Contested hospitality and welcome at the airport borders: The narratives of non-citizen residents

: In examining the transformations in statecraft, the existing scholarship on Turkish diaspora policies largely adopts Foucault’s governmentality perspective and suggests that the shifting policies reflect the home states’ attempt to assert control over citizens, not through coercion but rather through consent. While this framing has proved workable, it provides limited room for students of diaspora studies to incorporate the overall conceptualization on the resistance in which the non-resident citizens and countries of residence engage vis-à-vis home country politics and the potential failures of these policies. I propose to follow James Scott’s legibility framework to emphasize that the home states’ evolving policies to engage with non-resident citizens is a social engineering project, aiming to facilitate the state’s ability to monitor and mold the behavior of mobile populations in the context of neoliberal globalization. I argue that the legibility framework allows us to analyze not only the standardization processes, but also the resistance against it both from the migrants and from their countries of residence. To make my argument, I employ the framework to the case of Turkey, which has received considerable attention since the mid-2010s. This article is based on archival research of Turkish state documents on emigration, empirical research conducted between 2013 and 2014 involving nearly 100 interviewees including Turkish state officials in Turkey and with migrant representatives in France and the United States, and further examination of secondary resources, including informal talks with policy makers and diaspora representatives in the post-2016 period.

This paper makes the following three points.1. It argues that globalisation, on the one hand, causes the so-called “citizenship gap, ” i.e., an increase in the number of people on the move combined with a decline in the state capacity to protect its citizens from external threat. On the other hand, it emphasises that globalisation opens up new opportunities and multiple venues through which individuals without citizenship status in the countries of residence can claim their rights.2. This paper suggests four bases on which rights of non-citizen residents can be promoted : external citizenship, aliens' rights, denizenship, and universal personhood. Recently, some academics stress the emergence of “transnational” or “post-national” citizenship on the basis of universal personhood. However, the history of human migration is long and there are other and more established bases for the protection of non-citizen residents. Universal personhood is only the most recent concept and its contribution to the transformation of citizenship should thus be appreciated in combination with developments of the other three bases.3. This paper then focuses on the drafting and ratifying process of the United Nations International Convention on the Protection of Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families. The process evolved free from territorial constraints. Third parties, whether enlightened professionals or a transnational advocacy network (NGOs and IG0s), identified with the oppressed groups such as illegal migrants and non-citizen residents, and pressed the issue forward. Once the convention becomes effective, its benefits are transferred beyond borders. In this sense, globalisation enables the marginalised to find various transnational agents who are willing to represent them and have their voices heard, indirectly as it might be in the beginning, through them. The enactment of the convention is vital for marginalised non-citizen residents, as it provides recognition of their position in the international arena.

The concluding chapter sums up the main findings of the book and speculates about the possible future implications of non-resident citizenship in Hungary. It is argued that although non-resident citizenship has not severely strained intra-state or intra- and inter-ethnic relations, it may do so in the long run. In addition, it is also pointed out that non-resident citizenship negatively impacts kin-minorities claim-making potential in their countries of residence.

This study examines political media consumption among non-resident citizens, and whether following politics in traditional and social media in their country of residence and origin has a mobilizing effect on voting in origin-country elections. The topic of our study is inspired by the trend towards increased enfranchisement of external citizens, improved methods for participation from abroad, and the transformation of the media landscape with enhanced possibilities for external voters to follow politics in their country of origin. Based on a survey directed towards a stratified random sample of Finnish external citizens in 15 countries, we find that politically oriented media consumption in the country of origin substantially increases the likelihood of participating in origin-country elections and that this effect holds for traditional media channels as well as for social media. A corresponding mobilizing effect is, however, not found for following politics in the country of residence. This demonstrates the value of relevant information for political participation.

External voting by nonresident citizens has become an important feature of contemporary democratic politics. However, compared to the average voter in domestic elections, we still know significantly less about migrants’ motivations to vote or not. Whereas analyses of external voting patterns offer insights into the results of external voting compared to origin populations, there is a lacuna of knowledge about why migrants choose to vote, or not, when they have the right to do so. This article seeks to address this gap by building a framework rooted in both the electoral studies literature and on the growing body of knowledge on external voting within migration studies. We consider migrant voters’ desire, mobilization, and ability to vote, and map the locus of all factors—either in the country of residence, country of origin, or within transnational political space. We explore evidence from 80 in-depth interviews, collected January–May 2020, with four groups of intra-European migrants—Romanian and Polish residing in Norway and Spain—to map the determinants of external voting. Our research generates three insights which challenge or nuance extant research on external voting. We show how migrants’ motivations to vote depend not only on residence and origin contexts but also on subjective factors and perceptions of the legitimacy of external voting. This article complements existing macrolevel studies of voting determinants with an in-depth qualitative microperspective and generates hypotheses that can be further tested in large-n as well as cross-regional comparisons.

