Contribuições do desenvolvimentismo clássico e do novo desenvolvimentismo

Energizing Comparative Environmental Politics and Comparative Political Economy

TiVo is a digital video recording device that was first introduced into the North American market in 1999. Since then, TiVo has been made available in many countries, including Australia in July 2008. This paper seeks to examine TiVo in Australia, using the cultural economy of media and communications as its theoretical framework. While related to ‘political economy’, in this paper we position the notion of ‘cultural economy’ as a preferable term on the basis that cultural economy research focuses specifically on how discourse and cultural practice constitute the spaces within which economic action is formatted and framed. This theoretical framework is employed to examine: (1) questions of ownership and control, with primary consideration given to TiVo licensing issues, and corresponding technical alterations to device capabilities that came with this; (2) representational concerns, how TiVo has been marketed, depicted, debated and discussed in the popular and trade presses; and, (3) questions of consumption, by considering, at the end of its first two years in the Australian market, how users have engaged with it thus far.

This edited collection, Political Economy, Literature & the Formation of Knowledge, aims to address the genealogy and formation of political economy as a knowledge project from 1720 to 1850. Through individual essays on both literary and political economic writers, this volume defines and analyses the formative moves, both epistemological and representational, which proved foundational to the emergence of political economy as a dominant discourse of modernity. The collection also explores political economy’s relation to other discourses and knowledge practices in this period; representation in and of political economy; abstraction and political economy; fictional mediations and interrogations of political economy; and political economy and its ‘others’, including political economy and affect, and political economy and the aesthetic. Essays presented in this text are at once historical and conceptual in focus, and manifest literary critical disciplinary expertise whilst being of genuinely broad and interdisciplinary interest. Amongst the writers whose work is addressed are: Charles Dickens, Elizabeth Gaskell, David Hume, Thomas Malthus, Jane Marcet, J. S. Mill, David Ricardo, and Adam Smith. The introduction, by the editors, sets up the conceptual, theoretical and analytical framework explored by each of the essays. The final essay and response bring the concerns of the volume up to date by engaging with current economic and financial realities, by, respectively, showing how an informed and critical history of political economy could transform current economic practices, and by exploring the abundance of recent conceptual art addressing representation and the unpresentable in economic practice.

The current COVID-19 pandemic has caused people all over the world to consider how each nation has responded to the outbreak. The effects of the COVID-19 pandemic have had a significant impact on the global political economy. It has been stated that the COVID-19 pandemic has altered the characteristics and environments of individuals across the planet (Lomperis, 2020). The aim of this paper is to focus on and analyse the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic into three different theoretical perspectives on international political economy which are liberalism, structuralism, and mercantilism. This study employed qualitative research for the renowned three theories in international political economy. Data for this study came from already-published works on the political economy of the world. The methodology substantially drew from the body of prior research on the topic at hand. This research showed the correlation between the political and economic aspects of international political economy with the current situation. The theoretical framework and impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on the world political economy have been discussed in this paper. The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic is more towards the economic sectors rather than politics. However, all leaders should be prepared to have a contingency plan to avoid their country’s getting worst.

The Handbook of the political economy of financial crises

Critical Crossroads or Parallel Routes?Political Economy and New Approaches to Studying Media Industries and Cultural Products Janet Wasko (bio) and Eileen R. Meehan (bio) The study of media industries may be relatively new to the Society for Cinema and Media Studies (SCMS), but focus on this area has a long history and, in the United States, has included research on the interconnected industries of telephony, radio, film, journalism, and television. Much of this work can be divided into two perspectives: the first celebrates the individuals, working cohorts, companies, and markets constituting the entertainment-information sector of the US economy; the second contextualizes those individuals, working cohorts, companies, and markets within the ongoing development of capitalism. The celebratory approach has often been called media economics, whereas the contextual approach is generally called political economy of the media. As supporters of the contextual approach, we are accustomed to being denounced, accused, and misrepresented: denounced as economic reductionists; accused of ignoring media workers, artifacts, and audiences; and misrepresented as latter-day members of the Frankfurt School who blame “evil capitalists” for the media’s content and operations.1 In this commentary, we respond to the recent round of misrepresentations of political economy with illustrations of research within a contextual tradition. “New” Approaches to Studying Media Industries. During the 1990s, a number of approaches emerged in Media Studies building on the work of a few film scholars while asking questions similar to those explored by political economists.2 These “new” approaches have fallen under various rubrics, including creative industries, convergence [End Page 150] culture, production culture, production studies, cultural economy, and media industry studies.3 These developments are well represented by the growth of Media Industry Studies and the founding of the SCMS Media Industries Studies Scholarly Interest Group, which has continued to rapidly increase in popularity. The explications of these “new” approaches have often included a rejection of political economy as a viable framework for studying the media. Certainly, the choice of a theoretical framework is up to the researcher. However, these discussions have also presented a number of misrepresentations of a political economic approach that we feel compelled to discuss. We note here that we do not necessarily speak for other researchers who may embrace a political economic perspective, sometimes as only one of the lenses they use to understand media. We focus in the following pages on the discussions of a Media Industry Studies approach. For instance, in their edited collection devoted to Media Industry Studies, Holt and Perren state that they intend to provide a framework for the “new field”: “While the world does not necessarily need another field of study, one has indeed emerged.”4 Although that may have some validity in terms of SCMS, it ignores celebratory research on media industries published in journals such as those supported by the Broadcast Education Association, the International Communication Association, and the National Communication Association (previously the Speech Communication Association). Holt and Perren’s collection covers a range of perspectives, including calls for an integrative approach,5 as well as those who argue that the study of political economy—specifically, the North American version—is problematic. In another example, Havens, Lotz, and Tinic have outlined an approach called Critical Media Industries Studies. They argue that this was part of Cultural Studies from its very beginning but was eclipsed by textual analysis and reception studies. Consequently, scholars have used various phrases to describe middle-range studies of the managerial and production employees working in media operations. They seek to unify these various scholars under the umbrella of Critical Media Industries. We appreciate the increased attention to institutional and economic dimensions of the media. We also note that these “new” approaches claim to draw on existing theoretical frameworks, such as cultural studies and political economy. However, most often, the theories, methods, and findings of political economy are ultimately rejected. Some of the accusations have to do with the level of analysis and which media are [End Page 151] studied: “Critical political economy approaches, which predominantly and consistently focus on the larger level operations of media institutions—and, with few exceptions, emphasize news production—have been a favored paradigm among many media scholars...

