Cultural skimming, authenticity, and streaming preferences: Turkish serials ( dizi ) among young audiences in Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE

From Café Culture to Tweets

With his highly engaging and painstakingly researched Digital Authoritarianism in the Middle East, Marc Owen Jones makes a much-needed addition to the field of post-truth and disinformation studies. The focus of the book on the MENA region—more specifically on the Gulf area—allows its author to provide a wealth of examples that demonstrate how sophisticated disinformation operations are not the prerogative of well-known purveyors of state-sponsored propaganda and deception such as Russia and China or of outlets operating within the populist and right-wing information ecosystems in the United States and in Europe. Deception as a tool of public opinion control and as an instrument of aggressive foreign policy has been embraced by a growing club of authoritarian or autocratic regimes in the Middle East: Saudi Arabia, UAE, Iran, Egypt, and Qatar, among others are also active contributors to the growing “deception order” (6) influencing both regional and global politics, which Owen details through a series of thoroughly analyzed case studies.The book’s focus on the Middle East, which a decade ago was the theater of a series of epochal popular uprisings fueled by the advent of digital technology, also offers the author the opportunity to present important caveats against the rhetoric of liberation technology, prominent during the Arab Spring. Owen Jones contends that the current rise of digital authoritarianism is inherently linked to the experience of the Arab Spring, which has prompted a backlash by many regimes in the region in the form of surveillance, censorship, and strict control of digital technology to prevent future uprisings. The author also vigorously debunks the somehow simplistic techno-utopianism prominent a decade ago by showing how the liberation paradigm hailed by progressive forces in the West and in the region has served, perhaps unwittingly, as a cover for the spread of neoliberal digital capitalism, eager to push a powerful and underregulated technology into problematic and politically volatile geographical contexts, regardless of the consequences.The field of disinformation, computational propaganda, and post-truth studies, which since 2016 has generated increased academic interest and research output, has clearly illustrated how digital media, especially social media platforms, are not necessarily liberating or emancipatory. Instead, they can be exploited to spread deceptive and manipulative communications in support of demagogic, populist, and authoritarian political actors. While there is now considerable literature on how the phenomenon is affecting Western democratic countries, as well as on how prominent autocratic or authoritarian regimes such as those ruling Russia and China use deception in both domestic affairs and foreign policy, still relatively few studies have extended their focus to include countries in the Middle East, a region with high digital technology adoption and very little safeguards to protect citizens from deception operations. Aware that a rapidly shifting global scenario, especially after the COVID-19 pandemic, requires new perspectives and vantage points on international relations, Digital Authoritarianism in the Middle East pushes the academic discourse and research on disinformation beyond the Cold War framework, which has traditionally pit Russia and China as the main forces undermining Western security. In the process, Owen Jones opens a plurality of fascinating and troubling perspectives on Middle East politics, to demonstrate how profoundly they have been influenced by authoritarian forces that have mastered the use of digital technology and how the fallout of such new forms of authoritarianism can have repercussions beyond the region.Owen Jones defines “digital authoritarianism” as “the use of digital information technology by authoritarian regimes to surveil, repress and manipulate domestic and foreign population” (2) through a plurality of different techniques such as cyberattacks, internet shutdowns, the use of bots and trolls to push or suppress narratives, and targeted persecution against journalists and users. While the book makes it clear that deception and disinformation are illiberal practices appearing in both democratic and authoritarian regimes; in the latter, such practices operate generally unfettered and unchallenged. The “truth decay” effect has been identified as one of the most problematic features of digital information ecosystems, where objective truths have been rendered plastic and slippery by a plurality of technological and cultural factors. In authoritarian countries, this phenomenon can be easily leveraged by powerful actors intent on misleading populations and strengthening their grip on political power. In the MENA region, and especially in the Gulf, deception via digital media—aided and abetted by loosely regulated communication technology—contributes to the perpetuation of political systems functioning through corruption, human rights abuse, and inequality.The harmful political effects of digital authoritarianism are not limited to the region but easily transcend borders and spill over into other world regions, with significant implications for foreign policy decision-making and global geopolitics. One of the book’s main arguments is that digital authoritarianism involves the “decoupling and despatialization of authoritarian practices” (11), which resonate beyond traditional state boundaries. Owen Jones discusses such practices as inherently transnational endeavors, due to the borderless nature of digital communications, through which new digital powers, nodes, and hubs can extend their influence globally. To understand why such deceptive practices are becoming so frequent and pervasive in the region, creating what the author calls a “Gulf post-truth moment” (13), the book examines the discursive, tactical, and strategic qualities of a significant body of deception operations that have emerged in the region since 2011.Specifically, Owen Jones identifies Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates as the primary drivers of digital authoritarianism in the Gulf. Saudi Arabia is presented in the book as a digital media superpower, launching deceptive and manipulative influence operations in a sustained manner on both a domestic and an international scale. The geopolitical context within which the Saudi Kingdom developed into a main player in the global field of deception operations is defined by two main elements: a new era of Gulf politics, jump-started by the Trump administration and characterized by renewed pressure on Iran and on the normalization of the relation between Israel and various Gulf