‘Convicting Agents Rather than Reformers’: The Campaign and Introduction of Women Police Officers in New South Wales

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine how receptive police officers are to having women as partners and supervisors at work in a cross-national context. Specifically, it compares male and female police officers’ views on women in policing along three dimensions in Dubai and Taipei: perceived efficacy of women in policing; receptiveness of women at work (as partners and supervisor); and perceived women’s role in police work. Design/methodology/approach Surveys (with the same instrument) were conducted with 622 officers (344 male and 278 female officers) in Dubai, the United Arab Emirates and 391 officers (297 male and 94 female officers) in Taipei, Taiwan. Bivariate and multivariate analyses were employed to compare male and female officers’ views on women in policing in both countries. Findings It was found that female officers (in Dubai and Taipei) were more likely than their male colleagues to see women as capable and effective in performing police duties. Compared to their colleagues in Taiwan, the Emirati male and female officers were more likely to be supportive of women’s restricted role in policing. Dubai male officers were less likely to be receptive to working at a unit with a female as their supervisor in comparison to their female colleagues in both countries. Research limitations/implications Although this study provides important information from a cross-national perspective, caution should be taken while interpreting these findings. The gender roles embedded in Islamic cultures seem to explain Dubai officers’ favorable attitudes toward women’s restricted role in policing. Future studies should incorporate in-depth interviews to explain why officers in Dubai prefer women’s restricted roles in policing. Practical implications The statistical analyses show that officers with higher levels of confidence not only held more positive attitudes toward women in policing, but also were more receptive to having women as their partners and supervisors. It suggests that confident officers would be more open-minded and welcome the entry of women into police work. By offering training courses that enhance officers’ work confidence, police organizations in both countries might well cultivate a welcoming work environment for women. Social implications If police organizations in Taiwan and the UAE instill cultures with an emphasis less on masculine traits than on collaborative style, male officers might free themselves from traditional gender norms and become more welcoming to women who work in policing. Originality/value Previous scholarly efforts on examining different areas of women in policing have mainly focused on police officers in western countries, leaving a relative scarcity of information about how officers perceive women’s role in policing in the other parts of the globe. Female officers have to work hand in hand with male officers in policing. To enhance the efficiency of deployment and cohesion of work relationship among male and female officers, it is important to understand how male officers perceive women’s roles in policing and how receptive they are to having women as partners. Understanding their perceptions from both sides can help administrations initiate effective training and educational programs.

In light of the increased recruitment of females into the police force in Taiwan, it is important to understand officers' attitudes toward women in policing. What is the nature of such attitudes? Are male and female officers equally receptive to gender integration in policing? Using data gathered from 391 police officers (297 males and 94 females) in the metropolitan area of Taipei, this study compared male and female officers' attitudes toward women in policing and gender role orientations. The findings indicated that male officers significantly differed from their female colleagues in several attitudinal dimensions. The findings revealed that although male officers cast doubts on female officers' capability and efficacy as police officers, they considered equal treatment to be essential – that is, female officers should perform exactly the same or similar duties as male officers. Moreover, officers who were in supervisory positions were more likely to support gender integration, and those officers who had more confidence in police work were more likely to have positive appraisal of female officers. Nevertheless, officers with a longer tenure in the police force were less likely to hold positive perceptions of women in policing. In comparison with male officers, female officers were less likely to be supportive of gender integration that demands women to perform exactly the same or similar duties as males. Policy implications and suggestions for future research are addressed.