University Press, 2000; 360 pp; 0–71905–797–3 (pb) UK £16.99 Graham Spencer, Disturbing the Peace? Politics, television news and the Northern Ireland peace process. Ashgate, 2000; 211pp: 0–75461–522–7 (hbk) £39.95 Brian Walker, Past and Present: History, Identity and Politics in Ireland. Institute of Irish Studies, 2000; 148pp; 0–85389–769–7 (pbk) £9.50 Barry Desmond, Finally and in Conclusion: A Political Memoir. New Island, 2000; 411pp; 1–90260–241–2 (pb) £11.99 John Horgan, Noel Browne: Passionate Outsider. Gill and Macmlllan, 2000; 344pp; 0–71712–809–1 (hb) £19.99 Donal Ó Drisceoil, Peadar O'DonnelL Cork University Press, 176 pp; 1–85918–310–7 (pb) £12.95 Enda Delaney, Demography, State and Society: Irish Migration to Britain, 1921–1971. Liverpool University Press, 2000; ISBN 0–85323–735–2; 085323 745 X (pb) npg. Maedhbh McNamara and Paschal Mooney, Women in Parliament, Ireland: 1918–2000. Wolfhound Press, 2000; 256pp; 0–86327–759–4 (hb) £18.99 Brian Nolan, Philip J O'Connell and Christopher T Whelan (eds), Bust to Boom? The Irish Experience of Growth and Inequality. Institute of Public Administration, 2000; 389pp; 1–90244–848–0 (pb) €25.39 Neil Collins and Mary O'Shea, Understanding Corruption in Irish Politics. Cork University Press, 2000; 98 pp; 1–85918–273–9 (pb) £6.95 Paul Gillespie (ed) Blair's Britain, England's Europe ‐A View from Ireland. Institute of European Affairs, 2000; 326pp; 1–874109–54–0 (pb) £15 Ben Tonra, The Europeanisation of National Foreign Policy: Dutch, Danish and Irish Foreign Policy in the European Union. Ashgate, 2001; 305 pp; 0–7546–1261–9 (hb) £47.50 Brigid Laffan, Organising for a Changing Europe: Irish Central Government and the European Union, Policy Institute, 2001; 109pp; 1–90258–505–4 (pb), £10 Thomas C. Lawton, James N. Rosenau and Amy C. Verdun, (eds), Strange Power: Shaping the parameters of international relations and international political economy. Ashgate, 2000; 476pp; 0–7546–1329–1 (pb) £19.95 Michael Gallagher, Michael Laver, and Peter Mair, Representative Government in Modern Europe: Institutions, Parties, and Governments 3rd edition. McGraw‐Hill, 2001; 468pp; 0–07232–267–5 (pb) $51.85

Are You Serious? Facing the Challenges Bobby McDonagh Like many others who attended Gonzaga College, one of my great privileges was to know and to be taught by Fr Joe Veale SJ. When I was invited to contribute to this edition of Studies, a publication for which Joe wrote several important articles half a century ago, I thought immediately of him. Until his death in 2002, Joe moved with the times; not long before he died, he encouraged me to see Bend it Like Beckham and strongly recommended The Full Monty as a Christian allegory. He would be delighted to know that Studies, in its 2019 summer issue, is exploring the challenges facing contemporary Ireland. Joe was unusual for his time. Even when teaching religion, he never sought to tell us what to think. Rather he encouraged us to think for ourselves and to articulateour thoughts. He hoped that we would stand up for what we believed. In an article in Studies in 19571 , Joe wrote that ‘it is difficult to think ourselves back to a time when all education was controlled by the aim of enabling men to think and to communicate their thoughts as clearly and coherently as possible’. It is a question, absence of gender neutral language aside, which is even more pertinent in today’s world in which the unprecedented avalanche of words is entirely unmatched by coherent meaning. Last year one of my contemporaries at Gonzaga commented perceptively to me that all that Joe actually wanted of us was that we should be serious. As we reflect, in this edition of Studies, on our country after the visit of Pope Francis, it is timely and important to ask ourselves whether we are in fact serious, as individuals and as a country. What do I mean by serious? Certainly not that we should be pious or pofaced . I would be the last to argue that there should be no more cakes and ale. Nor am I talking about single-mindedness in the pursuit of fortune or fame. The question which I believe Joe would want us to ask ourselves in 2019 is whether, as individuals and as a country, we are serious about who we are, about the gifts we have been given, about the values we cherish, about the truth we seek, about all the dimensions of our being. It is certainly not for me to define values or truth for others. My limited Are You Serious? Facing the Challenges Studies • volume 108 • number 430 203 aim in this article is to assess, in humility, the seriousness of our purpose in addressing those questions which matter, if I may borrow Wilfred Owen’s words, ‘before the last sea and the hapless stars’. At the outset, I would like to acknowledge the intelligence and integrity with which Ireland, working with others, has approached three of the great issues of our time: peace on our island, relations with our neighbour and our place in Europe. Peace in Northern Ireland There was no inevitability about peace in Northern Ireland. It required wisdom, imagination, courage and forgiveness. But at the heart of that achievement was a profound seriousness of resolve demonstrated by many people over several decades. Many of the heroes of the peace process were, of course, from Northern Ireland itself and from Britain; but our own politicians and civil servants can take significant credit for the steadfastness with which they kept their eye on the precious prize of peace, as well as their feet on the winding road which would lead us there. The normalisation of the relationship between Britain and Ireland, two countries which arguably had a longer enmity between them than any other two countries in history, was another immense achievement for both our peoples. The laying of wreaths by Queen Elizabeth and President McAleese in the Garden of Remembrance and at Islandbridge in 2011, in honour of those who died for Ireland and in British uniform, remains perhaps the greatest symbol of reconciliation in modern history. The progress which made that possible required serious intent as well as the committed effort over time of many people – from the two Heads of State down to...