countries. This, according to the author, has provided fertile ground for the seeding of disinformation and deceptive narratives into the media ecosystems of the region at the service of a new geopolitical vision spearheaded by autocratic and at times tyrannical leaders such as Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia and Mohammed bin Zayed of Abu Dhabi. Both rulers seek to carve a place of prominence for their countries in Gulf politics, and to this end they have also fueled a rise in disinformation operations. The geopolitical vision pushed forth synergistically by these leaders, sometimes in coordination with right-wing sections of the American political spectrum, is predicated on a permanent state of mobilization of their public opinion against a perceived threat represented by hostile political actors such as Qatar, Turkey, Iran, and Islamist organizations such as the Muslim Brotherhood.Before delving into some of the many examples that the author uses to support these claims, it is worth further probing the theoretical framework that Owen Jones lays out in the introductory chapters as a foundation for his empirical work. It is also worth appreciating his methodological approach to the study of disinformation and post-truth. The lack of an in-depth theorization of the notion of “post-truth” is probably the main weakness of an otherwise outstanding book. In his discussion of the concept, Owen Jones doesn’t acknowledge the existence of a recent body of literature that has discussed post-truth as a political and cultural phenomenon rooted in the decline of the Foucauldian “regime-of-truths” traditionally enforced by legacy media and cultural or scientific institutions in Western liberal democracies,1 in the emergence of fictional counter-narratives such as conspiracy theories by technologically empowered publics,2 in the epistemic relativism that some scholars trace back to the postmodern turn in politics and culture,3 and in the crisis of authority of Western democratic politics and values in the global geopolitical arena.4Neglecting such a multilayered cultural and political dimension of the term post-truth, which also gives publics and audiences a role in producing and participating in fictional narratives, Owen Jones takes a more traditional political economic approach in discussing the most salient aspects of the Gulf post-truth moment. The author seems particularly concerned with the alignment between authoritarian regimes and global technology companies. In Owen Jones’s engaging but ultimately bleak view, the Middle East appears as a “Wild West” for disinformation, dominated by despotic regimes and completely subjugated to the neoliberal logic that has fueled the rise of the data extractive business models underpinning commercial social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter. The extraction of self-disclosed data and personal information by platform users is not only profitable for the technology companies, but also necessary for authoritarian regimes seeking to maintain control of the population, since profiles of subjects can be used to monitor and control citizens’ behavior and opinions.The “datafication” of users, or their transformation into collections of data points that can be used for a plurality of manipulative and predictive ends, is thus of primary interests for both Western private corporations and Middle Eastern authoritarian rulers. Both resist attempts to protect users’ privacy, as they would hinder advertising revenues and the governments’ surveillance abilities. In Owen Jones’s reading, a capitalist model based on data mining and information extraction can lead to new forms of “techno-colonialism” (17) or the exploitation of a poorer country by a richer one through technology, as well as to the strengthening of existing authoritarian regimes.The analysis is correct, but perhaps laying part of the blame for the rise of deception and authoritarianism in the region at the feet of Western neoliberalism and Western technology companies might appear to be not only a Western-centric conclusion, but also a deterministic one, overly emphasizing the importance of technology and of its business models to the detriment of a more nuanced cultural analysis of people’s engagement with technology, which should also consider individual gratification, identify formation, and social-bonding that digital media provides to its users.While I agree with Owen Jones that the narrative of liberation technology prominent a decade ago in the region appears now anachronistic, as well as overly deterministic and dubiously instrumental to profit-seeking ventures, I also think it might be premature to dismiss the liberating element of digital networking technology, which has demonstrated the ability to empower and mobilize citizens in the past—in some cases leading them to previously unthinkable political outcomes—and to this day continues to provide outlets, albeit restricted and closely monitored, to express their views on culture, religion, sexuality and also politics.Where the author really excels and offers his most useful contribution to the field of disinformation research is the part in which he presents his sophisticated methodology to study deception operations and puts it at the service of a vast selection of studies and investigations on disinformation in the region. Combining a wide array of tools and skills, the author uses both qualitative and quantitative methods to conduct the research showcased in the book, including “digital ethnography, open-source research, as well as computer-assisted analysis of datasets, including anomaly detection, corpus analysis, network analysis and, well, good old-fashioned investigative work” (19).The platform of choice for most of the case studies in the book was Twitter, which allows generous access to its data for research via the Application Programming Interface (API), and which has allowed the author to gather millions of tweets and hundreds of hashtags to study the function and reach of deception operations. What also impresses about the book, on top of the technological savvy demonstrated by the author, is the narrative flare with which Owen Jones recounts his investigation in the dark corners of social media, where he has spent a considerable amount of time chasing trolls, unmasking fake journalists, exposing sock puppet accounts, and detecting large-scale information operations by automated bots. Faithful to the academic approach of public impact scholarship, which seeks to “create social change through the translation and dissemination of research to non-academic audiences” (22), Owen Jones’s multiple investigations are narrated with rigorous analysis, political engagement, as well as with humor.Among the multiple case studies discussed in the book, I chose to focus on a couple discussing the role of Saudi Arabia’s growing