Cultural heritage in security discourse: Mapping the securitization process

Reconciling the Conservation of Cultural Heritage with Rural Development

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The protection of heritage is a security issue recognised by United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 2347. The resolution acknowledges the importance of cultural property for peace and security, and underlines the central role of the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in international efforts to protect heritage during armed conflicts. Rooted in the UN’s broader commitment to shield populations from genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing, the safeguarding of cultural property has also become relevant in the context of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). This article analyses UNESCO’s and the Security Council’s argumentation surrounding the adoption of Resolution 2347 in 2017, examining how the shared commitment to protect heritage against atrocities reflects aspirations to protect vulnerable populations under R2P and problematises the standard division of labour within the United Nations system. The article concludes that while the agendas of R2P and heritage protection appear compatible and mutually supportive, in practice they are both defined and constrained by the challenge posed by state sovereignty. Moreover, despite the unanimous acknowledgment of heritage protection as a humanitarian and security imperative, it remains unclear whether the resolution perceives the threat to international peace and security as stemming primarily from the deliberate destruction of cultural heritage, or from terrorist activity financed through the plundering of such property. This ambiguity highlights the internal division between the two UN actors: the first reading echoes the heritage governance rhetoric characteristic of UNESCO, while the latter frames counterterrorism as part of the global heritage protection agenda, thereby legitimising the Security Council’s involvement.

(2003). The politics of heritage in Tana Toraja, Indonesia: Interplaying the local and the global. Indonesia and the Malay World: Vol. 31, No. 89, pp. 91-107.

The UN Security Council and the UN Human Rights Council have increasingly addressed the destruction of cultural heritage in recent years, reflecting an expanded focus on cultural heritage protection across the UN system. This chapter examines the approaches of these two bodies to cultural heritage destruction and explores how their approaches have mutually reinforced each other but also reflected their different mandates: international peace and security and international human rights, respectively. This chapter starts with an analysis of some of the key Human Rights Council resolutions on the matter, as well as the work of its special procedures, in particular the Special Rapporteur in the Field of Cultural Rights. It then looks at the resolutions of the Security Council both to assess the manner in which the Security Council has introduced cultural heritage destruction to the peace and security agenda and also to identify whether the Security Council has additionally addressed such destruction as a human rights violation. The chapter concludes with discussion of whether a human rights approach to cultural heritage destruction should be adopted more widely.

The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) was set up in November 1945 as an autonomous UN organisation or specialised agency under Article 57 of the UN Charter. Human rights are at the heart of UNESCO’s mandate. Article I(1) of UNESCO’s Constitution states that the purpose of the Organisation is “…to contribute to peace and security by promoting collaboration among the nations through education, science and culture in order to further universal respect for justice, for the rule of law and for the human rights and fundamental freedoms which are affirmed for the peoples of the world, without distinction of race, sex, language or religion, by the Charter of the United Nations.” Following this mandate, Member States of UNESCO have adopted numerous legal instruments in the field of human rights, related to education, culture, science of communication. UNESCO has further developed many programmes and activities to advance and promote human rights in these fields. UNESCO also has a procedure to assess complaints about alleged human rights violations in its fields of competence. This chapter outlines the general structure and functioning of UNESCO, gives an overview of various instruments, strategy and activities of UNESCO in relation to human rights and discusses the communication procedure.

The multiple processes of globalization of the 1990s have drastically changed the context in which governance of education takes place, altering the relationship between sovereignty and territoriality in the education policy development, and transforming education policy spaces, content, and the governance processes, actors and structures. Over the past decades, scholars have tried to explore new frameworks through which to examine the current complex field of power relations in education, and specifically to understand better the role of intergovernmental organizations and the United Nations in it. In the context of the historical turn for international cooperation characterized by the efforts of achieving Sustainable Development Goals, this understanding could be instrumental for finding effective solutions to educational challenges, and for re-orienting educational policies in the light of sustainable development. Proposing innovative theoretical and methodological frameworks which required an interdisciplinary approach which draw from international relations theories, political economy, philosophy, pedagogy, sociology, and global education studies, applying the global governance theory to education, the research aims to investigate the complex landscape of the global governance of education, focusing on the role of intergovernmental organizations in it and, in particular, it examines the evolution of priorities of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in the agenda-setting process. By means of a mix methodology of content and discourse analyses, the main political and flagship publications of UNESCO are studied throughout a period that begins in 1990 and extends until 2017, since this timeframe encapsulates the timeline of particular international education agendas (Education for All and Sustainable Development Goals) and is marked by the rise of globalization and its effect on the governance of education. The research identifies the evolution of UNESCO?s role in the global governance of education connecting it with the endogenous and exogenous changes of the period selected; it explains how a specific mechanism of agenda-setting has gained relevance in UNESCO?s global governance role; and it illustrates the dialectic relationships between UNESCO?s priorities and those of the global education agendas that the Organization has helped shape. In so doing, this exercise could be useful as it not only provides a fresh outlook on the ways in which education governance can be analysed in contemporary interconnected world, but it also creates new perspectives for studying the role of intergovernmental organizations in global education policy. The findings of this research are a fresh contribution to the field that could be also utilized by governance actors such as UNESCO in order to reflect on, review and problematise their positioning within global governance.

