Correction to: Effects of Conflict and Conflict-Related Sexual Violence on First-Order Marital and Premarital Adolescent Fertility in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

After 20 years as a breeding ground for rape and other forms of sexual violence, “The DRC is today on its way to becoming a reference in efforts to combat this dehumanizing practice” (allAFrica, 2017. Although the progress made during the last three years is worth celebrating, nowhere in this document are men and boys explicitly mentioned as victims and beneficiaries of the tremendous breakthrough in the fight against sexual violence. The lack of inclusivity of men and boys victims of wartime sexual violence signals a continued lack of awareness and knowledge of how to address this issue (Gorris & Touquet, 2016). Although both men and women can be victims of conflict-related sexual violence, men’s victimization experience is generally considered a controversial and taboo subject (Couturier, 2012; Storr, 2011). This is particularly true in the context of the armed conflict in the DRC, an area of research that has often been overlooked and neglected over the years (Couturier, 2012; Storr, 2011). Conflict-related sexual violence against men has been described as the deepest and darkest secret of war, and the secret is being preserved to the point where sexual violence against men exists predominantly as a rumor. According to Fisher, Goodwin, and Patton (2008), “It is time for us as a society to evolve past narrow interests and gender stereotypes and embrace the fact that unless all victims are welcome at the table then nothing will substantially change in our quest for real and inclusive social justice and peace” (p. 35).

The Social and Political Legacy of Conflict-Related Sexual Violence: Evidence from List Experiments in Democratic Republic of Congo, Liberia and Sri Lanka

Responding to sexual violence in armed conflict

In March 2015, the first major conference, or États Généraux, of the Congolese justice system was held in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo. The conference, the mandate of which was to evaluate the functioning of the judicial system and formulate recommendations about reforms and actions to be implemented, pledged to strengthen national investigations and prosecutions of international crimes as a matter of priority. This development was significant in a country where widespread impunity for perpetrators of mass crimes, in particular conflict-related sexual violence, is rampant and exacerbates the trauma suffered by survivors. Among the cases deemed a ‘priority’, the Kavumu case was especially important. In that case, the Military Court of South Kivu found that the accused were part of an armed group, controlled by provincial lawmaker Frédéric Batumike, and together they were responsible for the rape of over 40 young girls over a three-year period. After a long and complex process, in December 2017, a mobile military court convicted 11 militia members, including the parliamentarian, of rape as a crime against humanity and sentenced them to life. In July 2018, the High Military Court confirmed the verdict. This article will provide an overview of the Kavumu case as well as the main milestones of the proceedings. The article will then discuss three features of the case that exemplify innovations and best practices — as well as pending challenges — in the prosecution of conflict-related sexual violence, including the issue of domestic immunities for international crimes; the unique, interdisciplinary protections undertaken for child victims of sexual violence in legal proceedings; and the effective collaborations among the network of medical, legal, and civil society actors supporting national efforts to combat impunity. The Kavumu case aptly illustrates how national justice institutions, working alongside international and local partners, can lead the way in achieving progress and overcoming complex challenges to advance accountability and set important precedents in the fight against impunity for conflict-related sexual violence.

Conflict-related sexual violence against men in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has profound psychological, emotional, relational, and spiritual consequences. Nevertheless, male survivors can achieve post-traumatic growth through processes that rebuild fractured identities, foster resilience, and cultivate renewed purpose. This article adopts a comparative framework by combining (a) original Canadian qualitative data—an Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) study entitled “Silent No More: Surviving Male Rape,” conducted with survivors and trauma-informed practitioners—and (b) a phenomenologically informed synthesis of peer-reviewed studies, NGO/UN reports, and survivor testimonies from the DRC. The Canadian component focuses on the journey from victimhood to survivorship, demonstrating how breaking silence, being believed, and receiving compassionate, trauma-informed care foster meaning-making, resilience, and post-traumatic growth. The DRC component foregrounds culturally rooted pathways to recovery—especially communal and music-based practices—within conflict-affected settings. Across contexts, we identify convergent themes: beauty as a relational and embodied experience that regulates affect and restores safety; creative practices (music, visual arts, storytelling, ritual, and nature-based activity) as vehicles for dignity, connection, and purpose; and self-transcendent emotions (awe, gratitude, and wonder) that support the transition from threat to contemplation and agency. Divergences reflect cultural and structural conditions: in the DRC, healing often unfolds through community-embedded practices amid insecurity and stigma; whereas in Canada, clinical resources are more accessible, but masculine norms and isolation can impede disclosure. We argue that aesthetic and communal practices can complement clinical care and propose practice implications for arts-based, culturally grounded interventions, as well as a comparative research agenda.

