Cozy Ecogames

Dystopian/Utopian Theatre in Britain after 2000 and Its Political Spaces, Zentrum für interdisziplinäre Forschung / Centre for Interdisciplinary Research (ZiF), University of Bielefeld, March 11–13, 2021

Global environmental challenges, including climate change, require a strong commitment to realising sustainable development, where education plays a key role in building awareness and skills to address these challenges, with Science Education for Sustainable Development (SESD) being an important approach in integrating sustainable concepts into the curriculum. The purpose of this research is to develop SESD-based Student Worksheets with a focus on the topic of "Climate Action" in science subjects in primary schools, to improve critical thinking skills and support sustainable development goals, particularly in handling climate change to support Sustainable Development Goals (SDG). This research uses the ADDIE model, involving needs analysis through interviews with teachers, design of SESD-based Student Worksheets 'Climate Action' by taking into account the characteristics of learners and the applicable curriculum, and development of Student Worksheets by involving expert validation. The evaluation results showed that the SESD-based Student Worksheets 'Climate Action' succeeded in improving students' critical thinking skills, with an average score of 80%, which was included in the good category, and the validation of Student Worksheets and materials by experts also showed the feasibility of the product to be used in learning. The conclusion of this study is that the development of SESD-based Student Worksheets 'Climate Action' is an important step in strengthening sustainable education and increasing learners' understanding and awareness of environmental issues, with suggestions to improve the effectiveness of SESD-based learning in the future. Keywords: Critical thinking, Worksheet, SESD

Purpose This article aims to examine a community initiative in Tamil Nadu, India, which uses heirloom seeds to promote climate resilience. The authors, involved in the initiative as action researchers, aim to illustrate how their experiences can be integrated into the curriculum and practice of “Adaptive Innovation”, a model rooted in action research and reflective practice. The article highlights the importance of participatory action research (PAR) in bridging the gap between theory and practice, challenging traditional hierarchies between universities and communities. The authors argue that PAR allows for a more inclusive and equitable approach to knowledge production and climate action, giving a voice to marginalised communities and fostering social and environmental regeneration. Design/methodology/approach This article explores a community-based initiative developed in Tamil Nadu, India that promotes climate resilience through the use of heirloom seeds. The initiative was developed in collaboration with graduate students and the faculty of the Centre for Livelihoods and Social Innovation at Tata Institute of Social Sciences in Mumbai, India in the Hooga Seed Keepers’ Collective (social enterprise run by alumni) as part of an international network of universities. The initiative uses PAR principles to revert traditional hierarchies between universities and communities, positioning community members as researchers and agents of transformation processes. The article further explores how the action research team encountered diverse knowledge systems and livelihood practices, highlighting essential learning instances across university-community divides, divides of power and privilege within communities, generational divides and the human and non-human worlds. Ultimately, the paper reflects on how these experiences are translated into the curriculum, pedagogy, research and practice of Adaptive Innovation, a model rooted in action research and reflective practice. Findings The findings of this article are that PAR can bridge the traditional divides between universities and marginalised communities, leading to more equitable and effective climate action. They found that using a posthumanist lens in their PAR methodology helped to reveal the interconnectedness of human and non-human actors, like heirloom seeds, in building climate resilience. They also argue that the sharing of knowledge between academics and community members through PAR can lead to the co-creation of practical climate adaptation strategies, such as seed saving and promoting traditional ecological knowledge. Research limitations/implications Their work suggests that embracing PAR can lead to more inclusive and equitable climate action. They have seen firsthand how this approach helps bridge the divide between universities and marginalised communities by positioning communities as active knowledge producers. By working directly with community members, they can ensure that climate action programmes are grounded in their lived experiences and expertise, leading to more relevant and sustainable interventions. Integrating PAR into higher education curricula is crucial for equipping students with the skills and experience to address complex social and environmental issues. Practical implications Their research with the Hooga Seed Keepers’ Collective reveals that embracing and promoting indigenous and local knowledge, such as seed saving and sharing, can lead to more resilient and sustainable agricultural practices in the face of climate change. Supporting and empowering marginalised communities, particularly women and landless labourers who are disproportionately affected by climate change, is crucial for equitable climate action. This can be achieved by promoting fair wages, ensuring access to resources like water and creating opportunities for them to participate in decision-making processes. By acknowledging and respecting the agency of both human and non-human actors, like heirloom seeds, they can foster a more balanced and reciprocal relationship with the natural world, contributing to a more sustainable future. Social implications They believe that tackling social inequalities, particularly those related to caste and gender, is crucial for achieving meaningful and lasting climate action. Their research has revealed that marginalised groups, such as women and landless labourers, are disproportionately affected by climate change due to existing power imbalances and discriminatory practices. Addressing these social injustices should be central to any climate action programme, ensuring that the voices and needs of the most vulnerable are heard and addressed. By working to dismantle these systemic barriers, they can create a more just and equitable society that is better equipped to face the challenges of a changing climate. Originality/value This article showcases how integrating a posthumanist perspective into PAR can challenge traditional hierarchies in knowledge production and create more equitable and effective climate action with marginalised communities. Drawing on their experiences with the Hooga Seed Keepers’ Collective in Tamil Nadu, India, they illustrate how PAR, combined with posthumanist methodologies, can reveal the interconnectedness of human and non-human actors, such as heirloom seeds, in building climate resilience. By examining this collaborative project, the article provides one of the way forward for universities to bridge the theory-practice divide, emphasising the importance of indigenous and local knowledge in addressing the complex challenges of climate change.