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to compare Taiwanese male and female cadets’ attitudes toward women in policing. Specifically, this study assesses whether female and male recruits differ in: their assessment of women in policing; and their preferred roles of women in policing. Design/methodology/approach – Surveys were conducted with 438 cadets (229 males and 209 females) who received recruitment training at the Taiwan Police College in 2011. This methodology provided a rich sample to explore police recruits’ attitudes toward women in policing. Findings – Although male cadets had reservations about females’ capability and physical strength in handling certain aspects of police work, they supported women being assigned to equal or similar duties as men upon entry into the police force. Compared to male cadets, female cadets were more likely to perceive females as being competent as males and thus adequate for police work. Nevertheless, female cadets were reluctant to embrace women's integration into police work, which might require them to perform duties similar to or the same as those of men, such as patrol. Research limitations/implications – It should be noted that the survey in the current study was conducted while recruits were going through training at the police college. The authors cannot rule out the possibility that surveys conducting under this type of circumstances may result in socially desirable responses. Future study should include surveys with cadets at different stages of their training (before, between, and at the end of the training) to further examine if the levels of recruits’ receptiveness to gender integration change over time. Practical implications – This finding highlights the importance of equipping female recruits with mental preparation and physical skills. The training at the academy should prepare cadets with the required skills to serve as patrol officers to boost their confidence. Equally important is to provide suitable training to help cadets raise stress awareness and develop coping mechanisms. Originality/value – Most studies conducted in the past have mainly focussed on police officers’ perceptions of women in policing. Only a handful of studies examine future police recruits’ attitudes toward women in policing, and most of these studies are conducted in western countries. A better understanding of police recruits’ attitudes toward women in policing in a non-western cultural setting can provide insight into theoretical and policy perspectives related to these issues.

Law enforcer or social worker? Exploration of the role of police in responding to persons with mental illness

The entry of women into policing in Australia and the achievement of legal equality have been described by one policewoman as 'a long hard struggle'.' The marginalisation experienced by policewomen has also been reflected in historical studies. Most histories of police in Australia give little or no space to issues of female participation. More critical, sociologically-based studies have also tended to perpetuate the assumption that 'police' are 'men'. Leading writers on police like Chappell and Wilson commonly made statements such as: Australian police forces ... require more men. But more men will not by themselves solve all police problems. Quality of men is a more pressing problem than their numbers. Apart from one book-length historical study on South Australia, two short biographies, various short reports in magazines, newspapers and professional journals, and some theses and reports, there is a dearth of substantial published material on policewomen in Australia. This article is itself only an introduction. Further primary research is required to provide a detailed historical picture of the experience of policewomen. Most readily available material is from South Australia, New South Wales, Victoria and Queensland — although there does appear to be a common experience for women police. There is a large British and American theoretical and sociological literature on policewomen relevant to the situation and a number of attitude studies have been done in Australia. Given the absence of historical material however, this paper leaves aside theory in order to provide a narrative account of women in policing. That experience can be divided into two distinct phases. In the first period from the Great War to the early 1970s, women won and consolidated a place in a restricted welfare-related role. Since then, formal equality has been achieved and some small steps have been made in the direction of affirmative action.

Introduction to<i>Visual Arts Research</i>Special Issue, Body Cam: The Visual Regimes of Policing

In Dubai, one of the fastest-growing cities in the world, women are encouraged to pursue higher education and careers in different spheres. Since the first group of 17 women joined the Dubai police force in 1977, the number of women choosing the police profession has risen. Today, more than 1,400 female officers work in Dubai. Using data from surveys conducted with 278 female police officers in Dubai, this study assesses female officers’ attitudes towards women in policing and their preferred gender role at police work. In general, female officers believed that they are effective as patrol officers on the street, and a majority of the sampled policewomen believed that women can be as good as male officers in doing police work. The findings reveal that professional role confidence is significantly associated with positive self-appraisal. In addition, policewomen who are confident about their work and those with longer tenure in the police force are more likely to favour the same assignment as policemen. Female officers with higher education attainment are less likely to endorse gender-restrictive assignments. Suggestions for future research are addressed.