To assess the effects of sexual violence (SV) in armed conflicts on women's mental health, on its own and in conjunction with reproductive health issues such as fistula or chronic pelvic pain (CPP). A cross-sectional population-based study of 320 women living in Goma, the Democratic Republic of Congo, aged 15 to 45 years, was conducted. Women who experienced conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) were compared with those who experienced non-conflict-related sexual violence (NCRSV) and those who never experienced such acts. Data were gathered through individual interviews by local staff using standardized questionnaires. The outcomes investigated were post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms severity and psychological distress symptoms (PDS) severity. Experience of SV in either context was associated with more severe PDS (p < .0001). Only CRSV was associated with more severe PTSD symptoms (p < .0001). Women who suffered from fistula or CPP also had a higher PDS score mean (p < .0001 and p = .007) and a higher PTSD symptoms score mean (p < .0001, for both reproductive health issues). Multivariate analyses showed that compared with women who never experienced SV and never suffered from fistula or CPP, those who experienced CRSV and suffered from fistula or CPP had the most severe PDS and PTSD symptoms after adjustment for potential confounders. The differences in PDS and PTSD symptoms severity were all significant (p < .0001). Psychological and physical health care are urgently needed for women who experienced CRSV, particularly those with additional issues of fistula or CPP. Current interventions should simultaneously seek to improve both reproductive and mental health.

Evaluating the role of the 'Accessible Novel Solutions for Widespread Emergency Reconstructive Surgery' (ANSWERS) 3D-printed perineal training model for conflict-related sexual violence injuries.

Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has been embroiled in decades-long conflict that has resulted in the forced displacement of millions of people and extremely high rates of gender-based violence (GBV). While much attention has understandably focused on conflict-related sexual violence, intimate partner violence (IPV) is in fact one of the most pervasive forms of GBV, including in conflict settings. This paper presents results of a large, randomised survey looking at both sexual and intimate partner violence. Formerly displaced women had 11 per cent greater odds of reporting past-year IPV (p < 0.05), and currently displaced women reported 20 per cent greater odds of IPV in the past-year (p < 0.001). Women who reported ever being displaced also reported 8.5 per cent greater odds (p < 0.001) of past-year sexual violence. Both displacement and war-related experiences are highly and significantly associated with lifetime and past-year IPV and sexual violence. By acknowledging and creating programs that explicitly address the high risk of violence faced by displaced women, we may more effectively break the cycles of violence in fragile settings.

&lt;p&gt;&lt;b&gt;Conflict-related sexual and reproductive violence (CRSRV) against women and girls is a persistent and pervasive form of warfare. It is applied in diverse forms in different contexts. But its perpetration depends, invariably, on similar practices of silencing – by force, threat, coercion, or any other means – prior to, at the time of, or consequential to the violation itself, in order to prevent the victim or witness from speaking out, seeking, and obtaining justice. This thesis examines the recording of, and responses to, CRSRV in the literature and in law to make the case for application of the right to the truth therein, as both a reparative and preventative measure. The right to the truth, and in particular acts of testimony, hold profound potential to inform and sustain processes of redress, and to displace the silences involved.&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt; To this effect, the truth represents a number of interrelated objectives, including but not limited to setting down a historical record of past violence, disruption of cultures of impunity through prosecution of perpetrators, and redress for victims. This research locates the subject of CRSRV within a rights-based approach to development, but views the discourses of WID and WAD as insufficient in light of CRSRV, and calls for inclusion of the right to the truth within this framework in order to uphold a victim-centred perspective. The methodology is oriented in a narrative view of history, in protection of a victim-centred perspective, and relies on testimonies of victims, as well as witness accounts, within Truth and Reconciliation Commissions, or other forms of documentation. Practices of CRSRV are contextualised within three case studies, regarding Peru, El Salvador, and Iraq. Reference to different conflict settings furthermore demonstrates with absolute clarity a common practice of silencing underlying all forms of CRSRV. But regardless of the common application of this method of silencing, the silences of victims are not identical. Testimonies of victims reveal their experiences in the vernacular. This thesis, in response, sets out two complementary proposals. First, a reconsideration of the term “conflict-related sexual violence,” proposing its extension to “conflict-related sexual and reproductive violence”. This extension would, first, better reflect the extent of harm experienced by victims as evidenced in their testimonies and, second, encourage more appropriate forms of reparation in light of their right to the truth. But protection of the right to the truth of victims is, in turn, dependent on a second extension, which proposes that the truth, in this vein, should be extended from its original conception of the right to know, to the right to testify, to actively contribute to the construction of the truth surrounding rights violations.&lt;/p&gt;

A photo exhibition My Body: A War Zone features the portraits and testimonies of women survivors of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Nepal, Colombia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The exhibition aims to bring attention to individual stories in an effort to overcome the silence and stigma associated with CRSV. This article will analyse this transnational project that brings four acclaimed photographers from different parts of the globe to reconstruct women’s images and testimonies in public city spaces. The article will focus on the Bosnian and Nepali parts of the photo exhibition, and will draw on fieldwork and interviews with Velma Šarić, the curator and organizer of the Bosnian exhibitions, and NayanTara, an independent photographer and curator based in Kathmandu, Nepal. The article argues that while art cannot replace formal judicial mechanisms or material reparation, grassroots artistic initiatives may offer significant and distinct reparative contributions to transitional justice processes.

