Abstract
AbstractSpanish dialects show substantial variation in codasweakening. Yet, to provide a comprehensive treatment of this phenomenon, a bigger prosodic constituent than just the coda position should be analysed. Crucially, two aspirating varieties of Spanish are considered. The Granada dialect weakenssto [h] inside words, at word edges and at prefix edges. The process may be either transparent (esto[éh.to] ‘this’,des-calzar[deh.kal.sáɾ] ‘to unshoe’,las cosas[lah.kó.sah] ‘the things’) or opaque (des-hecho[de.hé.tʃo] ‘undone’,las aguas[la.há.ɣwah] ‘the waters’). Chilean Spanish, on the other hand, presents transparent (esto[éh.to] ‘this’,des-calzar[deh.kal.sáɾ] ‘to unshoe’) and opaque (las aguas[la.há.ɣwa] ‘the waters’) aspiration, as well as deletion (las cosas[la.kó.sa] ‘the things’), and no aspiration across a prefix boundary (des-hecho[de.sé.tʃo] ‘undone’). The reported variable behaviour calls for an integrated approach to segmental weakening across all prosodic constituents, and for a revision of the present understanding of contiguity. The boundary between the prefix and the stem is protected by the grammar despite the weak coda position of the prefix-finals, therefore the domain of application of the CONTIGUITYconstraint should be extended to the supramorphemic level.
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