digital media power in shaping the deception order in the Gulf. In Owen Jones’s definition, digital media power can be summarized “as an actor’s ability to use or co-opt digital media technologies in order to assert ideological influence and power over a community” (81). Owen Jones argues that the manipulation of social media to promote propagandistic narratives and to suppress criticism of the Saudi regime has become a key element of Mohammed bin Salman’s vision for Saudi Arabia. While Saudi Arabia attempts to dominate the Middle East and Arabic-language media industry date back to the 1990s, it was after the Arab Spring and especially with the spread of social media in the country that the Kingdom’s tactics and strategies to expand its media power, also through deception operations, have evolved in reach and sophistication.Saudi Arabia is one of countries in the world with the highest penetration of digital technology, with some of the highest numbers of social media users, and with a very young population that forms a potentially volatile “youth bulge” using social media as a space for discussion and information consumption. As argued by Owen Jones, managing and pacifying its youth is one of the cornerstones of the Kingdom’s security strategy to maintain a hold on power. The deployment of digital media power to praise the country’s leadership and to attack or silence critics of the ruling dynasty has been one of the central tenets of Mohammed bin Salman’s rise to power.A technique used to boost Saudi popularity both regionally and globally, especially during the Kingdom’s UN-sanctioned war in Yemen was that of “astroturfing,” or manufacturing the illusion of a vox populi, through sock-puppet accounts (fake social media profiles) and bots (nonhuman automated accounts), which were instructed to support specific narratives or to censor sensitive topics through distracting content. For example, hashtags in Arabic carrying messages in support of Mohammed bin Salman during his visit to London in 2018 were made to trend, in order to give the illusion of international grassroots support, thanks to the coordinated work of hundreds of fake accounts with Western-sounding names. In his research of this deception operation, Owen Jones estimated that at least 30 percent of the accounts promoting such pro-Saudi hashtags were either sock-puppets or bots, known in the region as “electronic flies.”Still in the context of Saudi’s war in Yemen, the book discusses the controversial role of Mohammed bin Salman’s right hand, Saud Al-Qahtani, in orchestrating Saudi’s deceptive operations via social media. The book points to Al-Qahtani’s involvement in managing pro-regime “troll farms”—often drawing manpower from the unemployed and digitally active Saudi youth—to solicit services from international hackers to develop software that could either delete and promote social media posts about Saudi involvement in Yemen and to suspend and hack the Twitter account of Medicines Sans Frontier, a humanitarian organization that had exposed Saudi’s war crimes in Yemen.Another chapter discusses how the abundant disinformation circulating around the coronavirus was exploited, especially in the earlier phase of the pandemic, to further foreign policy objectives of some Gulf states. Specifically, the chapter examines how actors connected to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates used coronavirus disinformation to attack regional opponents. Among the multiple examples provided, it is worth recounting that of an information operation taken down by Twitter that revealed how accounts connected to Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Egypt had targeted Qatar—specifically its national airline, Qatar Airways—accusing it of spreading the new virus around the world because of negligence and incompetence. Qatar was also the target of outlandish claims by a pro-UAE journalist, who accused the country of having financed China’s engineering of the virus and for deliberately spreading the virus in the region to damage the Emirati and Saudi economies. Owen Jones rightly points out that social media platforms took a tougher stance on combating health disinformation during the pandemic, often in coordination with the World Health Organization. However, less scrutiny was given by the platforms to the false information on the pandemic circulating in non-anglophone markets, which allowed, especially in 2020, such deceptive narratives to spread unfettered in the Gulf region.One last example appears in the chapter dedicated to the deceptive methods used by Saudi-linked entities to manipulate public opinion in the aftermath of the gruesome murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi, who, especially via his collaboration with The Washington Post, had expressed criticism of the reforms initiated by Mohammed bin Salman. The murder of Khashoggi inside a Saudi consulate in Istanbul marked the most blatant and tragic episode of a Middle Eastern government silencing a critical journalist. However, the event had serious consequences for Mohamed bin Salman’s efforts to brand himself as a progressive reformer in the eyes of the world. The vast amount of international media coverage and the near-total condemnation that the murder elicited around the globe put the Saudi propaganda machine to the test, forcing it to go into damage-control mode in attempt to regain control of the narrative around the events that led to the murder of Khashoggi.In the aftermath of the murder, as hashtags started to circulate on Twitter implicating Saudi Arabia in the disappearance of the journalist, “electronic flies” at the service of the Saudi government started to manipulate the algorithm governing Twitter trends to promote narratives exonerating Saudi from Khashoggi’s death, to sideline those alleging a Saudi involvement, and to smear the memory of the journalist. Perhaps the most poignant observation offered by Owen Jones in recounting the case is the following: “Khashoggi was a real person . . . amidst a sea of unverified bots, trolls and hyper-partisan foot soldiers” (244) who was killed because he didn’t want to align with the hyper-nationalist propaganda pushed by millions of social media accounts and because he disrupted the media order desired by Mohammed bin Salman.Digital Authoritarianism in the Middle East is a significant achievement in the study of disinformation and computational propaganda, providing a necessary and timely update in the field, not only because it expands the scope of the research beyond the Western world and its well-known foes Russia and China, but also because it provides a fascinating and in-depth look into the modus operandi of a scholar with an extensive knowledge of the Gulf region who can artfully combine critical abilities and impressive technological skills to expose deception operations.

