Czechoslovak Land Reform on the Estates of British Subjects, 1918-1938

Land reform catalysts of capitalism and communism: 150 years of agricultural change in Romania

Hyperinflation, depression, and the rise of Adolf Hitler

4 - Land Reform in Yugoslavia: Two Models

The McKenna Rule and U.K. World War I Finance

Agrarian reforms in Central Europe date back to the 19th century. They were connected with the abolition of personal serfdom, socage as well as of rentification, and ultimately granting the peasants land which they farmed previously. These reforms were carried out on the Polish lands during the partition period. As a result, the course of the changes and the resulting agrarian structure was significantly different in the territory of the Polishstate that was created after the First World War. Later, a land reform was carried out in the Second Polish Republic. Initially, it was done on the basis of the Act of 15 July 1920 which announced the implementation of the land reform. Subsequently, the land reform issued was associated with the implementation of the Act of 17 March 1921 of the Polish Constitution.Its provisions deviated from those in the act of 1920. In particular, it concerned the amount of indemnity paid to landowners. The implementation of the land reform was mainly impeded during the Great Depression. This economic depression also resulted in a substantial fall in the profitability of the agricultural farms. As a consequence, the land reform did not result in significant changes in the agrarian structure of the Second Polish Republic.During the Second World War in 1944, the Polish Committee of National Liberation issued a manifesto in which, inter alia, it announced the introduction of an agrarian reform. Subsequently, on the 6th of September 1944, the Polish Committee of National Liberation issued a decree on the land reform. According to the aforementioned document, the purpose of the reform was to pass agricultural holdings exceeding a certain size to theownership of the state. Moreover, this process was carried out without any compensation to the previous owners. As a result of the implementation of the land reform, the National Land Fund was established in order to manage the land holdings collected in this manner. The proceedings concerning the reform were administrative in character which effectively prevented the former landowners from filing a court case at the time. Furthermore, the agricultural reform in the so-called “Recovered Territories”, which were attached to thePolish state as a result of the Potsdam Conference in 1945, was carried out in a different way. It was not until the 6th of September 1946 that a decree was issued on the agricultural system and settlement on the lands of the Recovered Territories and the former Free City of Danzig. The decree was a special regulation relating to the Decree on Agrarian Reform. Its primary purpose was to enable the settlement of those lands as quickly as possible.Therefore, a different procedure was implemented for transferring land to the settlers in those areas. The land reform period after World War II, from a legal standpoint, ended with the release of legal acts between 1957 and 1958. It is also worth mentioning that during that period the forests and the real estate belonging to the church were separately nationalized (respectively by the 1944 decree and by the Church Estate Act of 1950). The agrarian reform, announced in the Manifesto of the Polish Committee of National Liberation, significantly changed the agrarian and social structure of the Polish state after the Second World War. It is estimated that 30% of the land made available to peasants came from the land reform. At the same time, it resulted in the decrease of the importance of the landowners. It should also be noted that the aforementioned legal regulations pertaining to the land reform remain in force in the currently binding law.

