Cultura Viva: The Transnational Circulation of a Sociocultural Program from Brasilia to Buenos Aires

Proponents of traditional nation-centered history are right when they remind us that we need the dimensions of space and time to produce a meaningful account of past events. They are, of course, wrong in assuming that only the national space or the urban or rural space within a national space could be the appropriate space for meaningful history. Transnational historians need to construct their transnational space in as much as national historians have constructed their national spaces. But while transnational historians seem to be much more willing to acknowledge that their transnational space is a construction of historical actors and scholarly observers alike, too many national historians still cling to the illusion that their national space is somehow naturally given.1

Transnational space keeps the Philippine economy afloat. The top three exports-electronics, garments, and remittances from overseas contract workers-have consistently been reliable sources of foreign exchange, which sustain the economy especially in times of crisis. The Filipina and her body prefigure this space, moving from work in the home to homework outside the home. Filipinas have been integrated into the circuits of transnationalism in various ways: as sweatshop factory workers in multinational corporations within the national space, and as entertainers, domestic helpers, nurses, and mail-order brides in international spaces. These spatial locations, after all, are artifacts of power relations. The analysis of these various locations remaps the discursive circuits in the oblique enforcement of power that places bodies and nations in a transnational juncture. This article examines the geopolitics of Filipina bodies inscribed in transnational space, specifically focusing on the problematics of the mail-order bride phenomenon as a social and political practice. Advertised mostly for middle-class, elderly white men, mail-order brides embody the hyperreal shopping for the First World male and the hyperreal commodification of women and the Third World. In the past ten years, 50,000 Filipinas came into the United States as mail-order brides. Each year, some 19,000 Filipinas leave the Philippines to unite with husbands and fiances of other nationalities, the majority of whom are in the United States. This article provides a cognitive map of the discourse of mail-order brides, analyzing the marketing mode (catalogs in particular) at the cultural level (race, sexuality, etc.) as well as at the sociopolitical level (economics, development, geopolitics, im/migration). The discourse of mail-order brides in transnational space posits women and femininity as sites of critique and complicity. At the same time, however, the discourse allows for recuperating modes of activity that are a conduit for and circumvention of the mail-order bride businesses and their male

Taking into consideration several seemingly contradictory characteristics of Yugoslav geography, this article examines the employment of transnational spaces by the competing nationalist geographical narratives in interwar Yugoslavia. Though preoccupied with Yugoslavia and its political crises, at the beginning and the end of the interwar period Yugoslav geographers were concerned with international political developments, especially in East Central Europe. There were tensions between a geographical region and a national space as a preferred framework of research as well as between the belief that the political, economic and cultural development of Yugoslavia was unique and that it was comparable to development of other parts of East Central Europe. The determinist understanding of the nation as shaped by the physical landscape emphasized not only the ability, but also the necessity, of nationalist geographies to function on multiple spatial levels. Yugoslav geographers used the conceptual apparatus developed by French and German geographical traditions to establish a comparative framework in which they elaborated on various geographical characteristics of Yugoslavia, especially those politically significant, by referring to other European countries because it seemed difficult to describe the new country in terms of itself. German Geopolitik became particularly influential and, although taking different stands on it, several Yugoslav geographers pointed to geopolitical similarities with Czechoslovakia and Poland to draw conclusions regarding Yugoslavia. But geographical comparison had ambiguous implications, as it was used both to fortify and challenge the interwar Yugoslav state.

This book grew out of many years of conversations between the coedi-tors, two Nigerian immigrant scholars, who stayed in the United States to pursue academic careers after their graduate studies in the United States and the United Kingdom. Incubated in the context of globalism, our dialogue crisscrossed layered spheres that intersect national and transnational spaces. These conversations always returrn to how we as African scholars—navigate our way around the culture of Western academia where we have earned our living in the past two decades. As first generation African scholars in Western universities, our ambivalence toward the U.S. academic world hardly can be surprising. What is noteworthy for discussion is how we navigated pathways that crisscrossed temporal national and transnational spaces. With the benefit of hindsight, we now see how our conversations have been interlocking discourses that revolved around the Western academe (especially where we work), conditions in African universities where we expect to work—and were expected to work, and everyday lived experiences that underscore the relations between homeland and Diaspora. Spanning two decades, these private conversations, in varying degrees, reflected the experience of many African immigrant scholars. They even complemented the professional priorities of a new generation of our American-Africanist colleagues, who, through their research and teaching, seamlessly traverse African transnational and Diasporic experiences as intellectual spaces.

In this work I try to establish, by analyzing texts about basketball player Vlade Divac, in what way sport press is representing famous individual sport personalities, as well as strategies with which media is representing but also socially constructs specific identification practices, primarily those connected with the concept of national identity. In doing that, I am starting from the fact that professional sportsmen represent typical example of "transnational citizens and global businessmen who simultaneously inhabit both national and transnational space", but at the same time, consciously and seemingly paradoxically can serve as "national cultural icons in the function of forming and reaffirming national identities". Analyzed details from media presentations of Vlade Divca point out that the smallest common denominator that brought to the basketball player such status is the "proven patriotism". The picture being formed about him represents a series of preferred national characteristics, a quintessence of "Serbian people", thanks to which or even in spite of that, he succeeds to overcome, in the perception here, not too positively co notated America. Also, I am trying to point out how media story about well known basketball player has a structure of transitional fairy tale in which Divac is playing the role of "hero" of the still unfinished transition in Serbia.