Unlike countries such as Britain and the United States, police forces in Australia are mainly organised along State or Territory boundaries. A survey by Bayley (1992) of the organisation of police forces in five English-speaking countries found that Australia has the least number of autonomous forces: seven State forces and a federal force, compared with 43 in Great Britain, 461 in Canada, and over 15,000 in the United States. Since the area covered by the seven State forces is about the size of the United States excluding Alaska and Hawaii, police forces in Australia are the largest in terms of geographical coverage ( ibid. : 512–14). They are also among the largest with respect to the number of officers per force and population covered. According to Bayley, the average size of Australian police forces in 1988–89 was 4978 police officers and the average population covered was 2.3 million. The New South Wales Police Service, which consisted of about 13,000 police officers and 3000 civilians in 1992 and an annual expenditure of close to a thousand million dollars (NSWPS 1992), is the largest police force in Australia. It serves the entire State population of around 6 million, covering an area three times the size of the United Kingdom. The functions of the NSW Police Service, like other Australian police forces, are primarily those of law enforcement, protection of life and property, order maintenance and crime control, although the State police also regulate traffic and work with the Australian Federal Police and other Commonwealth law-enforcement agencies to enforce federal laws.

Over the course of the past half century, policing in the United States has gone from an institution in deep crisis and a flashpoint in the country’s culture wars to a widely admired example of innovative, bipartisan reform—and then back again. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, police forces were overwhelmingly white, male, and politically reactionary. Liberals saw the police as racist, violent, and ineffective and blamed them, with justification, for the hundreds of riots that convulsed American cities under Presidents Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon. At the same time, conservatives rallied around the police as symbols of “law and order”—the cause that, more than any other, won Nixon the White House in 1968.1 By the late 1990s, however, the police had become far more diverse and far less insular, and new approaches to law enforcement, especially “community policing” and “problem-oriented policing,” had won remarkably broad respect across lines of race, class, and ideology.2 Enthusiasts of “new governance” regularly pointed to police departments as models of the kind of pragmatic reform other public sectors could profitably emulate.3 The pitched battles over the police in the Johnson and Nixon years, the jeering of officers as “pigs,” and the strident calls to “support your local police” felt increasingly remote.Then all the progress seemed to disappear. President Donald Trump resurrected “law and order” as a partisan rallying cry, championed the most violent and aggressive forms of policing, and allied himself with officers more loudly and divisively than Nixon ever had. In the summer of 2020, when tens of millions of protesters marched across the United States and riots broke out in a series of cities, the motivating grievances were about the police, and especially about the large number of young Black men killed by law enforcement officers. For many on the left, reforming the police no longer seemed possible; they wanted to abolish the police or least to slash their budgets.4 Americans on the right, meanwhile, increasingly saw attacks on law enforcement as attacks on them and on their idea of what the country should be.5 The calls in 2020 to “defund the police” were blamed, in 2021, for rising homicide rates across the United States, for spates of robberies and car thefts in some cities, and—by moderate Democrats—for off-year electoral losses to Republicans.6 Law enforcement is again a political battleground, not just dividing Democrats from Republicans but pitting progressives against moderates, young against old, and marginalized community against marginalized community.7 Once again, the police are in crisis, and once again they seem part of the reason the country is in crisis. The recent history of policing is a tale of reversals and upended expectations.In other ways, as well, the enterprise of policing is marked by contradictions. This is especially true of the deep and complicated connections between policing and equality. Public law enforcement agencies are inherently redistributionist, socializing the use of force, but ever since the birth of modern policing in London in the late nineteenth century, officers have protected the privileged against the “dangerous classes,” and American policing in particular has long and continuing connections with racial subordination. People of color in the United States are more likely than whites to be victims of crime and more likely to be victims of police violence and abuse; they suffer from both police nonfeasance and police malfeasance. Inadequate protection against crime is among the most damaging forms of racial inequality in the United States, but so is the appallingly large number of young people of color, particularly African Americans, killed every year by the police.Charting a new course for public safety thus means confronting paradoxes and trade-offs. It requires accepting necessary compromises