Prejudice against Jews was part of the political, cultural, economic and social landscape in the Union of South Africa long before Nazism made inroads into the country during the 1930s, at which stage Jews constituted approximately 4.5% of the country’s white or European population. Racial discrimination in a country with diversified racial elements and intense political complexities was synonymous with life in the Union long before Apartheid, with its strictly enforced legal, political and economic segregation, became the country’s official policy with the accession to power of the National Party under Prime Minister Dr Daniel François Malan in May 1948. Although the Jews, while maintaining their own sub-cultural identity, were classified within the country’s racial hierarchy as part of the privileged white minority, the emergence of recurrent anti-Jewish stereotypes and themes became manifest in a country permeated by the ideology of race and white superiority. This was exacerbated by the growth of a powerful Afrikaner nationalist movement, underpinned by conservative Calvinist theology. Fear of Communism in the aftermath of the 1917 Russian Revolution and the First World War; disquiet over the arrival of what was seen as disproportionately large numbers of Jewish immigrants during the 1920s; and the effects of the severe world-wide economic depression after the Wall Street stock market crash in October 1929, set the scene for an unprecedented period of antisemitic activity. This was reflected, in part, in legislation aimed at curbing Jewish immigration and the emergence of several antisemitic movements. This dissertation, which covers the period between the First and Second World Wars, explores the perception that South African antisemitism was a foreign import. Based on an examination of archival sources and contemporary publications, the study concludes that prejudice against the Jews was evident in the weltanschauung of right-wing and extremist Afrikaner nationalists long before the influence of Nazism became apparent and was not dependent on the influence of Nazi propagandists in the country. Aggressive Afrikaner nationalism along with economic antisemitism characterised the years between the end of the Great Depression and the outbreak of the Second World War. Antisemitism became a significant issue in elections and towards the end of the 1930s opposition to Jewish immigration was included as an official plank in the political platform of the opposition Purified National Party. Jews were also banned from party membership in the Transvaal, where most Jews resided. Attempts by the South African Jewish Board of Deputies and its affiliates together with several non-Jewish organisations to counter the increasing influence of antisemitism, principally among the Right and Radical Right in the ranks of the Afrikaner nationalists, also marked the inter bellum period on which this study focuses.

The transition of the 19th into the 20th century in Serbian music history was a period of music criticism, journalism and essay writing. At that time, Serbian musicology had not yet been developed as an academic discipline. After WWI there were many more academic writings on this subject; therefore, the interwar period represents the beginning of Serbian music historiography. This paper analyses Serbian interwar music magazines as source material for the history of Serbian musicology. The following music magazines were published in Belgrade at the time: Muzicki glasnik (Music Herald, 1922), Muzika (Music, 1928-1929), Glasnik Muzickog drustva ?Stankovic? (Stankovic Music Society Herald, 1928-1934, 1938-1941; from January 1931. known as Muzicki glasnik /Music Herald/), Zvuk ( Sound, 1932-1936), Vesnik Juznoslovesnkog pevackog saveza (The South Slav Singing Union Courier, 1935-1936, 1938), Slavenska muzika ( Slavonic Music, 1939-1941), and Revija muzike (The Music Review, 1940). A great number of historical studies and writings on Serbian music were published in the interwar periodicals. A significant contribution was made above all to the study of Serbian musicians? biographies and bibliographies of the 19th century. Vladimir R. Djordjevic published several short biographies in Muzicki glasnik (1922) in an article called Ogled biografskog recnika srpskih muzicara (An Introduction to Serbian Musicians? Biographies). Writers on music obviously understood that the starting point in the study of Serbian music history had to be the composers? biographical data. Other magazines (such as Muzicki glasnik in 1928 and 1931, Zvuk, Vesnik Juznoslovenskog pevackog saveza, and Slavenska muzika) published a number of essays on distinguished Serbian and Yugoslav musicians of the 19th and 20th centuries, most of which deal with both composers? biographical data and analysis of their compositions. Their narrative style reflects the habits of 19th-century romanticism and positivism: in some of these writings the language also has an aesthetic function. Serbian interwar music magazines also published some archival documents contributing to the future research of Serbian music history. Interwar period in the then Yugoslavia was a time of rapid development and modernization in various fields of culture. There was a great demand for music writings of general interest. Therefore, Revija muzike (January - June 1940) was totally oriented towards the popularization of music and the arts (such as drama and film). This magazine also published some popular articles on music history. Serbian interwar music periodicals were least active in the field of musicological analysis. However, in 1934, Branko M. Dragutinovic published a detailed analytic study of Josip Slavenski?s composition Religiofonija (Religiophonics) in Zvuk. There were also some interdisciplinary history articles in Serbian interwar music magazines. Being well aware of the fact that music history comprises not only music itself, but also music writing, schools, institutions and music life, our music writers used ?indirect? sources, such as literature and art, as well as music. Serbian interwar music periodicals opened many fields of research, thus blazing a trail in postwar Serbian musicology.