To most historians, the spatial dimension of the nation appears to be the seemingly natural skin to the body of history. Since the modern craft of history served as midwife at the birth of the modern nation-state and provided modern nation-states with national narratives that allowed each state to claim particular national spaces, historians have continued to tell history in its national variants.1 History has been, foremost, national history. Even younger forms of history with a focus on smaller units and dimensions, and which include a wide theoretical and methodological range from cultural history and everyday life history to regional and urban history, accepted in the end the nation as their framework. Students of history early on in their careers are still forced by tradition and the structures of history departments to choose national fields of study, they continue on to teach courses in a national specialization, they publish books for series in national fields, and they enjoy mingling with historians of their national specialization at exclusive annual meetings of national history associations such as the German Studies Association or the Organization of American Historians.

In recent years, U.S. military and civilian agencies have been rethinking security in the context of globalized production and trade. No longer lodged in a conflict between territorial borders and global flows, national security is increasingly a project of securing supranational systems. The maritime border has been a critical site for experimentation, and a spate of new policy is blurring “inside” and “outside” national space, reconfiguring border security, and reorganizing citizenship and labor rights. These programs seek to govern integrated economic space while they resurrect borders and sanction new forms of containment. Forces that disrupt commodity flows are cast as security threats with labor actions a key target of policy. Direct connections result between market rule created to secure logistic space and the broader project of neoliberalism. Even as neoliberalism is credited with expanding capitalist markets and market logics, it is logistics that have put the cold calculation of cost at the center of the production of space. Since World War II, logistics experts have conceptualized economy anew by spatializing cost–benefit analysis and applying systems analysis to distribution networks. The “revolution in logistics” has changed how space is conceived and represented, and transformed the practical management of supply chains. Historically a military technology of war and colonialism abroad, today logistics lead rather than support the strategies of firms and the security of nations across transnational space. These shifts have implications for the geopolitics of borders and security but also for social and political forms premised on the territory and ontology of national space.

The Encyclopedia of Caribbean Religions is the definitive reference for Caribbean religious phenomena from a Caribbean perspective. Generously illustrated, this landmark project combines the breadth of a comparative approach to religion with the depth of understanding of Caribbean spirituality as an ever-changing and varied historical phenomenon. Organized alphabetically, entries examine how Caribbean religious experiences have been shaped by and have responded to the processes of colonialism and the challenges of the postcolonial world. Systematically organized by theme and area, the encyclopedia considers religious traditions such as Vodou, Rastafari, Sunni Islam, Sanatan Dharma, Judaism, and the Roman Catholic and Seventh-day Adventist churches. Detailed subentries present topics such as religious rituals, beliefs, practices, specific historical developments, geographical differences, and gender roles within major traditions. Also included are entries that address the religious dimensions of geographical territories that make up the Caribbean. Representing the culmination of more than a decade of work by the associates of the Caribbean Religions Project, The Encyclopedia of Caribbean Religions will foster a greater understanding of the role of religion in Caribbean life and society, in the Caribbean diaspora, and in wider national and transnational spaces.

Citizenship regimes are highly variegated in both migrant-sending and migrant-receiving countries. This special issue examines the diversified citizenship pathways that migrants undertake to manage uncertainties and global disparities or opportunities in various national contexts and at different life stages. We define citizenship pathways as the routes and processes that shape how migrants pursue personal and family goals to achieve citizenship recognition and redistribution. As migrants respond to changes in citizenship regimes or personal circumstances, their citizenship pathways evolve across national and transnational spaces, as well as over time. The special issue introduction sets out our conceptualization of citizenship pathways and provides an overview of how the papers in this collection engage with it. We foreground four themes: the geopolitical contexts of citizenship pathways; the strategies which migrants use to advance citizenship pathways; the temporal dimensions of citizenship pathways; and the new digital routes in citizenship pathways.

What is the significance of the visual representation of revolution? How is history articulated through public images? How can these images communicate new histories of struggle? Imprints of Revolution highlights how revolutions and revolutionary moments are historically constructed and locally contextualized through the visual. It explores a range of spatial and temporal formations to illustrate how movements are articulated, reconstituted, and communicated. The collective work illustrates how the visual serves as both a mobilizing and demobilizing force in the wake of globalization. Radical performances, cultural artefacts, architectural and fashion design as well as social and print media are examples of the visual mediums analysed as alternative archives that propose new understandings of revolution. The volume illustrates how revolution remains significant in visually communicating and articulating social change with the ability to transform our contemporary understanding of local, national, and transnational spaces and processes.