while rejecting those that have been tolerated for lack of imagination. It also means confronting two different social divides. The first is the ideological divide, the growing chasm between left and right that today, as half a century ago, has made policing a partisan flashpoint. The second divide is sociological: the gulf separating privileged Americans from the poor people and people of color who disproportionately bear the burdens of both crime and abusive forms of policing. Each of these two divides has implications for police reform. The ideological divide places a premium on proposals that can gain broad, cross-partisan support. The sociological divide provides reason to give special weight to the interests and views of poor people and people of color, especially African Americans.8Although police reform was never as successful as it was said to be in the 1980s and 1990s, neither was it a dead end. There are ways to make policing fairer, more effective, less abusive, and less lethal by building on successes of past reforms while addressing their very real shortcomings. Fortunately, moreover, the proposals most likely to work are supported by Americans on both sides of the ideological divide and by a majority of the groups most affected by crime and by abusive policing.How can American policing be transformed into a more effective and egalitarian system of public safety? We need to start with four key facts. First, crime has devastating, disproportionate impacts on poor people and people of color, especially Black Americans. Second, police violence and other forms of abusive law enforcement also take a tragic and outsize toll on poor people and people of color, and here, too, Black Americans are particularly likely to be victimized. Third, improved policing has helped make crime far less common today than thirty or forty years ago, but some of the progress has been lost in recent years. Fourth, there have been successes over the past several decades in reforming police departments, but the victories have been partial and very often fleeting.Fear of crime is often whipped up for partisan purposes, but the damage that crime inflicts on victims, as well as on their families and communities, is real and massive. Criminal victimization is also regressive, falling most heavily on those who are already disadvantaged. All of this is particularly true of the most extreme forms of violence—homicide, aggravated assault, and rape—which can fairly be called epidemic in the United States and which victimize African Americans, along with their families and neighborhoods, at greatly elevated rates.There are between fifteen thousand and twenty thousand homicides annually in the United States—a rate of about five or six per one hundred thousand people in the country. Among Black Americans, though, the rate is much higher. African Americans die violently at seven times the rate of whites; for men the ratio is nine to one. Homicide is the third-leading cause of death among Americans aged fifteen to thirty-four; it is the leading cause of death among Black males under forty-five and the second-leading cause of death among Latino males under forty-five. Young Black men are fifteen times more likely than their white counterparts to be the victims of homicide. Violence is responsible for more lost years of Black male lives than cancer, stroke, and diabetes combined. Meanwhile more than a million Americans are hospitalized each year from attacks that do not turn out to be fatal, and African Americans are more likely than whites to be the victims of these attacks, too. Black people are also disproportionately represented among the several hundred thousand victims of rape each year in the United States.9The failure to protect African Americans and other marginalized populations from crime is among the starkest and most damaging forms of racial inequality in the United States. No other wealthy country tolerates such extreme racial disparities in the risks of violent victimization.10Moreover, beyond the lives that it cuts short, homicide and other forms of extreme violence can have tragic consequences for the families of victims and for the neighborhoods where it occurs. High rates of violence make fear a constant presence in people’s lives, affecting the material conditions of their daily existence in countless ways. It turns heat waves more deadly, for example, by making people afraid to leave their homes. Children living in neighborhoods with high rates of violence perform worse in school, reinforcing the cycle of disadvantage that keep families locked in intergenerational poverty. This is not just a matter of correlation: Black schoolchildren do dramatically worse on standardized tests in the days immediately after a local homicide than in the days just before. Exposure to lethal violence makes it hard for them to concentrate, and the effects appear to accumulate with each additional killing. Crime, especially homicide and other serious forms of violence, also depress property values, helping to maintain the gaping disparities between the household wealth of Americans of different races and robbing local governments of tax revenues, which in turn makes it harder for them to confront not only violence but virtually every other challenge they face. For communities as well as for individuals, exposure to criminal victimization, and in particular to homicide and serious assault, is a pillar of American inequality.11Much of the explanation for the racial disparities in rates of criminal victimization