Reviewed by: Music Criticism in France, 1918–1939: Authority, Advocacy, Legacy ed. Barbara L. Kelly and Christopher Moore Alexander Carpenter Music Criticism in France, 1918–1939: Authority, Advocacy, Legacy. Edited by Barbara L. Kelly and Christopher Moore. Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell, 2018. [xii, 346 p. ISBN 9781783272518 (hardcover), $99; ISBN 9781787442573 (e-book), $24.99.] Illustrations, bibliography, index. Music Criticism in France, 1918–1939: Authority, Advocacy, Legacy is an edited collection comprised of an introduction and twelve essays by a range of contributors, including musicologists, music theorists, ethnomusicologists, and literary scholars. As editors Barbara L. Kelly and Christopher Moore note, the book is the outgrowth of a bilingual international workshop held at the University of Ottawa in 2011, which brought together scholars from Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom, and France to discuss common themes in the study of French interwar music criticism. At the outset, there are three important general observations to make about this book: it is the first detailed study of its kind; it does not focus exclusively on the big names in French art music but also on their critics and on the discourse of criticism, to provide a broader study of interwar French culture; and it offers a multifaceted approach that combines the examination and analysis of archival documents and critical writing. As such it contributes to a growing field of music criticism as a branch of contemporary musicology in its own right. The editors' introduction provides a neat and clearly written summary of the main concerns of the essays that follow. It identifies the key problems of music criticism in France's interwar period, which are addressed in a variety of ways by the contributors to this volume. There is a clear focus on the French musical canon and on the unremitting conflict between past and present in French musical culture, which is exacerbated by the deaths of the doyens of French music—Claude Debussy, Gabriel Fauré, and Camille Saint-Saëns—and pressurized by the emergence of new contemporary music, all within the context of the often highly politicized French music press. Indeed, the political role played by music criticism is perhaps the main theme of this volume, with politics encompassing everything from nationalism and the construction of French cultural identity to the internecine struggles of French composers and critics during the aesthetically unstable years between the world wars. The introduction concludes with the assertion that Music Criticism in France provides insights not only into the interwar period in question but also into our modern era, arguing that competing forces—conservative and [End Page 609] progressive—create "multiple narratives" that shape musical culture, and that the effects of this shaping carries over into the future, reminding us that "our perspective is not the only one and that our musical values, our canon and even our current analytical methods have been shaped by debates in the past" (p. 16). The first essay in the collection, "Music Criticism and Aesthetics during the Interwar Period: Fewer Crimes and More Punishments" by Michel Duchesneau, provides a fine example of the admirable clarity of writing that characterizes this entire volume and offers a solid overview of the "crisis of criticism" (p. 28) in interwar France, defined by the conflict between impressionistic and scientific criticism. Christopher Moore's "Nostalgia and Violence in the Music Criticism of L'action française" is a timely contribution that directly addresses the theme of criticism and politics by examining the practice of musical and cultural criticism in right-wing, nationalistic newspapers and the role played by criticism in the service of political ideology. In "Charles Koechlin: The Figure of the Expert," Philippe Cathé engages with one of French music criticism's most prominent figures, who surfaces frequently throughout Music Criticism in France. Cathé's essay presents Koechlin as a composer-critic of greater "breadth and range" (p. 65) than Debussy or Fauré and as a critic whose writing demonstrates not only a high literary quality but also significant technical chops. Jann Pasler describes the emergent radio technology in the interwar period in "Bleu-horizon Politics and Music for Radio Listeners: L'initiation à la musique (1935)." She notes the increasing importance of radio in...

The UK is agog with modernisation. The dissolution of the House of Lords, devolution and a potentially Parliament-trumping Bill of Human Rights; no British political institution appears to be sacrosanct. Nonetheless, as the following paper argues, it as yet unclear whether such modernisation will affect deep-seated historical trends within the British polity; trends which stubbornly survived even the 'constitutional moment' of the post-war creation of a democratic welfare state, and which continue to perceive of the individual Briton's relationship with the British State (that is, British citizenship) in implicitly hierarchical terms. The modern Briton is no 'fellow-traveller' in a state constituted exclusively for its needs by its citizenry. Rather, the 'British subject' retains a feudal flavour, still linked, by simple virtue of common law and the constitutional 'non-definition' of modern British citizenship, to an outmoded monarchical Sovereign. And yet, such antiquinarianism may also bear the seeds of a modernism better suited to a postnational world. If the modern Briton is no citizen, neither is the British State the usual demagogic corporational bulwark against the self-definition of plural and private (non-state-derived) citizenship identities beyond or even within traditional sovereign boundaries. In conceiving of the Briton 'without' the British State, British, or more particularly common law, has perhaps, and however incidentally, provided Europe and its evolving law with a blueprint for the evolution of dynamic rather than dynastic concepts of legal rather than statist citizenship.