Every morning at 8:00 a.m. (with flag-raising) and every evening at 6:00 P.M. (with flag lowering) the official symbolic identity of Thailand is displayed by state on television. These displays are a graphic daily reminder of how nationalism, the military, and the media are tightly bound together in Thailand. Though it seems like a timeless tradition of respect for essential national symbols, this televized ritual is the result of a revolutionary order issued by the right-wing dictators who took power with the brutal October 6, 1976, massacre and military coup.1 These media productions are part of a Cold War mentality, shared by many countries in the free world, that depends on a deeply militarized understanding of identity and security. A gendered discourse on the militarization of national identity has a long history in Thailand. Cynthia Enloe writes that [m]ilitarization relies on distinct notions about masculinity, the state expending considerable resources to convince boys that military service is a natural part of becoming a man.2 This public expenditure to guarantee the congruence of manhood, militarization, and nationalism is most obviously seen in recruiting advertisements, but also works itself out in how the military and police are portrayed on the silver screen and television.3 The overlap between sport and war, too, is considerable in Thailand and the presidencies of amateur sporting associations are seemingly ex officio awarded to leading military officers.4 Yet, as Enloe also argues, such militarized masculine national discourses have staying power only if they are legitimized by women as

The national, international, and transnational spaces ever apparent in Richard Wright’s search for a space to be a black man in the twentieth century are touchstones for the consideration of the intersection between race and place manifested in the power struggle that he undertook to create a mature, masculine subjectivity in times both of decreasing economic and class resources and of challenging social and regional locations that functioned to diminish the possibilities for individual self-awareness, racial actualization, and social agency. The physical and psychological space associated with the South/North axis and with the liberatory northern migration is typically figured as central to Wright’s becoming a writer and his development as a writer; however, one aspect of his early years in Chicago and New York has received noticeably less attention. Wright’s own drive to find a space not simply for an expressive black masculinity but for becoming a modern writer finds a counter-drive in the formation of the Federal Writers’ Project (FWP) of the Works Progress Administration (WPA) to foster and employ writers during the Great Depression. The Writers’ Project became a way for Wright and other black writers to imagine their own lives as professionals, as practitioners of a vocation, despite their dislocation from the South and concomitant dispersal throughout the national landscape and the foreign places more hospitable to racialized subjects.KeywordsNegro StudyBlack MetropolisRacial ActualizationNegro LifeYork Public LibraryThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Business-related human rights abuses remain rampant in Kenya, and it is important to ensure that those affected have access to judicial remedies. This is an integral part of corporate respect for human rights. This chapter examines Principle 25 of the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights with particular reference to the States duty to protect against business-related human rights abuse that occurs within their jurisdiction. Through a transnational lens, this chapter analyzes the concept of access to judicial remedies by victims of corporate related human rights abuse within the Kenyan context. It analyzes the concept ergo the meaning of business and human rights as businesses operates in a transnational space. The first part will analyze the transnational space within which corporations operate as businesses no longer operate in purely national or international spaces. This chapter will further examine the role of corporations in respecting human rights and international standards and where there is breach, the need for ensuring access to relevant remedies. Case law is utilized to illustrate the gap between theory and practice - while Kenya has passed human rights laws, they are not effectively applied against business enterprises. The chapter concludes by reflecting on the lacuna which exists because the judiciary in Kenya has not clearly recognized the need for corporate respect for human rights and the need to transform the business landscape in Kenya to foster greater accountability.

De Moor’s biography illustrates how people and ideas travelled between and within national and transnational spaces. He played a role in the circulation of legal knowledge in the transnational epistemic community, more precisely between the Cambridge Commission and the London International Assembly. In thinking about the future of the international order and the place of nation states within it, De Moor came to embrace the idea that state sovereignty and the rule of law had to be recalibrated and that, as a logical conclusion, war crimes could be prosecuted internationally. In London, he became an advocate for a universal organization backed by an international court and an international armed force. He envisioned an international rule of law as the underlying system governing the international order.

Historically migrants have been constructed as units of labour and their social reproductive needs have received scant attention in policy and in academic literature. The growth in ‘feminist‐inflected’ migration research in recent decades, has provoked a body of work on transnational care‐giving that poses a challenge to such a construction, at least as it relates to female migrants in general and mothers in particular. Researchers, however, have demonstrated less interest in how migrant men give meaning to and perform their fathering roles. Such neglect is increasingly problematic in the context of rising social, political and academic interest in the significance of fathering in European (and other) societies. With the purpose of making a preliminary contribution to knowledge on migrant men's fathering narratives, practices and projects, this article draws on findings from interviews conducted with recent migrants from Poland to the UK. By focusing on migrant fatherhood, we add to the understanding of transnational care‐giving by illuminating the many parallels between migrant mothering and fathering. Our findings are consistent with much of the literature on transnational mothering, highlighting tensions between breadwinning and parenting and the various strategies fathers deploy to reconcile these tensions. Nevertheless, we find that migrant men's fathering narratives, practices, and projects, while challenging the construction of male migrants as independent and non‐relational, remain embedded within the dominant framework of the gendered division of labour. More uniquely, the article also demonstrates the importance of situated transnational analyses, in this case the institutional arrangements between the UK and European Union new Member States, which gave the Polish migrants privileged labour market access and social rights within the UK's highly differentiated migration regime. This access allowed mobility, settlement and or family reunion according to the migrant's specific circumstances and preferences with respect to the labour market and parenting.