Behavioral science approaches to promoting sustainable action have mainly focused on cognitive processes, whereas the role of emotions has received comparably little attention. However, emotions have a great but currently not fully exploited potential to contribute to a sustainable behavior change. In this perspective, we summarize recent research emphasizing the central and indispensable role of emotion in human thinking and judgment. We discuss how these insights can promote affective reactivity toward sustainability issues, help leverage the potential of emotion to motivate action, and improve emotional climate change communication and intervention strategies. We outline a research agenda that we see as crucial for obtaining a solid evidence base on how emotions can optimally promote sustainable behavior. This paper is meant to stimulate discussion and a coordinated research effort on how emotions may be better leveraged to promote large-scale sustainable action and to promote a stronger integration of emotional strategies into the toolbox of policy makers.

Many studies emphasize the importance of interpersonal communication in shaping individuals' climate beliefs and actions, but none seem to focus on individuals in the general public as “climate action motivators,” i.e., persons providing reasons to engage in climate action. Our goal is to move linguistic research on climate communication forward through an innovative study focusing on identifying words and arguments that people assume will motivate their fellows to climate action. We analyze responses to an open‐ended survey question asking Norwegian survey participants how they would motivate others to adopt a climate‐friendly lifestyle. The survey data provided 4,070 freely formulated answers. Through a combination of qualitative and quantitative analysis, we found two main themes that characterize individuals as climate action motivators: (1) urging people to think about the future and future generations and (2) discouraging everyday acts of consumption. However, we also observed that the language and themes suggested by people as climate motivators are multifaceted, which highlights the inherent dilemmas in climate communication.

Recent studies provide strong evidence that climate change worry leads to climate action. However, there is a need for more studies on the conditions under which climate change worry triggers climate action or causes mental disorders. In this regard, we investigated the relationship between climate change worry and climate action and evaluated the role of participants’ knowledge of climate change and natural disaster experience in this relationship. The moderating function of climate action in the relationship between climate change worry and climate-related mental disorders was evaluated. Furthermore, the impact of climate change worry on different climate actions was also researched. Data obtained through an online survey from individuals aged 18–65 years old in a nationally representative sample in Turkey were used (n = 1229). The results show a positive impact of climate change worry on climate action. If climate change information creates a climate change worry, climate action occurs. Whereas climate change knowledge has a moderating role in the impact of climate change worry on climate action, experiencing climate-related natural disasters does not have such a role. However, experiencing climate-related natural disasters combined with climate change knowledge in the context of group impact leads to climate action. The climate change worry score had a positive effect on experiencing a climate-related mental disorder, but climate action does not have a moderating role in this relationship. The climate action most correlated with climate change worry is participating in voluntary activities to raise awareness among individuals. The contribution of climate change worry in different conditions to climate action is clearly supported by these research results. Therefore, climate change communication should be used to support the aspect of climate change worry that is transformed into climate action, and viable and sustainable environments should be created by considering each result of this study.

Research related to climate concepts has started to be more interdisciplinary with the climate change awareness. Climate action, and climate-positive design research topics are common notions among design disciplines, especially in architecture and landscape architecture. It can be said that computation, digitalization, performance-based simulations of environmental effects, and production methods in digital design are initial topics that come to the forefront concerning methodology. The reflections of these methodologies differ according to the aims and objectives. This paper aims to examine which notions and word phrases are used in the literature on climate in digital design research in a comparative way. Within this scope, The International Journal of Architectural Computing (IJAC) and The Journal of Digital Landscape Architecture (JoDLA) are chosen as academic resources indexed in the Scopus. To obtain the differentiations on climate-related concepts and their associations with other fields in an interdisciplinary manner; published research articles' titles, abstracts and keywords are defined as datasets. The examination is conducted through the data mining method as a deductive approach, using the main words are separated and associated with various phrases, and binary term occurrences. The outcomes are visualized through a map to reveal the relations of the notions that occur in the research. The findings reveal that both disciplines work on environmental issues from the context relationality stage. Although landscape architecture seems to be more related with the environment, climate and ecology trio, the binary-term occurrences show that there is not much difference in the research rates. Nevertheless, considering the close relations with environmental and climate issues in the landscape architecture discipline, the specialization is not high in terms of computational approaches regarding architecture. It is anticipated that this research may be used in future interdisciplinary literature and methodological approaches in digital design research in architecture and landscape architecture.