SummaryBackgroundSince March 2011, more than 1 million people, mostly men, have been arrested, detained, and tortured by the Assad regime. Published literature does not reflect the evolution of symptoms after male sexual and physical violence in detention. This cohort study examines the constellation and evolution of self-reported symptoms after male conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) in Syrian state detention.MethodsSexual, psychological, and physical symptoms and conditions experienced by a cohort of 106 male detainees after CRSV in Syrian regime detention were evaluated over a ten-year period (2012–2022). Men sought forensic medical expert evaluations (FMEs) to document torture and later consented to semi-structured interviews (SSIs), a median of 8.8 years after their detention. A standard data collection tool was used to assess symptoms and conditions during FMEs (Time 3), and at the time of the SSI (Time 4), during which men also reported symptoms experienced during detention (Time 1) and after detention release (Time 2).Findings30.2% of men spent more than 1 year in detention and 9.4% were detained >5 years. 90% reported being slapped, punched, kicked, hit with objects, 60.4% of men reported torture with multiple devices, and 48.1% reported being burned or electrocuted. Multiple sexual violence types were reported during detention: 97.2% forced nudity, 45.3% violence to genitals or anus, 30.2% collective sexual humiliation, and 9.4% rape. Men recalled nearly universal presence of acute pain, bleeding wounds, skin infections, sleep disturbances, fear, sadness, anxiety, and despair during detention. By Time 4, acute physical and psychological conditions were fading or absent, while scars, avoidance, intrusive memories, lack of trust, self-isolation, chronic pain, anger, and low self-esteem were reported by ≥50%. The most persistently reported symptoms following detention through the SSI included scars, pain, intrusive memories, and avoidance in ≥50% of men. At the SSI, 26.4% of men reported erectile dysfunction and 23.6% challenges with sexual relations.InterpretationMen reported persistent symptoms and conditions years after CRSV, torture and detention. The unique constellation of findings and their evolution in male CRSV survivors, particularly increasing rates of anger, distrust, and self-isolation, must urgently inform design and delivery of support services and health care.FundingThis study was funded by the United Kingdom Foreign Commonwealth and Development Office and the 10.13039/501100000267Arts and Humanities Research Council through the project ‘Understanding and Addressing the Impact of Invisibility on Conflict-Related Male Sexual Violence in Syria'.

Conflict-related sexual violence has become an increasingly visible issue for feminists as well as various international actors. One of the ways in which global policymakers have tried to tackle this violence is through addressing the violent masculinity of security sector forces. While such efforts have their roots in feminist analyses of militarized masculinity, this article seeks to contribute to the critical discourse on gender-sensitive security sector reform (GSSR). There are three dimensions to my critical reading of GSSR. First, I ask what gendered and racialized power relations are reproduced through effort to educate male security agents about the wrongs of sexual violence. Second, I offer a critique of how GSSR normalizes military solutions to addressing sexual violence and strengthens the global standing of military actors. Finally, I bring these themes together in an analysis of the United States-led military training mission Operation Olympic Chase in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Here, I reveal the limitations of attempting to address sexual violence within the security sector without more radically confronting how gender, race, and militarism often work together to form the conditions for this violence. I conclude with some reflections on feminist complicity in upholding military power and the possibilities for developing global solidarity.

A common understanding emphasizes the destructive effects of conflict‐related sexual violence (CRSV) on social cohesion and community life. Stressing the agency of survivors, we present an alternative argument. Our theory predicts that survivors seek to counteract the stigma attached to CRSV by contributing to the community in the form of civic engagement. Drawing on three original surveys from Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Liberia, and Sri Lanka and relying on list experiments to reduce underreporting bias, we find that survivors of CRSV indeed show increased levels of civic engagement. This civic effect is consistent across the three contexts and very likely causal. We also rule out an alternative mechanism based on posttraumatic growth and dispel concerns that increased civic engagement comes at the expense of decreased intergroup relations. However, looking at sex differences, our results are more sobering. While in line with our prediction, they do not support the optimistic notion that survivors' mobilization results in female empowerment and the closing of existing gender gaps in civic behavior. Our findings have important implications for our understanding of CRSV, the legacy of violent conflict, and the gendered nature of politics.

This article scrutinizes the overlaps between three major UN policy agendas to explain how their interaction impacts the delivery of protection, particularly against conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV). Building on Pierre Bourdieu, it reconstructs the ‘field of international interventions’ and subsequently analyses the evolution of the protection mandate, highlighting the complementarities and contradictions between Children and Armed Conflict, Protection of Civilians and Women, Peace and Security. My findings suggest that while these agendas have reinforced each other during their establishment and institutionalization, the multiplication of administrative structures has also led to the compartmentalization of protection. The field’s competitive pressures, furthermore, push organizations to focus on their own mandates and subsume aspects of other agendas under them. Data from the Democratic Republic of Congo indicate that despite recognizing the need for gender-sensitive approaches, UN peacekeeping largely continues to understand protection against CRSV as part of its general protection efforts. Therefore, the militarized and gender-ignorant approach to protection prevails and specific measures to address sexual violence remain too headquarters-driven.

Sisterhood partnerships for conflict-related sexual violence