Căsătoriile mixte în Parohia Romano-Catolică din Făgăraș (1801–1850)

The state guarantees freedom of religion, as well as forming a marriage. Registration of marriages, especially mixed marriages, is regulated in Article 57 of Law no. 16 of 2019 concerning Marriage. This mixed marriage is also related to interfaith marriage which is also a right for Indonesian citizens. The Supreme Court in this case made SEMA No. 2/2023 dated 17 July 2023 concerning Appointments for Judges in Adjudicating Cases on Applications for Registration of Marriages Between People of Different Religions and Beliefs, at point No. 2 explains that "The court did not grant the request for registration of marriages between people of different religions and beliefs." If this SEMA is analyzed it is in conflict with Article 35 letter (a) of Law no. 23 of 2006 in conjunction with Article 50 of Minister of Home Affairs Regulation no. 108/2019. Therefore, the author analyzes the binding strength of SEMA No. 2/2023 dated 17 July 2023 regarding the failure to grant the request for registration of interfaith marriages. Meanwhile, Minister of Home Affairs Regulation no. 108/2019 states that interfaith marriages must be proven, which automatically results in an application being made to the court. This is also related to Article 35 letter (a) of Law no. 23 of 2006 concerning Population Administration which regulates marriages determined by courts for people of different religions. Therefore, the author analyzes the above problem with the problem, namely the binding force of SEMA No. 2/2023 regarding the judge's decision in the application for registration of interfaith marriages. The method used is normative juridical research, with an analysis of the theory of authority and legal certainty. The approaches used are the conceptual approach, statutory approach and case approach. The conclusion to be reached in this writing has future perspective value and is in accordance with its axiology, namely the aim of law is justice.

The article examines parish registers of the Kazan Catholic parish of pre-revolutionary period. Kazan was the centre of the Catholic Church for the whole territory of the Middle Volga region, the Urals and the Kama region. Therefore, the registers cover a large area and contain the social characteristics of many parishioners of the Catholic community, which included professors and students of Imperial University, officers and officials, tradesmen, as well as prisoners and exiles. The article discusses the history of the formation and dynamics of the number of parishioners. The books enable the author to characterize changes in the social image of the parishioners during World War I, due to an increase in the number of Catholics caused by an influx of prisoners and refugees. The article describes the characteristics of six parish registers preserved in the National Archives of the Republic of Tatarstan. Four books contain information on baptisms, and two — on inhumations. For registration of marriages files rather than registers are used. One of the most valuable registers in the fund is #709 (Kazan Roman Catholic Church). It contains records on the people baptized between 1849 and 1863. The rest of the registers are included in fund #4 (Orthodox and Mohammedan parishes). Much attention is paid to the analysis of the form of birth and death registers. In addition to parish registers, the author considers other documents drawn by the parish, among them the protocols of premarital examinations. Based on the analysis of birth and death records, the author provides the analysis of basic demographic processes, as well as points out the factors affecting the dynamics of fertility and mortality. The author notes that, given the small number of entries in the registers of births, only one quantitative analysis is not enough and the methods of qualitative analysis are needed, which in this case may be more effective.

English population statistics before 1800

The study of infant and childhood mortality has a long history in Britain. In England this has been encouraged, in part, by the availability of parish registers from the mid-sixteenth century and civil registration since 1837. In Scotland and Wales parish registers are both less numerous and less reliable, and in the former civil registration of births, marriages, and deaths did not commence until 1855. The application of partial family reconstitution techniques to Anglican parish registers has provided numerous case studies of local trends and variations in infant mortality rates. It has also been possible to estimate endogenous and exogenous mortality using biometric methods and to gain some approximation of childhood mortality rates (Jones, 1976; Flinn, 1977; Wrigley, 1977; Schofield and Wrigley, 1979; Wrigley and Schofield, 1983).