It could be argued that concerns about the environment have become increasingly widespread, even mainstream. The word ‘environmentalist’ was coined as far back as 1902, and Rachel Carson helped to ignite an environmental movement in 1962 with her book Silent Spring, which drew attention to the adverse environmental effects of pesticides. More recently, the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and Al Gore’s winning of the Nobel Peace Prize in 2007 have further highlighted the challenges, and increasing global attention has been paid to climate change. When the internationally agreed Millennium Development Goals were revised into a set of 17 Sustainable Development Goals in 2016, the choice of the word ‘sustainable’ was telling. Several goals are explicitly environmental in orientation: climate action; life below water; and life on land. In addition, other goals are closely interwoven with environmental issues, such as clean water and sanitation; affordable and clean energy; good health and well-being; and sustainable cities and communities, among others. None of these is a simple challenge. As individual nations and the international community grapple with increasingly complex and interconnected environmental challenges in a globalised and rapidly changing world, calls for evidence-based policy have grown. However, environmental and sustainability issues present particular challenges for evidence-informed policy and practice (EIPP) for diverse reasons. These include: the political prominence and broad sectoral reach of policies in this area (which often interact with a wide range of other policy areas); tensions arising from policy making at different levels (local, national, international); the wide range of spatial and temporal scales over which environmental processes operate; and the complex, uncertain and often contested nature of the evidence base.

2256 - Transport Policy Measures for Climate Change as Drivers for Health in Cities

• Young people describe the negative impacts of climate change on both the environment and their mental health. • Young people with high depression symptoms describe feeling pessimistic about climate change and action. • Young people think a balance of Hope and Fear in climate messaging is needed to spur action. Youth mental health is in crisis. Climate change has the potential to tip more young people into depression and anxiety. Knowing how young people with and without depression symptoms view climate change could guide interventions to mitigate against climate induced mental health issues. We carried out in-depth, semi-structured interviews with ( N = 27) young people aged 18–25 (M age = 20.3 years). Participants were grouped as healthy controls (C, N = 16, < 16 score on Mood and Feelings Questionnaire, MFQ) or had high depression symptoms (HD, N = 11, ≥ 27, MFQ). Using thematic analysis, we explored participants views on climate change, climate action, climate messaging, climate agency and mental health. From the interviews, eight key themes emerged: (1) Negative environmental events – Climate change was understood as ranging from weather changes to natural disasters. (2) Mental health impacts – Most participants reported increased anxiety and depression, with the HD group being more pessimistic about climate change prevention. (3) Benefits of action – Focus on individual efforts. (4) Non-disruptive vs. disruptive actions – Preference for non-disruptive solutions. (5) Hope and Fear in climate messaging – balance is needed. (6) Local and global action – Emphasis on combining both approaches. (7) Leadership – Responsibility placed on politicians, institutions, and environmentalists. (8) Shared responsibility – Families, educators, governments, and celebrities all have a role in climate action. These findings offer valuable insights into the perspectives of young people with and without existing symptoms of depression. Notably, identifying differences—such as varying levels of climate pessimism—based on depression status highlights the importance of climate communication strategies that not only effectively address climate change but also safeguard youth mental health. This is important as those with existing depression symptoms may be more vulnerable to the psychological impacts of climate change.