in the United States lies outside the criminal justice system: in the pervasive, interlocking disadvantages imposed on people of color, especially on African Americans. Discrimination perpetuates poverty, and poverty breeds crime, making potential offenders more desperate and potential victims more vulnerable.12 But part of the explanation is inadequate policing, and more precisely the long history of police departments protecting white, wealthy neighborhoods more than poor neighborhoods disproportionately populated by people of color.13If poor people and people of color in the United States have long suffered from inadequate protection against crime, they have also suffered from an excess of violence and abuse at the hands of the police. Police officers kill roughly a thousand Americans every year. Somewhere between half and eighty percent of the deaths, probably, are unjustified.14 And the victims of police killings are disproportionately people of color, with young Black people men especially at risk. Black Americans are fourteen percent of the population but more than a quarter of the people shot dead by the police.15 From 1980 through 2019, on an age-adjusted basis, Black people were more than three times as likely to be killed by the police as whites; Latinos were close to twice as likely.16 Between 2015 and 2019, an unarmed Black man was four times as likely to be fatally shot by the police as an unarmed white man.17 For Black and white males between the ages of twenty and twenty-four, the ratio was five to one.18Deaths at the hands of law enforcement officers are the most extreme way, but far from the only way, in which the burdens of policing fall disproportionately on African Americans and other people of color. People of color, especially young Black men, are more likely to be stopped by the police. When they are stopped, they are less likely to be treated with respect, more likely to grabbed or struck, more likely to be searched, and more likely to be arrested.19The harsh, often brutal treatment of African Americans and other people of color by police has ramifications far beyond the deaths, physical injuries, and indignities it inflicts. Stops and arrests are entry points into the carceral system. Excessively aggressive, discriminatory policing helps to sustain jail and prison populations that are bloated and racially lopsided. And the interactions that people have with the police reverberate through their communities, with lasting effects not just on attitudes toward law enforcement but on broader ideas about law, government, and society.20 Unsurprisingly, African Americans consistently report less confidence in the police than whites.21 But mistreatment by the police often leads, also, to an enervating sense of disempowerment—a sense of physical vulnerability, lack of belonging, and alienation—not just in the immediate victim of the mistreatment but in friends, family, and neighbors as well.22The damage that American policing does to people of color and their communities has received more attention over the past three decades for several reasons. Part of the explanation is changes in law enforcement: the expansion of police forces since the 1980s; more aggressive use of stop-and-frisk; crackdowns on low-level, quality-of-life offenses; and the spread of militarized equipment and tactics, including through the proliferation and increased use of SWAT teams.23 Increased public awareness of police violence has also played a role; the key contributors here have been the Black Lives Matter movement and the advent of smartphones and social media.24 But some part of the reason that police violence and its disproportionate use against people of color has loomed larger may also be a success to which law enforcement agencies themselves contributed: the dramatic, transformational decline of crime in the 1990s. As threats of private violence became less omnipresent in poor neighborhoods of color, threats of police violence—which had always been there, in the background—became more jarringly inexcusable.25As devastating a toll as crime now takes in the United States, it did far more damage thirty years ago. Between the early 1990s and the turn of the millennium, the national homicide rate dropped by roughly forty percent, and the decline was even larger in the neighborhoods and demographic groups hardest hit by crime. The rates of other crimes saw similar drops.26 The sociologist Patrick Sharkey notes that for Black men, the homicide drop was the largest public health achievement of the past several decades, shrinking the racial disparity in life expectancy and preserving roughly one thousand years of life for every one hundred thousand Black men. Sharkey has also documented the ways in which the decline of crime changed the fabric of life in poor neighborhoods, allowing public spaces to be reclaimed and alleviating the constant, debilitating fear of violent attack. Combined with changes in law enforcement, the crime decline of the 1990s altered the nature of the physical insecurity experienced in poor communities of color, particularly by young people, “from the threat of violent peers to the threat of abusive police.”27The plummeting crime rates of the 1990s were followed by more modest reductions in homicides and aggravated assaults in the early years of the twenty-first century. Homicide rates began to rise, though, around 2014, and then surged in cities across the country during the COVID-19 pandemic of 2020 and 2021.28 Some major American cities recorded more