People in Motion: Introduction to Transnational Movements and Transwar Connections in the Anthropological and Genetic Study of Human Populations

Many scholars regard the Land reform policies like ”三七五 rent reduction” and ”land-to-tiller” that were implemented by the KMT government who moved to Taiwan after 1949 are successful. It solved the contradictions between the social classes that are caused by unfair allotment of land, and was one of the main reasons for Taiwan’s economic takeoff. The land and farmers are main themes in many country novels. In the novels before the World War II in Taiwan, the landholders and Sharecroppers are main characters. But after 1949, both China and Taiwan launched a large-scale land reform. The purposes were similar, but the means were different. There were also novels in China whose themes were land reform. Compared to Taiwan, limited by historical and political factors, the land reform themes novels were less in quantity and also were not explored in depth. The novel appeared also later. But we can find many clues from different perspectives many clues. The differences of the cross-strait ideologies has resulted the different context. The different positions taken by the authors has resulted a perspective differences that appeared in novels. This created two contexts and two perspectives. This article researches the land reform as themes of the novels in China and Taiwan. In China, such as Zhao Shuli, Ding Ling, Zhou Lipo etc. whose works are born in early period of the land reform. In Taiwan, the novels are dispersive in different periods. This article will discuss the narrative difference of the novels because of the different context and perspective. This difference is also due to the different low structures and the different political climate.

This chapter traces how land policies and particularly land reform have gained, lost, and regained prominence in development strategies and debates since the Second World War. The authors begin with definitions and summarize the experience of land and agrarian reforms during the Cold War period. The next section traces the decline and resurgence of land policies following the Cold War, and the sometimes fierce debates between advocates of state-led redistributive land reforms and market-led reforms. The final section introduces contemporary issues and debates on gender and generational issues in land policy, as well as the contemporary “rush” involving large corporate land deals, and concludes with reflections on the new ideas of food and land sovereignty driving today's agrarian movements. Redistributive land reform for the twenty-first century is argued to be one that is linked to broader visions of development, as were land reforms during the 1920s to 1970s.

The riot at Glasgow harbour in January 1919 was the first in a wave of rioting around Britain's ports in 1919. Violence was triggered by increased job competition in the merchant navy at the end of the war. Seamen's unions fuelled animosity between competing groups as they sought to protect white British access to jobs by imposing a ‘colour’ bar on sailors from racialized ethnic minorities. Many of the seamen targeted in this way were British colonial subjects from Africa and the Caribbean. Black colonial sailors in Glasgow resisted attacks by white rioters and asserted their rights to employment as British subjects. The riot was connected to wider industrial unrest on Clydeside as leaders of the union campaign for a reduced working week (to maintain full employment following demobilization) brought unskilled labour, including merchant seamen, into a general strike alongside skilled workers. Strike leaders, including Shinwell and Gallacher, linked the 40-hours movement to the seamen's unions’ protests against overseas labour by stressing the common interests of both in preserving the job prospects of (white) labour. The campaigns proved unsuccessful in the face of government fears over the revolutionary potential of the general strike and as the merchant shipping industry slid in to depression.