This contribution examines the transfer of employment relations policies and practices from the domestic operations of the Hyundai Motor Company (HMC) in Ulsan, Korea to its joint venture in China, the Beijing Hyundai Motors Company (BHMC). An integrated ‘political economy’ theoretical framework is used to analyse the complex interaction of institutional, strategic and micro-political forces that have shaped the hybrid model of employment relations at BHMC. The study shows that the transfer of policies and practices from Ulsan to Beijing has been influenced not only by institutional differences between the home and host countries and the strategies pursued by HMC management, but also by the political contests between various actors within and outside BHMC. Our research findings show that HMC headquarters has sought to maintain control over employment relations at BHMC through the transfer of its core policies and practices from its Korean operations to BHMC. However, a hybrid model has emerged at BHMC with some notable differences to HMC's Ulsan plant. Utilising an integrated political economy perspective, this contribution has shown that BHMC's employment relations policies and practices have been shaped and conditioned by a complex interplay of institutional and market forces, strategic choices and ongoing political contests between various actors within and beyond BHMC.

Accounting for development has recently gained attention in the extant literature, advancing a research agenda considering structural issues and their impact on accounting practices of both in state and private sector institutions. The role of politics and power in accounting and accountability, especially on resource allocation has been studied with different theoretical frameworks with increasing focus given to the divergent roles of culture and politics, and how these can influence organizational budgeting and resource allocation mechanisms. However, the role of politics in accounting and accountability structures in development agendas, especially in development projects has only been addressed intermittently. By focusing on the management accounting controls and accountability mechanisms in development projects, particularly infrastructural, this thesis tries to fill the gap identified above. It takes a Cultural Political Economy perspective to theorize case study findings of accounting and accountability in development context. The finding exemplifies that donor-funded development projects produce neo-colonial relationships through multi-level patronage politics and ambiguity in management accounting controls and accountability mechanisms. The power relations infused by patronage politics captures the different forms of power within and beyond the state which subsequently, result in departures from ideal types of management accounting controls, perpetuating violation of management accounting controls. This thesis contributes to the debate in the (cultural) political economy of accounting research in Less Developed Countries and development studies.

In recent years, China has emerged as a major economic and trade partner of the USA. In the light of the increasing ‘neoliberalization’ of the Chinese economy – as exemplified by privatization, deregulation and globalization, China has come to be situated in the economic and political imagination within mainstream managerial US discourses of commerce and trade. As a strategic economic partner for US-based businesses, much academic, policy-based, and commercial literature has focused on ‘relationship management’ issues to guide US-based business management practices directed toward China. In this article, we focus on the discourses of ‘relationship management’ in the 2009 through 2011 versions of one such document: Doing Business in China: Country Commercial Guide for US Companies, a publication of the US and Foreign Commercial Service and the US Department of State. Using an entry point for putting the postcolonial and ‘political economy’ theoretical frameworks in conversation, as exemplified by the works of Edward Said, Arif Dirlik, and David Harvey, this document was analyzed for congruent themes and the ways in which these themes depicted the relationships of power and control within contemporary configurations of neocolonialism. Three themes were reflected in the discourse: (1) China as a juvenile business field; (2) primitive business culture of the Orient; and (3) globalization as improvement and development. These themes were examined in detail and explicated in relation to postcolonial and neoliberal political economic theories, elucidating the relationship among neoliberalization, the nation state and neocolonial framing of the Orient.