UK trade unions made a giant leap forward in September this year supporting the most radical climate politics agenda to date. At TUC Congress, delegates voted overwhelmingly to support the school student climate strikes. Extinction Rebellion mobilisations have brought workplaces and cities to a standstill. Then at Labour Party conference, where affiliated trade unions make up half of the votes, a socialist Green New Deal motion was carried after an enthusiastic debate. The most eye-catching commitment was for the Labour Party, in collaboration with the trade unions and the scientific community, to ‘work towards a path to net zero carbon emissions by 2030, guaranteeing an increase in good unionised jobs in the UK, and the cost of which would be borne by the wealthiest not the majority; and implementing this target into law if it achieves a just-transition for workers’. Matt Wrack – general secretary of the Fire Brigades Union (FBU) – moved the motion on behalf of most unions and more than 100 Constituency Labour Party branches that had submitted the text, committing the Labour Party to ‘a state-led programme of investment and regulation, based on public ownership and democratic control, for the decarbonisation and transformation of our economy that reduces inequality and pursues efforts to keep global average temperature rises below 1.5°C’. Perhaps the most significant demand concerned the ability of trade unions to take collective action over climate matters. The resolution stated: ‘Repeal all anti-union laws, facilitating worker-led activism over social and political issues, including climate change.’ Labour’s manifesto for the December 2019 general election committed the party in government ‘to achieve the substantial majority of our emission reductions by 2030’, ban fracking and take energy firms and railways into public ownership. It also committed to ‘repeal anti-trade union legislation including the Trade Union Act 2016 and create new rights and freedoms for trade unions to help them win a better deal for working people’. Origins of green stewards Although many commentators saw this as a new development, trade unionists in the UK have been campaigning for climate action at work for three decades. In 1988 a TUC memorandum submitted to the Royal Commission on Environmental Pollution, demanded ‘the need to involve trade union representatives in decision making at the workplace about environmental protection policies’. 1988 was of course the year that climate science hit mainstream politics. At TUC Congress 1989 and 1990 speakers referred to ‘green shop stewards’ and ‘green strikes’. The TUC’s Charter for the Environment (1989) stated that trade unions needed to be more active around the issue of global warming. Congress 1991 called for union reps to have the statutory rights for inspection, information and training on environmental issues. Labour’s policy statement, An Earthly Chance (1990) stated that ‘trade unions should have the right for time off to receive training in environmental matters’. Labour’s statement, In Trust for Tomorrow (1994) pledged that a Labour government would ‘introduce a statutory obligation for companies to consult their workforce over environmental issues, in just the same way as they currently have to consult on health and safety matters’. Trade unionists kept the flame of union climate action alive during the gloom of the Blair and Brown years (1997-2010), when the prime minister boasted that the UK had ‘the most restrictive union laws in the Western World’ and when the union voice was marginalised within the Labour Party. Let’s not forget it was Margaret Thatcher who blazed the trail for anti-union legislation. Successive Employment Acts, starting in 1980, restricted lawful picketing to one’s ‘own’ place of work, removed the closed shop, restricted the right to take secondary action (eventually to one’s ‘own’ employer) and imposed only six pickets on a picket line. By 1990 all secondary action was unlawful. Solidarity – the guiding principle of the trade union movement for decades – was denied by legal diktat, imposed by the police and enforced by the courts. These laws are a dagger in the heart of our movement. Only with the election of Jeremy Corbyn as Labour leader have unions been restored to the centre of policy making in the party and new opportunities have...

PurposePhysical activity (PA) is a good way to improve people’s health, and when used as a means for active transportation, it reduces up to ten times GES emissions as compared to cars. Promoting active transportation potentially impacts positively the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goal 3 (‘good health’), 11 (‘sustainable cities and communities’) and 13 (‘climate action’). However, the prevalence of fears due to environmental anxiety (‘eco-anxiety’) has grown significantly over the last decade. Eco-anxiety are feeling of fear, worry, or concern about the state of the environment and the potential consequences of climate change and other environmental issues. It can be caused by a variety of factors, including exposure to degraded and polluted environment, extreme climatic events, but also media coverage of environmental disasters, a lack of government action on environmental issues, and a sense of helplessness or powerlessness to make a difference. Nevertheless, to our knowledge, the effect of eco-anxiety on PA has not been documented. Our research questions are: (1) what are the effects of eco-anxiety on PA? (2) to what extend is it reducing active transportation? (3) can the promotion of active transportation helps fight the consequences of eco-anxiety? (4) what evidence gaps require further research for promotion and public policies?MethodsWe undertake a comprehensive scoping review. We search in eleven main databases studies that explicitly question the relationship between PA and CO2 carbon emissions. The evidence from eligible reviews will be extracted and mapped according to the format Participant, Context, Concept. We will classify the overall findings as positive, negative, or inconclusive, in their relation between perception and PA practices.ResultsData collection is currently in progress. We hypothesise that eco-anxiety has negative effects on PA, especially on active transportation, but that a promotion by publics policies which considers this phenomenon can achieve the dual objective of individual health / GES reduction.ConclusionsEco-anxiety can lead to paradoxical effects that should be better understood, so that public policies should orient their promotion of strategies to reduce CO2 emissions by using active transport, while avoiding their deleterious effects.Support/Funding Sourceno funding.