The evidence in English parish registers indicating the observance of the above Act is important in the analysis of demographic trends in the seventeenth century. Many registers are defective during the Civil War and Interregnum, and extant registers need careful scrutiny regarding the solemnization and registration of marriages between 1653 and 1660. It has been thought that the Act was generally disregarded. The evidence from some Berkshire and Oxfordshire parishes, bordering the Thames, clearly indicates that the requirements of the Act were observed. Control regarding marriage was more strict during this period than it was again until Hardwicke's Act of 1753.

The Catholic parish is arguably the most fundamental unit of territory in Ireland. Over 1,300 of these units cover the entire land surface of the island. Their history and development tells the story of the accretion of institutional power by the Roman Catholic Church. Over the course of the nineteenth century, the Catholic parish became a means of organisation for an institutional church struggling with prohibition only later to become a key unit of social and political activity. Parishes are a vitally important way in which local identity in Ireland is connected with place. However, despite widespread use, the cartographical boundaries of Catholic parishes are not widely known. The boundaries have not been widely used on maps. This paper outlines the results of a project that attempted the initial digitisation of Catholic parish boundaries to make them more available. 
 In the first part of the paper, we outline the historical and geographical significance of the Catholic parish in Ireland. It is argued that the Catholic parish is both a social and a cartographic representation. The parish materialises a sense of place for Catholics and non-Catholics alike. In the second part of the paper, we report on the work of a project to digitally represent the boundaries of the Catholic parish and diocesan boundaries. It involved six years of work across two universities and a number of other state and non-state actors. More than a technical task, the cartographical representation of digital parish boundaries uncovered a series of local contestations. These contestations point to what are conceptualised here as a tidal geography: an understanding of the meaning of place that recedes and advances. The paper concludes with some challenges to the process of digitisation and a brief discussion of tidal geographies.

The Catholic parish is arguably the most fundamental unit of territory in Ireland. Over 1,300 of these units cover the entire land surface of the island. Their history and development tells the story of the accretion of institutional power by the Roman Catholic Church. Over the course of the nineteenth century, the Catholic parish became a means of organisation for an institutional church struggling with prohibition only later to become a key unit of social and political activity. Parishes are a vitally important way in which local identity in Ireland is connected with place. However, despite widespread use, the cartographical boundaries of Catholic parishes are not widely known. The boundaries have not been widely used on maps. This paper outlines the results of a project that attempted the initial digitisation of Catholic parish boundaries to make them more available. In the first part of the paper, we outline the historical and geographical significance of the Catholic parish in Ireland. It is argued that the Catholic parish is both a social and a cartographic representation. The parish materialises a sense of place for Catholics and non-Catholics alike. In the second part of the paper, we report on the work of a project to digitally represent the boundaries of the Catholic parish and diocesan boundaries. It involved six years of work across two universities and a number of other state and nonstate actors. More than a technical task, the cartographical representation of digital parish boundaries uncovered a series of local contestations. These contestations point to what are conceptualised here as a tidal geography: an understanding of the meaning of place that recedes and advances. The paper concludes with some challenges to the process of digitisation and a brief discussion of tidal geographies.

Family and community historians have played a big part in advancing our understanding of the population history of England in the years prior to the inauguration of the civil registration of births, deaths and marriages in I837. This was, in part due to the main sources being parish registers and census-type listings that were usually locally deposited. For the period since I837, the study of population change, although not population structure as revealed by the census enumerators’ books, has largely shifted from the local community to the registration district and even higher levels of aggregation and has been dominated by scholars wielding sophisticated statistical techniques. The ‘discovery’ of the vaccination birth and infant death registers-virtually copies of the civil birth and death registers-opens the possibility of a new wave of activity for family and community historians for the period I87I-I948, especially in the study of infant mortality.