homicides in 2021 than in any prior year.29 And just as the crime decline in the 1990s was particularly pronounced in poor neighborhoods and predominantly Black neighborhoods, fatal shootings have risen most dramatically in recent years in those same neighborhoods.30 In Los Angeles, for example, Black Americans are nine percent of the population but constituted thirty-six percent of homicide victims in 2021; in New York City, the figures are twenty-four percent and sixty-five percent, respectively.31 Rates of other violent crimes do not appear to have risen as much as homicides, and the nationwide homicide rate in 2020 and 2021 remained well below its peak in the 1980s. Still, a significant amount of the progress made in reducing fatal attacks in the 1990s and early 2000s seems to have slipped away, at least temporarily and possibly for longer. Just as there was nothing unavoidable about the high crime rates of the 1980s, there is no guarantee those rates will not return.The causes of the crime drop in the 1990s are still debated, and so are the explanations for the rising homicide rates of the past several years. Some of the credit for the crime drop, though, almost certainly should go to improvements in policing: either to the expansion of police forces in the 1990s, or to changes in how the police operated, or most likely to both factors. The evidence is threefold. First, a growing body of research links increased police presence to decreases in crime, especially homicides. Some of this research examines the effects of changes in the size of local police forces; others look at the effects of temporary surges in police presence because of, for example, terrorist alerts.32 Second, the crime drop during the 1990s was roughly twice as large in New York City as elsewhere in the country, and the most plausible explanation for the difference is the especially large changes in the quantity of and quality of policing in New York City during that period.33 Third, there is strong evidence for the effectiveness of particular police strategies that became more widespread in the 1990s, especially tactics that focus on areas where a large number of crimes take place and other examples of “problem-oriented policing.”34American law enforcement didn’t just get better at controlling crime in the last decades of the twentieth century. It also improved in other ways, albeit unevenly, and too often transiently. At the beginning of the 1970s, for example, police departments in the United States were overwhelmingly white and overwhelmingly male. Many departments, particularly in big cities, grew more diverse in the 1980s and 1990s, often through hiring plans adopted in response to lawsuits. By the early 2000s, some large police forces were majority minority—this was true, for example, in Los Angeles, Detroit, and Washington, D.C.—and the percentage of female officers had grown as well. Smaller departments made less progress, though. Moreover, as court-ordered hiring plans have expired over the past twenty years, diversification has stalled even in larger departments, and some past gains have been undone.35Diversifying law enforcement agencies is not a panacea—there are no panaceas in police reform—but accumulating research suggests that minority and female officers are less likely to use unjustified force, especially against people of color.36 White male officers partnered with minority or female officers also change their patterns of policing for the better. And diverse departments are less insular, more open to outside ideas, and better connected to the communities they serve, all of which makes them more likely to adopt other reforms.37One particular way in which police diversity has facilitated other reforms is by countering the strident hostility of police unions toward efforts to reduce police violence, increase police and racial in law Police unions are not always of but even today they do more to than to for making law enforcement fairer, more effective, and less reason for that is that the of police unions and than police officers of Black and Latino officers have often championed reforms by police and the presence of officers of color may in some have police unions to moderate their most of those reforms over the past half century have been community policing and policing, both of which spread widely in the 1980s and 1990s, as and just as every police in the country to “community policing,” in part because it became a for At its though, community policing was more than a It was a of law enforcement from a and toward a that on and with the public and with other policing had major some of which will be And because community policing was with of it was hard to It though, because it often greatly increased public with the police and made people fear of crime to real reductions in when people felt they out and and to become with more people most community policing also police departments, and it focus beyond crime allowing them to a of other by the communities they It well with policing, which called on officers to work and on an basis, with other agencies and the public to of particular local but not policing to responsible for a disproportionate amount of but not the were officers. community policing, the focus on to and a body of evidence these with significant crime there are that and other forms of policing have helped some cities the national and reduce homicides in community policing and policing also increased attention to low-level, of such as and the Part of the idea was that when these