Introduction Fashion has long been associated with resistance movements across Asia and Australia, from the hand-spun cotton Khadi of Mahatma Gandhi’s freedom struggle to the traditional ankle length robe worn by Tibetans in the ‘White Wednesday Movement’ (Singh et al.; Yangzom). There are many reasons why fashion and activism have been interlinked. Fashion can serve as a form of nonverbal communication (Crane), which can convey activists’ grievances and concerns while symbolising solidarity (Doerr). It can provide an avenue to enact individual agency against repressive, authoritarian regimes (Yangzom; Doerr et al.). Fashion can codify a degree of uniformity within groups and thereby signal social identity (Craik), while also providing a means of building community (Barry and Drak). Fashion, therefore, offers activists the opportunity to develop the three characteristics which unite a social or environmental movement: a shared concern about an issue, a sense of social identity, and connections between individuals and groups. But while these fashion functions map onto movement characteristics, it remains unclear whether activists across the world deliberately include fashion into their protest action repertoires. This uncertainty exists partly because of a research and media focus on large scale, mass protests (Lester and Hutchins), where fashion characteristics are immediately visible and amenable to retrospective interpretation. This focus helps explain the rich volume of research examining the manifestation of fashion in past protests, such as the black, red, and yellow colours worn during the 1988 Aboriginal Long March of Freedom, Justice, and Hope (Maynard Dress; Coghlan), and the pink anti-Trump ‘pussyhats’ (Thompson). However, the protest events used to identify these fashion characteristics are a relatively small proportion of actions used by environmental activists (Dalton et al.; Gulliver et al.), which include not only rallies and marches, but also information evenings, letter writing sessions, and eco-activities such as tree plantings. This article aims to respond to Barnard’s (Looking) call for more empirical work on what contemporary cultural groups visually do with what they wear (see also Gerbaudo and Treré) via a content analysis of 36,676 events promoted on Facebook by 728 Australian environmental groups between 2010 and 2019. The article firstly reports findings from an analysis of this dataset to identify how fashion manifests in environmental activism, building on research demonstrating the role of protest-related nonverbal communications, such as protest signage (Bloomfield and Doolin), images (Kim), and icons, slogans, and logos (Goodnow). The article then considers what activists may seek to achieve through incorporating fashion into their action repertoire, and whether this suggests solidarity with activists seeking to effect environmental change across the wider Asian region. Fashion Activism Fashion is created through a particular assemblage of clothes, accessories, and hairstyles (Barry and Drak), which in turn forms a prevailing custom or style of dress (Craik). It is a cultural practice, providing ‘real estate’ (Benda 7) for an individual to express their social roles (Craik) and political identity (Behnke). Some scholars argue that fashion became overtly political during the 1960s and 70s, as social movements politicised appearance (Edwards). This has only increased in relevance with the rise of far right, populist, and authoritarian regimes, whose sub-cultures enact politicised identities through their distinct fashion characteristics (Gaugele and Titton; Gaugele). Fashion can therefore play an important role in protest movements, as “political subjectivities, political authority, political power and discipline are rendered visible, and thereby real, by the way fashion co-establishes them” (Behnke 3). Across the literature scholars have identified two primary avenues by which fashion and activism are connected. The first of these relates to activism targeting the fashion industry. This type of activism is found in both Asia and Australia, and promotes sustainable consumption choices such as buying used goods and transforming existing items (Chung and Yim), as well as highlighting garment worker exploitation within the fashion industry (Khan and Richards). The second avenue is called ‘fashion activism’: the use of fashion to intentionally signal a message seeking to evoke social and/or political change (Thompson). In this conceptualisation, clothing is used to signify a particular message (Crane). An example of this type of fashion activism is the ‘SlutWalk’, a protest where participants deliberately wore outfits described as slutty or revealing as a response to victim-blaming of women who had experienced sexual assault (Thompson). A key element of fashion activism thus appears to be its message intentionality. Clothes are specifically utilised to convey a message, such as a grievance about victim-blaming, which can then be incorporated into design features displayed on t-shirts, pins, and signs both on the runway and in protest events (Titton). However, while this ‘sender/receiver’ model of fashion communication (Barnard, Fashion as) can be compelling for activists, it is complex in practice. A message receiver can never have full knowledge of what message the sender seeks to signify through a particular clothing item, nor can the message sender predict how a receiver will interpret that message. Particular arrangements of clothing only hold communicative power when they are easily interpreted and related to the movement and its message, usually only intelligible to a specific culture or subculture (Goodnow). Even within that subculture it remains problematic to infer a message from a particular style of dress, as demonstrated in examples where dress is used to imply sexual consent; for example, in rape and assault cases (Lennon et al.). Given the challenges of interpreting fashion, do activists appear to use the ‘real estate’ (Benda 7) afforded by it as a protest tool? To investigate this question a pre-existing dataset of 36,676 events was analysed to ascertain if, and how, environmental activism engages with fashion (a detailed methodology is available on the OSF). Across this dataset, event categories, titles, and descriptions were reviewed to collate events connecting environmental activism to fashion. Three categories of events were found and are discussed in the next section: street theatre, sustainable fashion practices, and disruptive protest. Street Theatre Street theatre is a form of entertainment which uses public performance to raise awareness of injustices and build support for collective action (Houston and Pulido). It uses costumes as a vehicle for conveying messages about political issues and for making demands visible, and has been utilised by protesters across