Abstract. This article examines the dynamics of Ukraine’s membership in the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) over the past seven decades, with special attention paid to the country’s diplomatic efforts in the face of a full-scale invasion. Highlighting Ukraine’s strategic interaction with UNESCO, the article focuses on the role of soft power in the formation of international relations. Through a comprehensive analysis of Ukraine’s historical path within UNESCO, from acquiring membership in 1954 to contemporary challenges such as russian aggression, the article highlights Ukraine’s unwavering commitment to promoting UNESCO’s principles of protecting peace, justice, and the development of education and culture. Beginning with Ukraine’s initial struggles against external influences, particularly within the context of the Soviet Union, the article traces the nation’s evolution within UNESCO, emphasising its commitment to asserting national identity, preserving cultural heritage, and advancing global peace. It elucidates Ukraine’s strategic utilisation of UNESCO as a platform for promoting soft power mechanisms, multilateral cooperation, and coalition-building to address pressing global issues, including the ongoing conflict with the Russian Federation. Against the backdrop of geopolitical challenges, Ukraine’s diplomatic efforts within UNESCO are becoming an important mechanism for protecting sovereignty and strengthening the state’s voice in international affairs. The work highlights Ukraine’s diplomatic achievements within the framework of UNESCO’s operations, the country’s proactive approach to securing key positions in various committees and programs, as well as the implementation of consolidated efforts to ensure peace. Furthermore, the article underscores UNESCO’s key role in promoting Ukraine’s foreign policy goals and in addressing urgent global challenges. Adhering to the principles of multilateral cooperation, Ukraine reaffirms its commitment to promoting peace, justice, and sustainable development. Keywords: Ukraine, UNESCO, soft power, multilateral diplomacy, cultural heritage.

