Abstract

The policing landscape has been dramatically reshaped by the emergence of ‘the new terrorism’ (Zedner, 2009; see also Innes, 2008; Field, 2009). Exemplified by a series of al Qaeda-inspired attacks, including the 2001 bombings of New York and Washington (9/11), the new terrorism is said to be unprecedented in terms of its global scale as well as the catastrophic nature of its aims and methods. While much terrorism activity is covered by standard criminal law, special procedures may be justified ‘when there is an operational need for them, when their use is confined to cases of need and when it is proportionate to their impact on individual liberties’ (Anderson, 2011: 5–6). Official responses to the new terrorism threat have been characterised by vastly expanded state power, enhanced anti-terrorism legislation, increased security measures, expanding counter-terrorism budgets and the strategic deployment of police resources towards counter-terrorism. As part of this trend, the UK has seen a ‘vast increase’ in ‘counter-terrorism resources over the past five to 10 years’ (Anderson, 2011: 5). While government officials repeatedly argue that some individual human rights and civil liberties may have to be sacrificed to promote collective security (Cole, 2003a), elements of the counter-terrorism strategy have proved controversial even among those who accept that special measures are required. Some of the sharpest criticisms have been reserved for the use of stop and search.

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