Cultivating Cultural Memory: A Case Study of the Revitalization of Al Jazeera Al Hamra Heritage Village

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The hydrocarbon-rich Gulf states are well-known for their pursuit of modernization following the discovery of oil reserves in the twentieth century, often at the expense of cultural heritage sites. However, over the past two decades, the Gulf states have become more interested in developing cultural legacies pertaining to their heritage, which is a process necessitating the activation of local people’s cultural memory. While restoration and conservation of cultural heritage sites is important for their protection, the performance of heritage is equally significant for the construction and maintenance of cultural memory, especially for abandoned heritage sites. The performance of heritage means a heritage site has a current real use that is sensitively introduced, carefully managed, and pays homage to the heritage rather than a tokenistic resemblance. This chapter uses the case study of the abandoned historical pearling town Al Jazeera Al Hamra Heritage Village in Ras Al Khaimah, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), to investigate the influence of the revitalization of the Village on the construction and maintenance of cultural memory in Ras Al Khaimah and the wider UAE. Using interviews, document analysis, and observation, we argue that governmental action, in the form of allowing greater accessibility to the Village, coupled with citizens’ engagement with their heritage, has enabled Al Jazeera Al Hamra to feature more prominently in Emirati cultural memory. Accordingly, the case study is presented as an example of how citizen–government collaboration in the adaptive reuse of cultural heritage can increase local buy-in into national, cultural identity narratives. This chapter seeks to contribute to the academic literature on cultural heritage protection in the Gulf region and wider Middle East and North Africa, including the adaptive reuse of historical sites.