Introduction There are currently 295 cities designated as members of the UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) Creative Cities Network, an initiative launched in 2004 (Hanoi Department of Culture and Sports). These cities are expected to “work together towards a common objective: placing creativity and cultural industries at the heart of their development plans at the local level and cooperating actively at the international level” (UNESCO “Creative”). More specifically, one of the aims of the Creative Cities Network is to “develop hubs of creativity and innovation and broaden opportunities for creators and professionals in the cultural sector” (UNESCO Creative Cities Network). This UNESCO initiative emerged soon after Richard Florida’s influential “creative city thesis”. Florida’s thesis encourages the implementation of socio-economic development policies and physical design plans—by entire cities or specific urban areas—that attract and draw from the creative and art sectors, and especially the ‘creative class’. Focusing on the North American and European contexts, Florida credits the creative sector, rather than industry, for generating the economic growth that transformed post-industrial cities. Seeking to replicate this same growth in non-Western contexts, international consultancy firms and organizations—including UNESCO—have advised governments and municipalities around the world to follow this approach to foster creative activities. Despite a number of academic critiques of Florida’s ideas (e.g. Borén and Young; Gibson and Klocker; Peck; Scott), the creative city thesis is now “going global”, and influencing many policy-makers and politicians in Asia (Landry 100). This is not to say, however, that exciting movements were not already underway in such locales, driven by local enthusiasts. Yet the degree to which governments are taking these ideas on board has certainly shifted (see Ren for an excellent discussion of such synergies in Beijing and Berlin). Over the last two decades, large cities across the region have witnessed the rapid emergence of so-called creative hubs and districts (Hee et al.; Huabcharoen and Ellsmore; Kong). To date, studies on such spaces in Asia have largely analysed their role within the circulation and adoption of creative city policies by national or local governments (e.g., Kong; Lin and Chiu; Yeoh). This scholarship has pointed to the ways by which the development of urban creative spaces is advanced as a strategy to brand cities, increase their cultural production, and encourage economic development (e.g., O’Connor and Gu; Ooi and Lai; Yeoh). At the same time, the implementation of such policies is also linked to negative externalities and tensions regarding gentrification, censorship, commodification, and social exclusion (e.g., Currier; Hee et al.; Lin and Chiu; Luger). Within this context, Vietnam’s capital city Hanoi has witnessed the establishment of a number of small-scale sites devoted to creative activities since the mid- to late 1980s (fig. 1). Locally known as ‘creative spaces’ (không gian sáng tạo), these locales share a number of key characteristics with creative hubs researched elsewhere (see Gill et al.; Virani). Notably, Hanoi’s creative spaces are assembly points for a range of creative activities and people. Also, as is common elsewhere, they operate as local nodes in their respective creative communities, while supporting their affiliates and participants through mutual social support, and knowledge and information exchange (Pratt; Virani). To date, however, there has been relatively little academic research into Hanoi’s creative hubs (or those elsewhere in Vietnam), their motives for becoming established, and the emerging relationship between these hubs and the Vietnamese government’s newly adopted creative city policy for the capital (but see commissioned reports by Truong the Mapping of; Truong Mapping Creative Hubs, and Gasparin and Quinn on creative organisations in Vietnam). Our aim in this brief feature article is thus two-fold. First, we investigate the growth of independent creative hubs in Hanoi, focussing on their founders’ motivations for establishing the hubs, and how the hubs are meeting local creative demands. Second, we consider the possible tensions and conflicts emerging between the visions of these creative hub operators and users, compared to those of the Vietnamese state, with regard to what the city’s creative hubs should represent. We suggest that the state is now strongly influenced by Hanoi’s membership within UNESCO’s Creative City Network since 2019. To inform our analysis, between 2019 and 2021 we conducted an in-depth investigation of 10 creative hubs in Hanoi, focussing on their missions, activities, founders, and users. By drawing on two preliminary reports on the city’s hubs prepared for the British Council (Truong The Mapping of; Truong Mapping Creative Hubs), we selected our case studies to include different artistic orientations, length of time operating, and physical size. We included eight small, unifunctional spaces, and two large, multifunctional complexes, all of which began operations between 2009 and 2017. The hubs all engage in—or previously engaged in—non-mainstream cultural practices, including contemporary and experimental art. Given some of the hubs’ politically sensitive practices and discourses, we do not name them here. In the summer of 2019, while employed as a university research assistant, the third author, Celia Zuberec, completed semi-structured interviews with hub founders and operators (n=21), tenants (n=21), and users (n=36). These interview schedules were designed by the first and second authors, Sarah Turner and Danielle Labbé. We also interviewed three representatives from Vietnam’s central state ministries and two representatives from international organisations involved in Hanoi’s arts community. Additionally, Labbé and Nguyen N. Binh attended a number of meetings between creative hubs and representatives from the Vietnamese government and international organisations, including Nguyen being an observer at a high-level meeting with the National Assembly’s Committee on Culture, Education, Youths, Teenagers and Children (Ủy ban Văn hóa, Giáo dục, Thanh niên, Thiếu niên và Nhi đồng) in 2019. The objective of this meeting was to discuss the organisation and development visions of ‘creative industries’ in the city. Fig. 1: A small-scale creative hub in Hanoi. (Photo credit: Zuberec.) Note: the use of images from specific creative hubs does not mean that we completed interviews at these sites. To maintain confidentiality we visited a broader range to take photographs and complete observations. Emergence of Creative Hubs in Hanoi Since the mid-1950s, an affiliation with the Vietnamese state was a non-negotiable requirement for the establishment of any form of organisation in the country. Citizen-led groups or associations with no connection to the state were effectively banned unless given explicit authorisation to operate. Cultural activities were restricted to state-managed associations and venues, with the government being the only provider of cultural training institutions, and sponsor of art works. By maintaining tight control over cultural production, the government worked to limit the circulation of ‘subversive’ content and ideas, and uphold and legitimate its authority (Healey). With the onset of Đổi Mới (‘economic renovation’) in the mid-1980s, and following a rare moment of self-scrutiny when the government acknowledged its grip on the cultural sector had been “undemocratic, authoritarian and overbearing”, this situation began to change (ibid. 121). The government’s acknowledgement came with promises of new creative freedoms and signalled a relative scaling back of its control over society (Kerkvliet “Introduction”; Wells-Dang). Thereafter, new possibilities opened up for Vietnamese citizens to form autonomous groups, paving the way for the emergence of creative hubs in urban locales such as Hanoi. As this policy shift came into play, artists began to carve out their own scene in Hanoi. Supported by curators, collectors, and gallery operators, individuals started engaging more freely with artistic practices, media, and ideas, leading to the growth and diversification of the Vietnamese arts scene. Concurrently, other exhibitions and performances were held clandestinely in home-studios in order to operate away from the state’s gaze and its remaining censorship policies (Taylor). Driven by the impetus to “break from the establishment”, such private studios lay the groundwork for the city’s first accessible, non-government affiliated independent art spaces (Taylor and Corey 110). International cultural centres and foreign embassies also played a key role in the establishment of the city’s first creative hubs, by drawing on their social, political, and financial capital to support such endeavours (Nualart; Taylor). From the 2010s onwards, such spaces began to multiply rapidly, with a four-fold increase in the number of creative hubs operating in Hanoi between 2014 and 2018, a rise from 22 to 81 (Truong The Mapping of; Truong Mapping Creative Hubs). While the first creative hubs were mostly fine arts-oriented, they have since become more diverse, showcasing various contemporary, experimental and, to a lesser degree, traditional art forms. Broadly, these spaces can now be grouped into two distinct organisational structures, differentiated by their size and diversity of activity. The first model typically operates from a large multi-story, multi-room building, and brings together a diverse mix of artistic and commercial activities. Tenants rent or own spaces in such complexes, transforming them to fit their needs as studios, galleries, performance spaces, cafes, bars, and shops. This model—which aligns closely with the literature’s accepted definition of