of were left neighborhoods toward people on the and rates of serious this was the of Police on quality-of-life could be too, and the that these were in effective at reducing serious crime, but not as dramatically as policing and only when the community and particular in particular crackdowns on quality-of-life as community policing and policing, did not reduce the other of the from quality-of-life policing, policing the of in which the police with community groups and other agencies to particular groups of people responsible for a disproportionate of a first and most of which was in the 1980s and called because their most was often threats of consequences at the and groups violence in a particular But the also of social to the same people, and more recent of this more than policing. is growing that these when right, their moreover, community policing and policing their in poor were and not just because they were of from of officers in neighborhoods hit hardest by crime. policing and policing police to adopt what the had called the of law kind of policing in to from the of law enforcement in had called the which and the which when community policing and policing were to against life they on the In community policing and policing officers to for neighborhoods to a of other than law enforcement: and so that they had not up to be social but it out they often were at other agencies to more attention to marginalized several different community policing and policing have lost much of their over the past two The terrorist attacks of to calls for more aggressive forms of law enforcement, and and local in the early 2000s many departments to community policing and policing as forms of these the crackdowns on and in New York City, helped to community against them in many against the of police And it became increasingly that, even at their community policing and policing had some was that these attention to police This was not in the of either of could have with the public and agencies outside law enforcement to reduce police But they Police the of police violence, especially police because they did not the of the This was because the victims were of marginalized groups and or because did not still does on police killings or other forms of police violence, and the advent of body and of these were to It those and the Black Lives Matter movement to give the of police killings the attention it had long lethal police violence against Black Americans and Latinos has over the past half century. for the of the victims, the of killed by a police in the United States during the 1980s, and the drop was particularly Black Americans and The decline in police killings over the course of that to have been to new the use of lethal against In the three decades, in the age-adjusted rate of police killings of Black Americans and Latinos remained roughly constant while the rate for white Americans as a the age-adjusted for Americans also In some though, rates to From through 2019, police killings in areas and but by thirty percent in the thirty largest American cities, because of new on use of violence in some cities has dropped especially In Los Angeles, for example, significant of by the police appear to have been in half between and 2019, and police shootings appear to have by forty by officers increased in 2021 but remained far than in past In on the other of by the police have dropped by percent over the past fifteen years, but the rate of police shootings has not a similar Police shootings in between and in and again in and and then dropped over the several years, by to roughly the Los and have been of efforts at police reform over the past two decades, so the of by police in these cities over the past are in some reductions in of in both cities and significant reductions in police shootings in Los but in others progress on police shootings in also the in patterns of police violence, as in crime across the United States. The Police by the and the number of of per thousand arrests for hundreds of American police departments from to the from fifteen to the United States as a had New York rate of police almost Americans have been killed by the police in had New York homicide people have violently that same Police can and have but the victories have been and often

This is the first book to look at women in policing in the mainland of the People’s Republic of China. Informed by empirical data as well as rich secondary information drawn from a wide range of published materials, and written by a former police officer in China, this book offers a detailed discussion of key issues concerning women in the Chinese police. Mainly drawing on face-to-face interviews with police officers and student probationers in multiple force areas, Women Police in Contemporary China offers rich insights into women’s lives in Chinese policing. The book first discusses how Chinese women were introduced to the male-only organisation and their representation in the Chinese police today. It elaborates women’s experiences as female officers in the police and, more specifically, their everyday work, contributions to policing, women police’s own perceptions of their roles and positions in the police profession and the gendered challenges and concerns facing them. It also looks at police occupational culture from a gendered lens. This book is illuminating reading for all those engaged in policing studies, gender and justice, policymaking, comparative criminal justice and all those interested in a woman’s role in the Chinese police.