“Does Anybody Have A Map?”: The Impact of “Virtual Broadway” on Musical Theater Composition

Background: Social media platforms have become credible tools for spreading awareness of dental care as well as advertisements for esthetic dentistry, which may negatively affect users by leading to dissatisfaction and low self-esteem when they compare themselves with others. Objective: To measure self-esteem and satisfaction related to esthetic dentistry by administering a validated questionnaire to adults in Saudi Arabia, which investigates how they are affected by seeing the topic addressed on social media. Methods: This study investigated 515 participants living in Saudi Arabia. A self-administered validated questionnaire was electronically developed using Google Forms 2020. A link to the questionnaire was distributed through multiple social media platforms, such as WhatsApp, Twitter, and Instagram, to assess self-esteem and satisfaction resulting from the presentation of esthetic dentistry on social media platforms among adults. A pilot study was conducted to assess the validity and reliability of the questionnaire, which was modified based on feedback, as well as the results of the reliability testing. Results: The analysis showed that the social media platforms on which information about or advertisements for esthetic dentistry are most commonly found were Snapchat (45.8%) and Instagram (44.5%). A statistically significant association was found between the sociodemographic data, including age (P=0.00), gender (P=0.000), occupation (P=0.001), monthly income (P=0.000), and the effect of the appearance of one’s smile on willingness to post personal photos on social media. Conclusion: The findings suggest that seeing esthetic dentistry addressed on social media sites influences social media users’ self-esteem and satisfaction. Social media platforms should be encouraged to properly discuss common concerns and available dental treatments.

