Abstract
In this paper we take a close look at the voicing dissimilation process known as Dahl’s Law (DL) in Tiania, an understudied variety of the Central Kenya Bantu Kimeru dialect cluster. While there is considerable variation in how this process applies in different Bantu languages, Tiania adds an additional dimension, the deletion of g, including non-post-nasal [g]’s which derive from /k/ by DL. Although other Bantu languages and even other dialects of Kimeru allow multiple applications of prefixal /k/’s dissimilation to g, usually pronounced [ɣ] (Davy & Nurse 1982), Tiania not only limits DL to /k/, but also restricts DL from applying to subject and (most) object prefixes. We consider the possibility that g-deletion contributed to these restrictions as well as to some unexpected realizations of the “pre-final” habitual suffix*-ag.
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