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Baskan’s longer historical lens, however, gives a sense of the extent to which Ottoman and British legacies affected state-religion relations in the Gulf, since religious figures held political capital in Saudi Arabia long before the advent of the modern Saudi state.The second substantive chapter (chapter 3) covers the period 1950–70 and shows how the regional political context in which Arab nationalism was ascendant as the oppositional political ideology and the choice of all five of the states covered to welcome members of the Muslim Brotherhood who escaped repression elsewhere in the region―namely from Egypt under Gamal Abdel Nasser. Indeed, it was during this period that all five of the states under study in the volume were aligned in their policies toward the Muslim Brotherhood, welcoming many of its members from abroad to staff nascent educational and judicial sectors.Chapter 4 examines the period between 1980 and the late 2000s, tracing how domestic reforms in education and justice, sectors in which members of the Muslim Brotherhood had once been active, changed how these four states interacted with Islamists, particularly as Islamists accrued power in both sectors. In this discussion, however, Baskan appears to conflate modernity with secularism. The Gulf states, not to mention the United States, prove that religiosity can be interwoven into modern, purportedly secular, institutions. In his words, “all the Gulf states issued man-made laws to regulate increasingly complex modern life. This does not suggest, however, that they intentionally pursued state secularization. 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Further, because much of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) is made by humans rather than coming directly from God, it is perhaps uniquely open to reform.The fifth chapter focuses on geopolitics during the same period (1980s to the late 2000s), particularly the fall of Gamal Abdel Nasser, the Iranian Revolution in 1979, Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990, and the 9/11 attacks. In so doing, Baskan discusses ways in which regional events fundamentally shaped how Gulf regimes viewed Islamists, including the Muslim Brotherhood. Increasingly, Islamists came to be seen as part of a viable political opposition (except in Bahrain and Qatar) in the aftermath of the fall of Arab nationalism. It was during this period that the Gulf states developed different attitudes toward the Brotherhood, ranging from suspicion in those states in which the Brotherhood became oppositional (Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, the UAE), and co-optation in states in which the Brotherhood was a potential partner (Bahrain and Qatar).The sixth chapter focuses on the Arab Spring, when state-Muslim Brotherhood relations shifted sharply in the five states under study, from a loyalist Muslim Brotherhood in Bahrain and Qatar, to a tolerated Brotherhood in Kuwait, to the Muslim Brotherhood’s being designated as a terrorist organization in Saudi Arabia and the UAE. He uses statements of specific Islamist figures to tell the story of how relations change, yet not all of the figures he uses are members of the Muslim Brotherhood. This approach also overlooks existing scholarship on Islamism in the Gulf as well as primary source material from the local organizations themselves. In Saudi Arabia, Baskan uses the figure of Salman al-ʿAwdah, in the UAE―Muhammad al-Siddiqi, in Kuwait―Tareq al-Suwaidan, and in Qatar―Shaykh Yusuf al-Qaradawi. In my view, it would have been more effective to analyze what Muslim Brotherhood movements did and the statements which they produced in the wake of the events of the Arab Spring. Also, the use of Egyptian-born Shaykh Qaradawi to give a sense of the position of Qatari Islamists points to a larger issue about the importance of indigenous religious scholarship in the Gulf.While Baskan makes an important point about a lack of indigenous religious scholars at independence in the Gulf states, I would argue that the field has changed significantly in intervening decades, with many Bahraini, Kuwaiti, and Qatari religious figures having emerged in their own right in the past decades. Throughout the volume, Baskan, in my view, underestimates the role of Gulf-based Islamists in the field of Islamism writ large. For instance, he states “The Arab Gulf region did not produce any Islamists who made a contribution to the development of Islamism” (47). This statement dismisses the substantial scholarship produced by Gulf-based Islamists ranging from the extreme (Osama bin Laden), to the quietist Salafi strand, which has found a home in Kuwait since the 1980s, to ideologues of the Sahwa movement in Saudi Arabia. Baskan further claims that a “home-grown” Muslim Brotherhood organization emerged only in Bahrain and Kuwait (88), denying the agency of local Islamists in other countries he studies. While the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamist movements in the Gulf were certainly influenced by outsiders initially, the Gulf has produced its own types of Islamists and strand of Islamist ideology.All in all, Baskan’s book provides a helpful reference and overview of state-Muslim Brotherhood relations in five Gulf states, a huge undertaking to be applauded. He claims that modern states inevitably face opposition from religious actors such as the Muslim Brotherhood, as they try to expand control over new state institutions (especially in education and the judiciary), which once were controlled by religious actors. Nonetheless, variation exists among the Gulf states, as the Brotherhood did not become oppositional in all five states―an important finding of the book. Still, Baskan leaves some important issues unaddressed. For instance, is authoritarianism rather than modernity to blame for the attempted state takeover of arms of the state once ceded to religious figures? And while Saudi Arabia maintains a cohesive native religious class, how much independent political capital does it still retain as the state seeks to take over more areas previously under their control? At what point does coherence no longer imply political capital?Further, Baskan recognizes throughout the book that the states under study have massive financial resources, which they used to help finance state modernization, to try to buy off political discontent during the Arab Spring, and to fund the Morsi and later the Sisi governments in Egypt after the Arab Spring. However, he does not explicitly engage the academic literature linked to rentierism, which I believe may have helped to show how state-Muslim Brotherhood relations in the Gulf are qualitatively different from those elsewhere in the region. He mentions these issues tangentially in a brief conclusion, but the book would benefit from a broader assessment and recognition of how the Muslim Brotherhood operates as an oppositional movement in rentier states of the Gulf. This kind of assessment could then be tied to a more general discussion of opposition in such states. The result, in my judgment, would have been a very useful contribution to Gulf studies.To be fair, Baskan never sets out to make a contribution Gulf studies specifically, seeking instead to question the oppositional nature of Islamist movements and the degree to which opposition might be predicted in certain contexts in the region. This he largely succeeds in doing.

  • 10.34013/jk.v2i1.11
Perencanaan Desain Teknis Situs Megalitikum Gunung Padang Sebagai Objek Wisata Di Kab.Cianjur
  • Dec 25, 2017
  • Marimin Tri Pranoto + 2 more

Megalithic site of Mount Padang is andent relics that have high value for Indonesia. The site is located 50 kilometers southwest Cianjur, West Java. The research objective was to determine the existence of the site, and planned as a tourism destination that may impact either directly or indirectly to the public. The method used is descriptive not only describe, but also perform the analysis and interpretation of data. The approach used in this study is qualitative. Cultural values that can be contained as various studies and are preferred for the sake of tourism. Conservation of cultural heritage sites as high an initiative of the stakeholders in maintaining, saving and utilizing high cultural value such as social capital and economic assets. The authors suggest that the megalithic site of Mount Padang is a megalithic sites that must be maintained existence. Therefore, the local government in collaboration with local communities are able to maintain and preserve the cultural heritage of the ancestors in order to still be able to enjoy the tourists in the future. In maintaining and rescue cultural heritage sites there should be continuous assessment of the methods and techniques of conservation of various artifacts that the values contained in it maintained its integrity. Methods and techniques that do besides using modern ways as well by utilizing indigenous knowledge usual local communities. In addition to improving the condition of conservation of the site will also be necessary rescue techniques assorted artifacts of the site, in the structuring, storage, and maintenance in order that the objects were well maintained

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