Background Social media (SM) platforms are commonly used in Saudi Arabia, even for health information. SM platforms allow users to have conversations, share information, and create web content. Given the growing dependence on social media for health-related concerns, it is critical to understand how Saudis use these platforms to get health information. This study aimed to determine the Saudi population's attitude and awareness regarding health information sought on SM. Subject and methods This cross-sectional study was conducted among adults in Riyadh, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, from September to October 2024. A self-administered questionnaire was distributed randomly in the Medical City King Saud Universityfamily medicine clinic. The questionnaire includes socio-demographic data (i.e., age, gender, marital status, etc.), the most commonly used type of SM, and various questions to assess the knowledge and influence of SM on health information. Results Among the 330 participants, 117 (63%) were female respondents, and 126 (38.2%) were between 31 and 40 years old. WhatsApp was the most prominent type of SM used at 192 (58.2%). Disease or medical problems were the most notable health information being seen online at 172 (52.1%), and "to be informed" was the most common reason for seeking health information online at 237 (72.4%). The perception of unemployed female respondentsthat health information obtained from SM is reliable was significantly higher than that of unemployed male respondents(p<0.05). Surprisingly, male participants usually do believe SM can enhance awareness (p = 0.015). Conclusion The findings of this study suggest that SM influences the behavior of the adult population seeking health information in Saudi Arabia. Female participants tended to believe that the health information obtained from SM was credible. To be more informed was the primary reason for seeking health information online. There is a need to educate patients visiting family medicine clinics about the reliability of health information obtained online.

Background: Social media is a network that allows information to be shared globally with millions of users. It is becoming evident that social media plays quite a prominent role these days in skincare. Social media surely has come to benefit millions of its users around the globe, but the downside of social media is that it has the potential to put users at risk while they follow popular trends.Aim: This study aims to assess the impact of social media on choosing skincare and cosmetic products in Saudi Arabia with the most used social media platforms.Methods: A questionnaire-based cross-sectional study was conducted targeting adult female residents across Saudi Arabia. Data were collected from the participants who met our criteria via electronic data collection Google forms did not show any nominative information that was distributed through social media platforms. The questionnaire covered participants' demographic data, social media use, source of information, and degree of trust with the influence of social media on using cosmetics. The eligible females were asked to fill out the study questionnaire received till no more new answers were obtained.Results: A total of 1,174 females fulfilling the inclusion criteria completed the study questionnaire. Participants' ages ranged from 18 to more than 40 years with a mean age of 22.5 %C2%B1 13.9 years old. Exact of 655 (55.8%) were single, and 463 (39.4%) were married. The most used social media platforms included Snapchat (39.4%), TikTok (26.7%), and Instagram (19.6%). A total of 881 (75%) of the study females reported they use social media for more than an hour a day. Exact 51% of the study females became familiar with skin care products from social media platforms. Also, 91.3% of the study female's confidence in information related to cosmetic and skin care products was affected by visual presentation.Conclusion: In conclusion, the study showed that most of the study participants used social media for many hours daily mainly Snapchat, TikTok, and Instagram. Also, social media was the main source of information regarding skin care products mainly dermatologists on social media.

Patients and healthcare providers use online health information and social media (SM) platforms to seek medical information. As the incidence of cancer rises, the popularity of SM platforms has yielded widespread dissemination of incorrect or misleading information about it. In this study, we aimed to assess public knowledge about incorrect cancer information and how they perceive such information in Saudi Arabia. A nationwide survey was distributed in Saudi Arabia. The survey included questions on demographics, SM platform usage, and common misleading and incorrect cancer information. The sample (N = 3509, mean age 28.7 years) consisted of 70% females and 92.6% Saudi nationals. Most participants had no chronic illness. One-third were college graduates and less than one-quarter were unemployed. Differences in level of knowledge about cancer emerged in association with different demographic factors. Public trust in health information on SM also led to being misinformed about cancer, independent from educational level and other factors. Efforts should be made to rapidly correct this misinformation.