This paper argues that Turkey’s ambition to assert itself as a regional power has reconfigured its political economy, aligning macroeconomic governance with strategic geopolitical doctrines. By treating foreign policy as a driver of economic development, the study offers an interpretation of Turkey’s hybrid institutional model. Through an integrated analytical framework that combines Developmental State Theory, the Varieties of Capitalism, and the Post-Washington Consensus, the paper examines how doctrines such as Strategic Depth, Blue Homeland, Asia Anew, Opening Africa, Opening to Latin America, and the development of strategic industries have shaped fiscal priorities, sectoral policies, and institutional configurations. The analysis unfolds in six parts: it begins with a theoretical framework that positions Turkey within hybrid capitalism. It traces the historical foundations of its state-led economic model; assesses recent macroeconomic trends including inflation, currency instability, and labour market fragmentation; explores foreign policy as a tool of economic statecraft; and evaluates sectoral strengths and vulnerabilities across energy, infrastructure, agriculture, and capital markets. Empirically, the study draws on macroeconomic data, institutional analysis, and regional case comparisons to assess Turkey’s evolving developmental trajectory. The findings reveal a state that exhibits features of both dynamism and fragility: strategic sectors – in particular, the defence industry that emerged as a central pillar of Turkey’s political economy – display resilience and entrepreneurial vitality, yet they are undermined by policy volatility and geopolitical overreach. The paper concludes that Turkey’s long-term economic resilience hinges on balancing strategic autonomy with international cooperation and rethinking the foundations of its economic governance. As such, Turkey offers a broader lesson for emerging powers navigating the trade-offs between regional ambition and sustainable development.

Rostek, Joanna. <i>Women’s Economic Thought in the Romantic Age: Towards a Transdisciplinary Herstory of Economic Thought</i>

The tapir in the room: Ancient Maya storage architecture

This article proposes a typology of the models of managing local language press in Africa. Two models are identified: the mainstream and the subsidiary. In the mainstream model are local language newspapers that exist as the sole or main products of a media organization. The subsidiary model consists of local language newspapers that exist as subsidiary products of a foreign (but dominant) language media organization. The two models are differentiated by two major factors: Focus/Attention/Priority and Resources (Sharing) and Men, Materials, Machine and Marketing. Using critical political economy as a theoretical framework, the article draws examples from local language press establishments in Africa to discuss these models. Irrespective of the model of management adopted, the survival of local language newspapers in Africa remains precarious. The survival or otherwise of local language newspapers in Africa is better understood through the prism of critical political economy, a branch of political economy that appreciates the interrelationships between the distribution of material and symbolic resources. The two models of management are affected by political economy, either at the macro or micro level. The power relations among the contesting languages in a society determine to a great extent the economic well-being of any newspaper. The literature on critical political economy addresses the close relationship between those who wield political (and economic) power. This, more than any specific management model, determines the success of any local language newspaper. Even though the general situation with local language press in Africa is not impressive, there are some success stories that can be situated within either of the two management models.

The causes and consequences of revolutionary change have long been the subject of scholarly debate. Through a systematic integration of political economic elements into an analysis of contemporary social transformations, this article joins this conversation by asking how Karl Polanyi’s double movement framework can clarify, and be extended by, the Egyptian Revolution of 2011. By embedding a nuanced account of neoliberalism in Egypt’s modern politics and by bringing those in dialogue with Polanyi’s theoretical apparatus, this article contends that there is a broad alignment between the first movement and the Egyptian neoliberal experience, a partial alignment between the second movement and the Egyptian Revolution, and a multilayered entanglement that implicates and encircles both movements. Not only does this research demonstrate that contemporary Egyptian history can find new currency in and be further illuminated by Polanyi’s political economy, it also critiques, complicates, reconceptualizes and extends Polanyi’s theoretical framework. In so doing, it redresses the underfocus of Polanyian political economy on the theory of revolution in general and the Egyptian Revolution in particular, problematizes extant accounts on neoliberalism and the double movement, and extends analyses between neoliberalism and revolution in political economy literatures. By clarifying our understanding of contemporary social change, this essay underscores how Polanyi’s work remains a pertinent, viable and valuable prism to examine momentous social transformations.

Central banking as an avenue of research has been of interest to scholars from International Political Economy (IPE) and Public Policy and Administration (PPA) disciplines. Nevertheless, there is very little dialogue between these two perspectives to bridge macro, meso, micro-level analyses and examine the reciprocal relationship between the global and domestic political economy context and monetary policy conduct. This article investigates the Turkish experience to bridge IPE and PPA scholarship on central banking in emerging economies. In doing so, we adopt an analytic eclectic approach combining multiple structural, institutional, and agential causal explanations with particular reference to the Structure, Institution, and Agency (SIA) theoretical framework. This is because analytic eclecticism complements, speaks to, and selectively incorporates theoretical approaches such as the New Independence Approach (NIA) of IPE and institutional and ideational PPA approaches. Drawing on the empirical context of the historical evolution of the Turkish political economy, we explore domestic and international interactions among micro, meso, and macro levels that shape central banking behavior. Our analysis also reveals how global dynamics are translated into domestic policy choices and how particular ideas influence the policymaking process. The analysis underscores the constraining and enabling influence of international dynamics, politics of ideas on emerging economy central banking, and the essential role individual and organizational agency play in the policymaking process.