Predictions from Time Series Analysis of the Oscillations in Parish Register Series

The following discussion is focused around a consideration of what will be termed a ‘long population cycle’ from the late thirteenth century through to the late seventeenth century. In so far as this consideration is directed towards a society that may be unambiguously categorized as ‘preindustrial’ throughout this era, it is unavoidable that at various stages of the argument it will be necessary to engage with the classical Malthusian model of the relationship between living standards and population growth rates, although some assessment will be made of the role played by epidemic disease in determining both the width and depth of the cycle. In addition an attempt will be made to chart the principal changes to the economy and society relating to shifting numbers and geographical distribution of persons on the land during the extensive phases of demographic decline and recovery. Before engaging with theory and explanations of long-term trends some mundanely empirical steps will be taken so that the broad dimensions of the ‘cycle’ might be established. Empiricism is no straightforward endeavour in the absence of serial census records of any kind, let alone individual census counts for randomly distributed moments, over this extensive fourcentury period. It is at least fortunate that the final 150 years of the cycle yield evidence from parish registers, which in recent years have been exploited by historical demographers in ways that make it possible to establish annual population totals and vital rates from 1541. In attempting to establish population trends and totals before a system of parochial registration of baptisms, marriages, and burials was in place, historians succumb to what Sir Michael Postan (1966: 561) once termed the ‘lure of aggregates’ by engaging in decidedly problematic, although unavoidable, exercises. In this present discussion we are in danger of incurring Postan’s wrath since we employ one central and vital source that relates to demographic conditions in one year only, around which a key argument in this discussion revolves.

Our knowledge of the volume of slave traffic as well as the geographic origin and ethnicity of slaves introduced into peripheral areas of the Americas, such as the former Spanish colony of Puerto Rico, is limited. Information contained in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century parish baptismal, marriage, and death registers enables us to locate and identify Africans in a number of island communities, including San Juan. Drawing upon data culled from parish registers this study seeks to broaden our understanding of the slave trade to Puerto Rico in the years 1672 to 1810. Few slaves were brought in either from Africa or from elsewhere in the Americas to Puerto Rico, and the supply of these was erratic and limited. Although they were small in number, there was considerable diversity in the geographic origins and ethnicity of African arrivals, with individuals from West and West Central Africa predominating. For the most part, these shared a relatively homogenous culture and a greater similarity insofar as the language(s) they spoke. Such commonalities facilitated integration and promoted social cohesion among the newly arrived Africans as well as those already present in the host population. It also facilitated their integration into what was emerging as a unified Afro-Puerto Rican slave community.

BackgroundLittle is known about even the relatively recent demographic history of Africa, because of the lack of data. Elsewhere, historical demographic trends have been reconstructed by applying family reconstitution to church records. Such data also exist throughout Africa from the late 19th century. For the Counting Souls Project, nearly one million records from the oldest Catholic parishes in East and Central Africa have been digitised. These data are currently being processed into a relational database. The aim of this paper is to describe their potential for demographic reconstruction in the region, and to outline how their provenance defines the analytical approach.ResultsEmpirically, religion is correlated with population patterns in contemporary Africa, and, historically, reproduction and family formation were central to Christian mission in the region. Measuring change using sources created by agents of change raises questions of epistemology, causation, and selection bias. This paper describes how these concerns are balanced by missionary determination to follow the intimate lives of their parishioners, to monitor their ‘souls’, and to measure their morality, fidelity, and faith. This intimate recording means that the African parish registers, together with related sources such as missionary diaries and letters and oral histories, describe qualitatively and quantitatively what happens to individual agency (reproductive decision-making) when the moral hegemony shifts (via evangelisation and colonisation), and how the two interact in a reciprocal process of change.ConclusionReconstructing long-term demographic trends using parish registers in Africa is therefore more than simply generating rates and testing their reliability. It is a bigger description of how ‘decision rules’ are structured and re-structured, unpicking the cognitive seam between individual and culture by exploring dynamic micro-interactions between reproduction, honour, hope, and modernity over the long term. With such a mixed-methods approach, parish registers offer real potential for historical demography in Africa.