Background: Adolescents are immersed in a highly advanced technology setting, characterized by extensive availability of personal devices, the internet, and other social media platforms, which greatly impact their mental development. Concerns arise around potential negative consequences, including social isolation, internet addiction, exposure to improper content, depression, cyberbullying, and sleeping difficulty. The impact of social media on the mental well-being of adolescents has emerged as an escalating concern. The continuous exposure to carefully selected content, online harassment, and the expectation to comply with unrealistic standards all contribute to the development of depression and anxiety. This research aims to explore the impact of social media on the mental health of adolescents in the Saudi Arabian context.Methods: This online cross-sectional study was conducted on Saudis aged 10 to 24 years old who have social media accounts in Saudi Arabia between August and November 2023. Binary logistic regression analysis was conducted to identify factors that make the study participants more likely to be mentally affected by social media.Results: A total of 2856 participants were involved in this study. The most commonly used social media platform by the study participants was Twitter (30.3%). The majority of the study participants (77.4%) reported that they have tried to reduce their social media usage for mental health reasons. The most commonly agreed-upon statements were that “they feel that excessive social media use has negatively affected their sleep patterns,” “they often sleep late in the night because of social media usage,” and “they check their social media account before they sleep in the night,” accounting for 71.0%, 66.1%, and 58.3%, respectively. Overall, the study participants showed a low level of being mentally affected due to social media with a mean score of 7.8 (SD: 3.9) out of 21, which is equal to 37.1%. Older participants (aged 16-24 years) were more prone to be mentally affected due to social media compared to younger ones (aged 10-15 years; p < 0.05). On the other hand, participants who were married, had a middle school education level, or lived in the northern, western, or eastern regions were less likely to be mentally affected due to social media compared to others (p < 0.05).Conclusion: The study participants showed a low level of being mentally affected due to social media. Individuals in the 16-24 years age group show a higher susceptibility to mental impacts resulting from social media usage. The primary duty for reducing the potential negative effects of social media should not rest only on parents and caregivers. Advocating for the creation of technology-free zones and fostering in-person friendships among teens could be a beneficial approach that policymakers should support.

Background:Today, social media platforms are more popular than ever in Saudi Arabia. Despite the influence of social media on patients’ decisions to undergo cosmetic surgery, it is still unclear how social media platforms affect the private practice of plastic surgeons around Saudi Arabia. This study aimed to assess Saudi plastic surgeons’ use of social media and its impact on their practices.Methods:The study was based on a self-administered questionnaire that was built on previous literature and distributed to practicing Saudi plastic surgeons. A survey consisting of 12 items was conducted to assess patterns of social media use and its impact on plastic surgery practice.Results:This study included 61 participants. Thirty-four surgeons (55.7%) were using social media platforms in their practice. The use of social media was significantly different among surgeons with different levels of practice in cosmetic surgery (P = 0.004) and reconstructive surgery (P = 0.049). Social media presence was significantly more prevalent among surgeons in private practice (70.6%, P = 0.034). The use of social media in plastic surgery is overall positive for the field (60.7%).Conclusions:Despite plastic surgeons’ differing views on social media, its role within the field of plastic surgery is evidently on the rise. The use of social media is not equal across all practice types. Surgeons practicing in private hospitals and specializing in aesthetic surgery are more likely to view social media favorably and use it in their practice.

IntroductionEver since COVID-19 was declared as a global pandemic, there has been a prevalence of misinformation circulating online on social media platforms. In order to better tackle COVID-19 it is important to determine how the general population perceive the sharing of medical information on social media platforms. Based on this, the aim of the study is to analyse the perception of Saudi Arabian Health Care Workers’ (HCWs) and Non-Health Care Workers’ (NHCWs) regarding the sharing and resharing of medical information, whether true or false, on social media platforms regarding COVID-19.MethodsTo achieve the aim of this study, the general objective is to identify the most commonly used Social Media Platforms, determine the proportion of the Saudi Arabian population who have participated in recirculating information in those social media platforms, and to analyse their perception of medical information sharing in social media platforms. This study was conducted using a quantitative research methodology. The measurement tool used for this study was an online survey conducted using Google Survey. A 10-item questionnaire was adopted and translated to Arabic to conduct the survey.ResultsThe total number of responses for the study were N=1249. The findings of the study indicate that Saudi Arabian general population understand the prevalence of unverified information, but are accepting of the practice of sharing information without evidence on social media platforms, with the belief that such information does not cause actual harm to the general public, but instead would be beneficial. WhatsApp was the most preferred social media platform for receiving and sharing information among participants, followed by Twitter and Snapchat.ConclusionThe findings of this study indicate that the Saudi Arabian population are more wary than the global general population regarding misinformation online on social media platforms regarding COVID-19.