Reviewed by: Staging France between the World Wars: Performance, Politics, and the Transformation of the Theatrical Canon by McCready Susan Colin Foss McCready Susan. Staging France between the World Wars: Performance, Politics, and the Transformation of the Theatrical Canon. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2016, 157 pp. Susan McCready's Staging France Between the World Wars: Performance, Politics, and the Transformation of the Theatrical Canon brings together two major discussions into a slim and engaging volume. Detailing an account of theater in times of war, McCready situates this story within the larger stakes of her book, arguing that changes to the mainstream or canonical French theatrical tradition in the interwar period took place thanks to the institutionalizing efforts of a band of directors: Jacques Copeau and the Cartel des quatre (Gaston Baty, Charles Dullin, Louis Jouvet, and Georges Pitoëff). Convincingly, she claims that these directors normalized theatrical modernity through a gradual redefinition of who could claim authorship of a performance. Specifically, these interwar directors "shifted emphasis from the verbal to the visual," (10) implicitly and often explicitly posing the metteur-en-scène as a "theatrical artist in his own right, apart from the author" (xiii). McCready's description of the legitimization of stagecraft ends with Copeau fully realizing his efforts to transform theatrical institutions, through his appointment as director of the ComédieFrançaise in 1940. The structure of Staging France subsumes the changes to theater performance wrought by the two World Wars within a broader history of institutions, showing how political events are internalized and processed by the stewards of cultural heritage. McCready's first chapter, "Subject to Interpretation," describes the theoretical tenets of the modern metteursen-scène Copeau and André Antoine, who viewed their performances as preserving authenticity, and defined authenticity as the returning of French classics to their historical and cultural specificity, unmooring them from their textual or verbal primacy. McCready focuses on this paradox—modernity [End Page 167] via historical sensitivity—as a central tension of a twentiethcentury querelle des anciens et des modernes. Another central distinction introduced in the first chapter, the preference of these interwar directors for French classics rather than contemporary plays, continues throughout the book. In Chapter 2, "Mobilizing the Canon," we find that the classics took on nationalist importance during the First World War, when French theater was enlisted to celebrate national heritage, becoming a "source of inspiration for its soldiers" (22). McCready presents a wide range of performances during the interwar period performed in France and in the United States, where Sara Bernhardt and Jacques Copeau were on tour as a sort of evangelizing mission for the French war effort. Mixing textual analysis with contextual writings of directors, actors, and authors, McCready argues that the plays themselves mattered less and garnered less critical and journalistic attention than the way they were performed. In chapters 3, 4, and 5, McCready offers a series of classic plays that were enlisted into the modernism of Copeau and the Cartel. These central chapters, which amount to a series of case studies of what could be called the visual turn of theater performance in the interwar period, allow McCready to showcase the various ways these directors applied their visual aesthetic and the equally varied responses they received from critics. Chapter 3 uses Molière as a litmus test for explaining the differing performance aesthetics of Copeau, Baty, and Jouvet. Chapter 4 uses productions of Racine and Shakespeare to introduce the politics of the interwar period, when directors de-politicized Shakespeare's foreignness against the backdrop of the fascist riots of 1934 and the Popular Front government of 19361937. Chapter 5 establishes the modernist directors as inheritors of the Romantic playwrights of the early nineteenth century, and ends with the modernist revival of Musset and Mérimée. With the dearth of quality contemporary authors to stage, these modernist directors reshaped Romantics into their own image. How did modernism become mainstream? Chapter 6 suggests that by the 1930s the directors of the Cartel benefitted from the comparison with the more radical avant-garde, particularly that of Antonin Artaud. Their relatively modest innovations, their reverence—albeit a modern reverence—for the canon, and their desire...

The period of the First World War and interwar years was both a watershed for women and a period of backlash against women’s achievements. This chapter examines the possibilities, paradoxes, and challenges of military women’s lives and activities in the First World War and interwar years. It addresses the service of women physicians, nurses, and women workers with the military and voluntary organizations. The chapter assesses the activities of women in revolutionary, nationalist struggles and civil war beyond the First World War years. It analyzes the roles of women in the military in the interwar years and as veterans of military institutions. In France the Service de sante militaire worked with the Red Cross and Catholic nursing orders prior to the war and so plans were in place to mobilize nurses at the start of the conflict. Keywords:first world war; military; nurses; voluntary organizations; women auxiliaries; women physicians; women’s mobilization