The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) presents itself as a global laboratory of ideas. In 2022, China became the largest financial contributor to UNESCO at a time when the United States had been absent from the organisation for 4 years. Against this backdrop, a focus on whether or not China has become a more powerful actor within UNESCO is timely and capable of adding a new dimension to the existing body of literature on China's participation in global governance. This paper draws on UNESCO reports and data, as well as interviews with UNESCO officials and Chinese diplomats. Building on Barnett and Duvall's power typology, the article concludes that China's power within UNESCO has increased, yet unevenly. China is regarded as a moderate contributor rather than a challenger to existing power constellations in terms of compulsory power, structural power and productive power. However, China has shaped new industry norms and rules in the professional domain of UNESCO, reflecting institutional power shifts. Moreover, China's mechanisms of indirect influence within UNESCO have shifted towards a strategy referred to as ‘homeland diplomacy’, expanding the range of stakeholders to include experts, private sector entities and universities.

Abstract
 Every human being has the rights to be protected from discrimination by any party, especially the act of gross human rights violations. In order to prevent this, the Security Council has a function to secure international peace and security from threats to international peace. One of the case that is becoming an international concern is the human rights violations on Rohingya by Myanmar Military. In its implementation, the UN Security Council can intervene a country known to violate human rights of its people, however the Security Council's intervention caused a controversy that questioned the validity of the intervention by Security Council. Thus, the purpose of this research is to find out whether the situation in Myanmar is valid for the UN Security Council to carry out humanitarian interventions. Accordingly, this research also analyzes legal measures by the UN Security Council in dealing with human rights violations in Myanmar.
 Keyword: Human Rights, Humanitarian Intervention, Rohingya, UN Security Council

The use of force� /no matter how benevolent, enlightened, or impartial in intent� /has dramatic consequences. It shapes the struggle for power and helps to determine the outcome of political contests, which is why it is inherently controversial. It is why international debates about Libya� /the first road test of the Responsibility to Protect’s (R2P) coercive element (also known as Pillar Three)� /were understandably contentious. Pillar Three is defined as ‘‘the responsibility of Member States to respond collectively in a timely and decisive manner when a State is manifestly failing to provide ... / protection.’’ 1 While peaceful means of response are primarily preferred, should that prove inadequate to ensure protection, the international community should use more robust action: ‘‘no strategy for fulfilling the responsibility to protect would be complete without the possibility of collective enforcement measures, including through sanctions or coercive military action in extreme cases.’’ 2