Australia and Asia (Roces). Many examples of street theatre were found in the dataset. For example, Extinction Rebellion (XR) consistently promoted street theatre events via sub-groups such as the ‘Red Rebels’ – a dedicated team of volunteers specialising in costumed street theatre – as well as by inviting supporters to participate in open street theatre events, such as in the ‘Halloween Dead Things Disco’. Dressed as spooky skeletons (doot, doot) and ghosts, we'll slide and shimmy down Sydney's streets in a supernatural style, as we bring attention to all the species claimed by the Sixth Mass Extinction. These street theatre events appeared to prioritise spectacle rather than disruption as a means to attract attention to their message. The Cairns and Far North Environment Centre ‘Climate Action Float’, for example, requested that attendees: Wear blue and gold or dress as your favourite reef animal, solar panel, maybe even the sun itself!? Reef &amp; Solar // Blue &amp; Gold is the guiding theme but we want your creativity take it from there. Most groups used street theatre as one of a range of different actions organised across a period of time. However, Climacts, a performance collective which uses ‘spectacle and satire to communicate the urgency of the climate and biodiversity crisis’ (Climacts), utilised this tactic exclusively. Their Climate Guardians collective used distinctive angel costumes to perform at the Climate Conference of Parties 26, and in various places around Australia (see images on their Website). Fig. 1: Costumed protest against Downer EDI's proposed work on the Adani coalmine; Image by John Englart (CC BY-SA 2.0). Sustainable Fashion Practices The second most common type of event which connected fashion with activism were those promoting sustainable fashion practices. While much research has highlighted the role of activism in raising awareness of problems related to the fashion industry (e.g. Hirscher), groups in the dataset were primarily focussed on organising activities where supporters communally created their own fashion items. The most common of these was the ‘crafternoon’, with over 260 separate crafternoon events identified in the dataset. These events brought activists together to create protest-related kit such as banners, signs, and costumes from recycled or repurposed materials, as demonstrated by Hume Climate Action Now’s ‘Crafternoon for Climate’ event: Come along on Sunday arvo for a relaxed arvo making posters and banners for upcoming Hume Climate Action Now events… Bring: Paints, textas, cardboard, fabric – whatever you’ve got lying around. Don’t have anything? That’s cool, just bring yourself. Events highlighting fashion industry problems were less frequent and tended to prioritise sharing of information about the fashion industry rather than promoting protests. For example, Transition Town Vincent held a ‘Slowing Down Fast Fashion – Transition Town Vincent Movie Night’ while the Green Embassy promoted the ‘Eco Fashion Week’. This event, held in 2017, was described as Australia’s only eco-fashion week, and included runway shows, music, and public talks. Other events also focussed on public talks, such as a Conservation Council of ACT event called ‘Green Drinks Canberra October 2017: Summer Edwards on the fashion industry’ and a panel discussion organised by a group called SEE-Change entitled ‘The Sustainable Wardrobe’. Disruptive Protest and T-Shirts Few events in the dataset mentioned elements of fashion outside of street theatre or sustainable fashion practices, with only one organisation explicitly connecting fashion with activism in its event details. This group – Australian Youth Climate Coalition – organised an event called ‘Activism in Fashion: Tote Bags, T-shirts and Poster Painting!’, which asked: How can we consistently be involved in campaigning while life can be so busy? Can we still be loud and get a message across without saying a word? The iconic 21st century activist "t-shirt and tote-bag" combination is hard to miss these days! Unlike street theatre and sustainable fashion practices, fashion appeared to be a consideration for only a small number of disruptive protests promoted by environmental groups in Australia. XR Brisbane sought to organise a fashion parade during the 2019 Rebellion Week, while XR protesters in Melbourne stripped down to underwear for a march through Melbourne city arcades (see also Turbet). Few common fashion elements appeared consistently on individual activists participating in events, and these were limited to accessories, such as ‘Stop Adani’ earrings, or t-shirts sold for fundraising and promotional purposes. Indeed, t-shirts appeared to be the most promoted clothing item in the dataset, continuing a long tradition of their use in protests (e.g. Maynard, Blankets). Easy to create, suitable for displaying both text and imagery, t-shirts sharing anti-coal messages featured predominantly in the Stop Adani campaign, while yellow t-shirts were a common item in Knitting Nanna’s anti-coal seam gas mining protests. Fig. 2: Stop Adani earrings and t-shirts; Image by John Englart (CC BY-SA 2.0). The Role of Fashion in Environmental Activism As these findings demonstrate, fashion appears to be deliberately utilised in environmental activism primarily through street theatre and the promotion of sustainable fashion practices. While fewer examples of fashion in disruptive protest were found and no consistent fashion assemblage was identified, accessories and t-shirts were utilised by many groups. What may activists be seeking to achieve through incorporating fashion via street theatre and sustainable fashion practices? Some scholars have argued that incorporating fashion into protest allows activists to signal political dissent against authoritarian control. For example, Yanzoom noted that by utilising fashion as a means of communication, Tibetan activists were able to embody their political goals despite repression of speech and movement by political powerholders. However, a consistent fashion repertoire across protests in this Australian dataset was not found. The opportunities afforded by protected protest rights in Australia and absence of violent police repression of disruptive protests may be one explanation why distinctive dress such as the masks and black attire of Hong Kong pro-democracy protesters did not manifest in the dataset. Other scholars have observed that fashion sub-cultures also developed partly to express anti-establishment politics, such as the punk movement in the 1970s. Radical clothing accessorised by symbols, bright hair colours, body piercings, and heavy-duty books signalled opposition to the dominant political ideology (Craik). However, none of these purposes appeared to play a role in Australian environmental activism either. Instead, it appears that Maynard’s contention that Australian protest fashion barely deviates