For couples of different religions, the relationship between Marriage and the formation of a family based on God Almighty is confusing. Because in Indonesia, marriage is only recognized as legal between people of the same faith. Meanwhile, intermarriage should not be registered to gain legitimacy. However, the regulation makes it possible to submit its decision to the court, determining whether mixed marriages are registered and considered valid as a legal institution for the formation of families. Since the purpose of Hindu marriage is not only oriented towards the world but also on the birth of a virtuous generation, who are expected to be filial to their parents and save their ancestors from sin, then a virtuous generation can only be born through the same marriage. religion is accompanied by sacred rituals. This study is descriptive-analytical, aiming to describe the newly occurring intermarriage, which will be evaluated for its existence and correlated with the Hindu perspective of marriage. Indonesia has never experienced a legal vacuum (Vacumrecht) governing intermarriage. During the Dutch East Indies period (before independence) until after independence on January 2, 1974, marriage regulations were regulated in the Indonesian Christian Marriage Regulations (Huwelijks Ordonantie Christen Indonesier S. 1933 No. 74) and the Mixed Marriage Regulations (Regeling op de gemengde Huwelijken S.1898 No.158).

The paper uses a range of sources — parish registers, family histories, bills of mortality, local censuses, marriage licences, apprenticeship indentures, and wills — to document the history of mortality of London in the period 1538–1850. The main conclusions of the research are as follows:1. Infant and child mortality more than doubled between the sixteenth and the middle of the eighteenth century in both wealthy and non-wealthy families.2. Mortality peaked in the middle of the eighteenth century at a very high level, with nearly two-thirds of all children — rich and poor — dying by their fifth birthday.3. Mortality under the age of two fell sharply after the middle of the eighteenth century, and older child mortality decreased mainly during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. By the second quarter of the nineteenth century about 30 per cent of all children had died within the first five years. This latter fall in mortality appears to have occurred equally amongst both the wealthy and the non-wealthy population.4. There was little or no change in paternal mortality from 1600 to 1750, after which date there was a steady reduction until the middle of the nineteenth century. The scale of the fall in adult mortality was probably less than the reduction in infant and child mortality. The latter more than halved between the middle of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, whereas paternal mortality fell by about a third in the same period.5. There appears to have been a minimal social class gradient in infant, child and adult mortality in London during the period 1550–1850. This is an unexpected finding, raising fundamental questions about the role of poverty and social class in shaping mortality in this period.6. Although migration played a leading role in fostering the population increase in London in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, relatively low infant and child mortality made a major contribution to population growth during this period.

Starting with the first decades succeeding the conquering of Timişoara by the Turks, the Fortress underwent, besides the reconstruction of the Fortress, the rehabilitation of the town as the region’s residence. Besides expert constructors, one could also notice artisans specialised in the carving in stone (certified as lapicida or sculptors). Some of them carried out the hard work of stone masons, others proved successful in the execution of art works, the decoration and adornment needed in the new edifices. The painters arrived after the organised colonizations or on their own account. Some of these artists were simple travellers through the Fortress, while some others settled down, as they had founded their own families here, and kept working for their new motherland. The most valuable ones also obtained the citizenship of the town. As most of these, given the tendency to re-Catholicize the Austrian proprietors, had come from Catholic areas, their ephemeral presence or their prolonged stay within the walls of the Fortress were often specified in the Registers of births, marriages and burials of the Roman Catholic Parish on this side. Thus, in the Registers of births, marriages or death we can find concise data regarding the presence, origin, age, family status and, more rarely, the social status of artists in the second half of the century, from the beginning of the „modern” artistic life in Timişoara. In order to support the already supplied biographic references, the Nomenclature of the town’s citizens provides precious additions. These documents can serve as starting points in the research of artistic life during this epoch, which is slightly known. However, there are only few cases when we can relate the name of an artist to several works of art. The revelation and connection of these works to these artists, who have become „acknowledged” on the basis of certificates in the already mentioned documents, are going to be the task of future researches.