Gender in the police force has received scant attention by researchers, although there are complex social dimensions at play in how male and female law enforcement officers relate to each other in the workplace. Given the fact that males predominate in the police force, their female counterparts are often marginalised due to their sexual orientation and certain stereotypes that prevail about their femininity. Male officers perceive female officers as physically weak individuals who cannot go about their duties as this is an area of work deemed more appropriate to men. Based on this perception, female officers are discriminated against in active policing and often confined to administrative duties. This study looks at how female police officers are discriminated against in the global police culture across the globe, the logic of sexism and women’s threat to police work, men’s opposition to female police work, gender representivity in the police force, and the integration and transformation of the South African Police Service to accommodate female police officers. The study highlights that although police officers are discriminated against globally, in the South African context positive steps have been taken to accommodate them through legislative reform.

Despite a number of efforts by the Government to increase the representation of women in police, it has continued to be relatively sluggish. The Government's data shows that there were a total of 2,17,026 women in police forces, which made up 10.5 percent of the entire police force in the country. Very few women police are recruited for leadership positions. The reasons behind the lesser representation of women police in the police department include the working conditions, societal status of women, recruitment rules, retention and promotion discrimination, inadequate infrastructure, and the police image in society etc. Article 355 of the 7th Schedule of the Constitution of India mandates the Union to safeguard each State from both internal and external disturbances. The responsibility for public order crimes and law enforcement falls under the State's jurisdiction, as designated by Article 246 of the Constitution. Therefore, each State has to establish a police force capable of enforcing laws, maintaining public order, and ensuring the safety of its citizens. The United Nations report underscores the importance of women in the police force, noting that the current ratio of 137 police per lakh population falls short of the required 181 police per lakh population. The United Nations recommends a ratio of 222 police per lakh population, a goal that we are currently far from achieving. The present paper provides police data along with the strength of the women police in India. This also highlights the various committees' recommendations for women's policing and the development of the police force through equality and quality of women working in the police system. Some crucial suggestions and recommendations have been provided to increase the recruitment of women in police organisations.

Victim support police work involves a wide range of relations within a police force, including expectations that set this occupation as a hybrid or liminal position, between what’s commonly considered classic policing and social work. Between victims’ and other police officers’ expectations, their experience is dramatically affected by liminality, with deep effects regarding group identity, satisfaction, and wellbeing. Drawing from qualitative research among victim support officers from Catalonia’s Mossos d’Esquadra corps, this article analyses how victim support officers find themselves between specific police fields and expectations, and how this defines them as liminars or subjects of liminal positions, roles, and actions. This, in turn, we argue, makes them an uneasy object and subject for victims, other officers, and for their institutions.

The evolution of policing in post-soviet Russia: Paternalism versus service in police. Officers' understanding of their role

The present study explored the role of job attitude in relation to perceived occupational stress, interrole conflict, and psychological wellbeing of women police. The study also examined the influence of demographic factors such as job experience, family structure, number of transfers, and number of dependents on all psychosocial variables studied. The sample was chosen from a sampling frame of 181 women constables, who satisfied the criteria of marital status. Data were obtained from a sample of 72 married women constables and head constables of the Chennai City police department. Data were analyzed by using correlation analysis and t-test. The sample was divided into two groups as low and high job attitude based on the mean scores in job attitude scale. Correlation analysis among the variables revealed that job attitude was negatively related to both occupational stress and interrole conflict. Moreover, job attitude was positively related to psychological well-being. Occupational stress was negatively related to psychological well-being of women police. It was found that interrole conflict did not significantly influence the occupational stress and psychological wellbeing of women police. Moreover, those with more job experience perceived low occupational stress and better psychological well-being. Women police with more number of dependents perceived greater interrole conflict than those with lesser number of dependents. Further, the number of transfers and type of family did not influence job attitude, perceived occupational stress, interrole conflict, and psychological well-being of women police. The study had implications for further research in police force and in developing effective interventions to reduce occupational stress and to enhance psychological well-being of women police.