Past research found that messages in popular television promote fame as a top value, while social media allows anyone to reach broad audience. Adolescents ages 11-17 are more likely to value fame, wealth, and image over community, affiliation, and self-acceptance. Teens may become addicted to the peer connection and affirmation they are able to get via social media. As a result, young audiences may be highly influenced at this stage of development and their value system may be influenced negatively by their use of social media? Despite this research, some researchers see adolescent social media use well within normal socialization, as “kids will be kids” noting that many elements of the American teen culture remain unchanged in the digital age. This research explores these expectations through in-depth interviews of teens and an exhaustive literature review of scholarly articles on this topic. I used a survey questionnaire from “My Pop Studio,” an interactive educational media literacy resource developed by the Media Education Lab. A convenience sample of teenagers (between the ages of 11-17) took the “celebrity quiz” from the My Pop Studio website using a think out loud protocol where I observed them taking the quiz and had them explain to me their choices for their response. Findings reveal how teens value television, music, magazines, and online media and were the way they connect to these media forms. This research found that teenagers valued being “liked” and in some instances, being famous. Moreover, they demonstrated values such as confidence and community, revealing that teens’ identity and social development may be affected by participation in a media saturated culture. Through this lens, I explore current emerging themes in the current value system of teens. Because ego is a representation of self, it is important for this study to investigate the development of egos in young audiences who use social media. Based on the findings, it is evident that the rise of social media is connected to the development of self-esteem in teens. The implications of social media use, in particular, YouTube, can build character and confidence through self-identity and creativity. It can also help promote social identity in groups.

Live streaming on social media has changed the way people share information and entertainment, providing greater convenience and access than conventional broadcasting. However, this change also brings challenges, especially regarding ethics and its impact on young audiences. Content on social media is often poorly monitored, making it easy to find sensational or inappropriate content, such as violence, hoaxes and unethical behavior. This is exacerbated by platform algorithms that prioritize content that triggers emotional reactions to increase popularity. Conventional broadcasting has strict rules to maintain the quality and ethics of content, while live streaming on social media often relies solely on platform policies which are not always effective. As a result, many content creators try to attract attention in extreme ways, which can influence the behavior and mindset of young audiences. This research discusses the differences between conventional broadcasting and live streaming on social media, as well as the importance of the responsibilities of platforms and content creators in maintaining ethics. Apart from that, digital literacy for young audiences is needed so that they can be more critical in choosing content. In conclusion, cooperation between content creators, social media platforms and society is needed to ensure social media becomes a safer and more beneficial place for all.

Social media has become a central tool in health communication, offering both opportunities and challenges. In Saudi Arabia, where platforms like WhatsApp, Snapchat, and Instagram are widely used, the quality and credibility of oral health information shared digitally remain critical issues. Misconceptions about oral health can negatively influence individuals' behaviors and oral health outcomes. This study aimed to describe the patterns of social media use and estimate the prevalence of oral health-related misconceptions among adults in Saudi Arabia. Additionally, it assessed the associations between engagement with oral health information, self-reported oral health, and the presence and count of these misconceptions. A cross-sectional survey was conducted over 10 weeks, targeting adults aged 15 years and older in Saudi Arabia. Data were collected from a total sample size (n=387) via a questionnaire distributed through targeted advertisements on Instagram, TikTok, Snapchat, and X (Twitter). The prevalence of oral health-related misconceptions was estimated using descriptive statistics, including counts and percentages. Chi-square tests described sociodemographic, social media engagement, and self-reported oral health. Logistic and Poisson regression analyses were used to assess associations between engagement and self-reported oral health with misconceptions. Logistic regression models provided odds ratios and adjusted odds ratios with 95% CI to assess the presence of oral health misconceptions. Poisson regression was used to calculate mean ratios and adjusted mean ratios (AMRs) for the count of misconceptions. WhatsApp (n=344, 89.8%) and Instagram (n=304, 78.9%) were the most frequently used social media platforms daily. Common oral health misconceptions included beliefs that "Pregnancy causes calcium loss in teeth" (n=337, 87%) and "Dental treatment should be avoided during pregnancy" (n=245, 63.3%). Following dental-specific accounts was significantly associated with lower odds of having any misconceptions (adjusted odds ratio 0.41, 95% CI 0.22-0.78) and a lower count of misconceptions (AMR 0.87, 95% CI 0.77-0.98). Conversely, trust in social media as a source of oral health information was associated with a higher count of misconceptions (AMR 1.16, 95% CI 1.02-1.31). Social media platforms are essential yet double-edged tools for oral health information dissemination in Saudi Arabia. Participants who followed dental-specific accounts had significantly lower misconceptions, while trust in social media as a source of information was linked to higher counts of misconceptions. These findings highlight the importance of promoting credible content from verified sources to combat misconceptions. Strategic collaborations with dental professionals are necessary to enhance the dissemination of accurate oral health information and public awareness and reduce the prevalence of oral health-related misconceptions.