Introduction: Effectiveness of Multilateralism in the Field of Collective Security, Joachim Krause and Natalino Ronzitti Part I: Theoretical Approaches to and Historical Developments of Global Governance in the Field of Collective Security 1. Global Governance in the Field of Collective Security - How to Make Multilateralism more Effective, Joachim Krause 2. Effectiveness and Ineffectiveness of the UN Security Council in the Last 20 Years: a European Perspective, David Hannay 3. Effectiveness and Ineffectiveness of the UN Security Council in the Last 20 Years: a US Perspective, John van Oudenaren Part II: The UN Security Council 4. The reform of the UN Security Council, Natalino Ronzitti 5. The EU's Contribution to the Effectiveness of the UN Security Council between Presence and Impact, Nicoletta Pirozzi Part III: UN Peacekeeping 6. UN Peacekeeping Missions during the Past Two Decades - How Effective Have They Been?, Denis Tull 7. Options for Improving EU-UN Cooperation in the Field Of Peacekeeping, Alexandra Novosseloff Part IV: International Peacebuilding and State-building 8. International Peacebuilding and State-building Efforts: How Effective Have They Been?, Keith Crane 9. Building Peace in Post-Conflict Environments: Why and How the UN and the EU Interact, Thierry Tardy 10. Constructing a Framework of Effective Multilateralism: Conclusions for the Field of Collective Security, Inna Melnykovska and Nicoletta Pirozzi Appendices Appendix 1. The UN Security Council Reform Process: Recent Developments, Elisabetta Martini Appendix 2. Joint Declaration on UN-EU Cooperation in Crisis Management Appendix 3. Joint Statement on UN-EU Cooperation in Crisis Management Appendix 4. Major Stages of the Institutionalization of the UN-EU Cooperation Appendix 5. Contributions of European States to UN Peacekeeping Operations Appendix 6. EU Autonomous Operation in Support of a UN Peace Operations Appendix 7. Operations Involving UN-EU Cooperation since 2003

The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage has not only introduced a conceptual and applicative expansion of the interdisciplinary subjects applied to cultural heritage, but it has also increasingly encouraged an integrated planning of sustainable development policies for territories and communities that convey and shape their relative cultural and anthropomorphic identity, along with the re-thinking of the collective dimension of heritage in terms of rights to creation and fruition as well as the related cultural management. This article presents a reflection on the opportunity to identify and develop the relationship between tangible and intangible heritage as resources that are essential to one another. To this purpose, two illustrative UNESCO application paths are examined. The first relates to the recognition of The Vineyard Landscape of Piedmont: Langhe-Roero and Monferrato as a Cultural Landscape of World Heritage, pursuant to the 1972 UNESCO Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage, while the second concerns the inscription of the intangible element The Celebration of Celestinian Forgiveness in the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity of the UNESCO 2003 Convention. Due to differences in paradigms and application criteria under the two UNESCO Conventions, which are also detectable in the Italian regulatory context, these case studies offer the opportunity to advance an interdisciplinary reflection aimed at rethinking safeguarding contexts, as well as enhancement and increasing accessibility of cultural heritage. As a result of the reflection, an analysis of the concept of living in relation to the anthropological definition of organic landscape, representation of collective identities (community-based heritage), inclusive places and sociability (public policy), communicative restitution (universal ethical values), participatory management (participative brand making), and integrated sustainability is derived.

Since the adoption of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) World Heritage Convention in 1972, the UNESCO compiled a list of 1,073 World Heritage Sites, based on cultural, natural and mixed properties, respectively. Designated sites of UNESCO are distinguished by their outstanding universal value for mankind. However, an increasing number of these sites are labeled as “In Danger”, with the possibility that those values will get lost. Currently, 54 UNESCO World Heritages Sites, especially in Africa and the Arab States, are considered endangered, often caused by armed conflicts, natural disasters, and urban sprawl. For the management and monitoring of these sites, Earth observation data offer considerable potentials. The Research Group for Earth Observation (rgeo) as part of the Department of Geography at Heidelberg University of Education developed “Space2Place” as contribution to the Copernicus Master Challenge in 2016. As winner of the category “University Challenge”, the e-learning course aims at empowering stakeholders of UNESCO sites to incorporate Earth observation data into their daily working routines. Backbone of Space2Place is an e-learning environment, established in the framework of the project “Space4Geography” and funded by the DLR from 2013 – 2017. The whole module is developed as a blended-learning approach. It provides key features such as optimized presentation of the learning units on different end user devices, introduction to various Earth observation applications, e.g. deforestation, forest fire mapping, drought mapping, monitoring of air pollution, integration of various optical satellite images, e.g. Sentinel 2, Landsat 8, MODIS, and RapidEye, interactive approach and integration of different media, and interim and final quizzes to check learning success. Similar to other developed learning modules by rgeo, Space2Place is adaptable and can be dynamically combined to personalized learning paths with real-time adaptation of content and complexity, depending on the student’s performance in test units. The introduction to Earth observation methods and tools is linked with an easy-to-use web-based remote sensing application, called “BLIF”. The connected application comprises a large set of useful satellite data processing functions, including image enhancement, analysis and digital image processing tools, which are explained by and linked to practical exercises. The improved understanding of inherent benefits of Earth observation technologies will enable participants of “Space2Place” to incorporate Earth observation data for customized monitoring of ongoing environmental, economic and social processes according to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and related indicators. Furthermore, participants will stimulate the communication about Earth observation methods, datasets, and tools as well as actively promote Earth observation in a wider context as valuable contribution to preserve our cultural and natural heritage.