from everyday dress remains true today. Fashion within the events promoted in this large empirical dataset retained the ‘prevalence of everyday clothing’ (Maynard, Dress 111). The lack of a clearly discernible single protest fashion style within the dataset may be related to the shortcomings of the sender/receiver model of fashion communication. As Barnard (Fashion Statements) argued, fashion is not always used as a vehicle for conveying messages, but also as a platform for constructing and reproducing identity. Indeed, a multiplicity of researchers have noted how fashion acts as a signal of what social groups individuals belong to (see Roach-Higgins and Eicher). Activist groups have a variety of goals, which not only include promoting environmental change but also mobilising more people to join their cause (Gulliver et al., Understanding). Stereotyping can hinder achievement of these goals. It has been demonstrated, for example, that individuals who hold negative stereotypes of ‘typical’ activists are less likely to want to associate with them, and less likely to adopt their behaviours (Bashir et al.). Accordingly, some activist groups have been shown to actively promote dress associated with other identity groups, specifically to challenge cultural constructions of environmental activist stereotypes (see also Roces). For example, Bloomfield and Doolins’s study of the NZ anti-GE group MAdGE (Mothers against Genetic Engineering in Food and the Environment) demonstrated how visual protest artifacts conveyed the protesters’ social identity as mothers and customers rather than environmental activists, claiming an alternative cultural mandate for challenging the authority of science (see also Einwohner et al.). The data suggest that Australian activists are seeking to avoid this stereotype as well. The absence of a consistent fashion promoted within the dataset may reflect awareness of problematic stereotypes that activists may be then deliberately seeking to avoid. Maynard (Dress), for example, has noted how the everyday dress of Australian protesters serves to deflect stereotypical labelling of participants. This strategy is also mirrored by the changing nature of groups within the Australian environmental movement. The event database demonstrates that an increasing number of environmental groups are emerging with names highlighting non-stereotypical environmental identities: groups such as ‘Engineers Declare’ and ‘Bushfire Survivors for Climate Action’. Beyond these identity processes, the frequent use of costumed street theatre protest suggests that activists recognise the value of using fashion as a vehicle for communicating messages, despite the challenges of interpretation described above. Much of the language used to promote street theatre in the Facebook event listings suggests that these costumes were deliberately designed to signify a particular meaning, with individuals encouraged to dress up to be ‘a vehicle for myth and symbol’ (Lavender 11). It may be that costumes are also utilised in protest due to their suitability as an image event, convenient for dissemination by mass media seeking colourful and engaging imagery (Delicath and Deluca; Doerr). Furthermore, costumes, as with text or colours presented on t-shirts, may offer activists an avenue to clearly convey a visual message which is more resistant to stereotyping. This is especially relevant given that fashion can be re-interpreted and misinterpreted by audiences, as well as reframed and reinterpreted by the media (Maynard, Dress). While the prevalence of costumed performance and infrequent mentions of fashion in the dataset may be explained by stereotype avoidance and messaging clarity, sustainable fashion practices were more straightforward in intent. Groups used multiple approaches to educate audiences about sustainable fashion, whether through fostering sustainable fashion practices or raising awareness of fashion industry problems. In this regard, fashion in protest in Australia closely resembles Asian sustainable fashion activism (see e.g. Chon et al. regarding the Singaporean context). In particular, the large number of ‘crafternoons’ suggests their importance as sites of activism and community building. Craftivism – acts such as quilting banners, yarn bombing, and cross stitching feminist slogans – are used by many groups to draw attention to social, political and environmental issues (McGovern and Barnes). This type of ‘creative activism’ (Filippello) has been used to challenge aesthetic and political norms across a variety of contested socio-political landscapes. These activities not only develop activism skills, but also foster community (Barry and Drak). For environmental groups, these community building events can play a critical role in sustaining and supporting ongoing environmental activism (Gulliver et al., Understanding) as well as demonstrating solidarity with workers across Asia experiencing labour injustices linked to the fashion industry (Chung and Yim). Conclusion Studies examining protest fashion demonstrate that clothing provides a canvas for sharing protest messages and identities in both Asia and Australia (Benda; Yangzom; Craik). However, despite the fashion’s utility as communication tool for social and environmental movements, empirical studies of how fashion is used by activists in these contexts remain rare. This analysis demonstrates that Australian environmental activists use fashion in their action repertoire primarily through costumed street theatre performances and promoting sustainable fashion practices. By doing so they may be seeking to use fashion as a means of conveying messages, while avoiding stereotypes that can demobilise supporters and reduce support for their cause. Furthermore, sustainable fashion activism offers opportunities for activists to achieve multiple goals: to subvert the fast fashion industry, to provide participation avenues for new activists, to help build activist communities, and to express solidarity with those experiencing fast fashion-related labour injustices. These findings suggest that the use of fashion in protest actions can move beyond identity messaging to also enact sustainable practices while co-opting and resisting hegemonic ideas of consumerism. By integrating fashion into the vibrant and diverse actions promoted by environmental movements across Australia and Asia, activists can construct and perform identities while fostering the community bonds and networks from which movements demanding environmental change derive their strength. Ethics Approval Statement This study was approved by the Research Ethics Committee of the University of Queensland (2018000963). Data Availability A detailed methodology explaining how the dataset was constructed and analysed is available on the Open Science Framework: &lt;https://osf.io/sq5dz/?view_only=9bc0d3945caa443084361f10b6720589&gt;.