Social media and social networking sites have become a vital part in everyone’s daily life and users of social networks are increasing. This study aims to review and highlight the importance of public libraries presence on social media, and public libraries crucial awareness on online marketing to market their various services, raise awareness and create a community according to each social media platform being used . This study focuses on helping public libraries in Saudi Arabia that lack the true understanding on how to implement social media as a part of their marketing plan, use social media features to create an online community and connect with their patrons to comprehend the basic marketing tools used online, and the benefits of public libraries online social presence and review previous public library marketing implementations and methods through social media and social networking sites in building a community. Using a content analysis methodology, we reviewed the definition of marketing, marketing tools, social networking sites and previous library methods implemented on social media and the benefits of creating an online presence for libraries. We also highlighted the limitations facing libraries and an efficient method of social media engagement analysis. This study’s results indicate that public libraries in Saudi Arabia can enhance their online presence on social networking sites by implementing the correct content marketing method for each social media platform and the importance of training public library staff on the usage of social media to satisfy customer needs and therefore build a connection with patrons online which further more builds a community.organization, representation, realization and protection of interests and rights of citizens

Background: Diabetes mellitus is a major public health concern worldwide, with high prevalence in Saudi Arabia. Traditional diabetes education methods have limited reach, especially among younger populations. Social media platforms are increasingly used for health information, but their impact on diabetes knowledge and behavior in Saudi Arabia is not well understood.Methods: We conducted a cross-sectional study from February to April 2025 involving 430 adults (≥18 years) across Saudi Arabia, recruited via social media using snowball sampling. Participants completed a questionnaire assessing demographics, social media use related to diabetes, diabetes knowledge (five-item score), and self-reported behavior changes. Multivariable linear regression identified predictors of knowledge scores.Results: Among 430 respondents, 217 (50.5%) were female, 124 (28.8%) were aged 25-34 years, 131 (30.5%) had diabetes, and 60 (14.0%) had healthcare education. Daily social media use for diabetes content was reported by 121 participants (28.1%). The mean diabetes knowledge score was 3.84 ± 1.13 (out of 5), with daily users scoring higher (4.19 ± 0.88, n=121) than rare users (3.52 ± 1.28, n=102) or non-users (2.96 ± 1.35, n=39) (P < 0.001). Behavioral changes due to social media were reported by 268 participants (62.4%). In adjusted models, daily social media use (β=0.55; 95%CI, 0.38 to 0.73; P < 0.001), healthcare education (β=0.42; 95%CI, 0.26 to 0.59; P < 0.001), and having diabetes (β=0.36; 95%CI, 0.19 to 0.53; P < 0.001) were independently associated with higher knowledge scores. Increasing age was inversely associated with knowledge (β=-0.07 per decade; 95%CI, -0.12 to -0.01; P=0.018).Conclusions: Frequent social media engagement with diabetes content is independently associated with greater diabetes knowledge and self-reported behavior change among adults in Saudi Arabia. Integrating social media into diabetes education strategies may enhance public health efforts in regions with high disease burden, provided content accuracy is ensured through clinical oversight.