Climate action requires urgent public policy decisions to be made at increasingly local scales. Meanwhile, decades of experience in social and environmental issues have yielded much knowledge of what works (and what does not) to achieve effective citizen engagement in different contexts. In recent years, these two trends (climate action and citizen engagement) have increasingly intertwined, yet, until now, little work has explored how knowledge at this interface is developed, shared and implemented. Failing to understand this cycle of learning risks slowing the upscaling of truly effective citizen engagement in climate action and repeating avoidable mistakes that create barriers for democratic climate action. This article outlines recent advances at each stage of this cycle related to engaging citizens in climate adaptation action. Blending desk-based analysis, interviews and online workshops, we trace the rapid pace of recent climate knowledge development, outline the increasing number and sophistication of climate knowledge-sharing platforms, and identify the implementation of this knowledge in 61 European climate adaptation action initiatives. We observe a positive trend in the integration of citizen engagement in climate adaptation, yet find that the implementation of good practices is hindered by several factors. These include: knowledge development primarily relying on academic sources; limited transparency of whether knowledge-sharing platforms are up to date; challenges with tailoring general knowledge to individual and local contexts; institutional barriers; and a lack of societal normalisation of citizen engagement. For each stage of the learning cycle, we present suggestions for overcoming these challenges.

Environmental issues such as pollution, waste, and climate change demand collective awareness. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly Goal 13 (Climate Action), emphasize adaptation, mitigation, and climate literacy. In the digital era, TikTok has proven effective in disseminating sustainability messages. This study analyzes the representation of climate action on the @pandawaragroup account using a descriptive qualitative approach and a case study method. Fifteen videos were purposively selected based on high engagement and relevance to Climate Action indicators. Content analysis was conducted through stages of selection, analysis, interpretation, and conclusion, combined with interactive analysis to understand meaning and social context. The results show that @pandawaragroup’s content aligns with the targets of Climate Action, particularly by depicting environmental crises such as floods caused by waste accumulation, educating the public on waste management, and encouraging community participation in clean-up activities. The representation of climate action is also reflected through collaborations with communities and government institutions in mitigation efforts and environmental preservation campaigns. The use of simple and emotional communication effectively raises awareness among younger generations, expands sustainable public advocacy, and encourages community participation in local environmental actions.