Beauty and the Limits of National Belonging in Bharati Mukherjee's Jasmine Vanita Reddy (bio) Does beauty come under the jurisdiction of the nation-state? Wai Chee Dimock, Through Other Continents: American Literature across Deep Time Halfway through Jasmine (1989), Bharati Mukherjee's seminal immigrant novel about becoming American, the eponymous, illegal immigrant heroine stumbles upon an underground transnational beauty economy—the importing and sorting of rural Indian village women's hair. Jasmine watches as her guardian, Professorji, measures and sorts the switches of hair in a restaurant basement in a South Asian immigrant ghetto in Flushing, New York: The hair came in great bundles from the middlemen in villages as small as Hasnapur [Jasmine's home village] all over India. . . . Every weekday Professorji sat from eight o'clock till six on a kitchen ladder-stool in a room he rented in the basement of the Khyber Bar BQ measuring and labeling the length and thickness of each separate hair. Junk hair he sold to wigmakers. Fine hair to instrument makers. Eventually, scientific instruments and the U.S. Defense Department. It was no exaggeration to say that the security of the free world, in some small way, depended on the hair of Indian village women. (151-52) [End Page 337] Indian women's hair is exportable as an ingredient for either feminine beauty products (wigs) or the technologies of U.S. national security. Synecdoches of Indian village women's bodies, the bundles of hair figure as racialized and gendered fetishes in the transnational trafficking of bodies and goods between India and the U.S. The hair circulates between a dominant U.S. economy and an Indian economy about to enter into market neoliberalism during the final years of the cold war.1 Professorji observes that this transnational economy vitally depends upon Indian village women's allegedly more naturally beautiful hair. He tells Jasmine that Indian women's hair—free of "shampoos, gels, dyes, and permanents" (153)—contains a "virginity and innocence" (153) that American women's hair lacks.2 Professorji then invites Jasmine, once an Indian village woman, to sell her hair to him. Doing so would allow Jasmine to purchase a forged green card so that she could seek employment and "feel safe" in the highly policed immigrant space of Flushing (148). The promise of feeling safe, however, contains an ironic twist. On the one hand, the prospect of selling her beautiful hair offers Jasmine a way of securing economic and legal (resident alien) status within the U.S. during the anti-immigrant fervor of the 1980s.3 On the other hand, Jasmine's observations about the Defense department point to her recognition that the beautiful hair of Indian women also helps to secure U.S. national borders against the illegal immigrants whose labor, body, and body parts are required for such fortification. Thus while Jasmine's beautiful hair might afford her a provisional feeling of freedom and mobility within the nation, it might also serve, quite literally, as the raw material for the imperial nation-state's biopolitical surveillance. [End Page 338] The valorization of Indian female beauty in this scene constellates a set of tensions around migration, mobility, citizenship, and belonging for Jasmine. These tensions and contradictions exceed the critical framework of liberal multicultural inclusion within which Jasmine, as a representative text of late-twentieth-century South Asian immigrant experience, is often positioned.4 This essay argues that Jasmine repeatedly encounters the material limits of Indian and U.S. national belonging through a set of encounters with her beauty. Even in the absence of a narrative explicitness around her beauty, Jasmine's national status depends upon her gendering, racialization, and sexualization such that these categorizing processes cannot be disaggregated from her categorization as beautiful. Through various attachments to forms of national inclusion and exclusion, racialized beauty in Jasmine complicates a dominant post-Enlightenment view of beauty. In this view, beauty is regarded solely as a redemptive force which, for those deemed lucky enough to possess it, facilitates social advancement through its alignment with liberal democratic ideals such as empowerment and freedom. Such liberal ideals traffic in a fetishistic logic of beauty, since the conferral or possession of...

The article examines the characteristics of nuclear missile programs in US political doctrines. Methods of historical reconstruction and analytical interpretation were used during the research. A description of the patterns of dynamics of the doctrinal foundations of US nuclear missile policy is given. The article highlights the components of nuclear missile programs in political doctrines, including areas of increasing funding for nuclear missile programs, the nature of external threats in which nuclear missiles can be used, technological features of nuclear missile weapons improvement in the context of nuclear energy development. The purpose of this article is to reveal the natural features in the dynamics of changes in the political approaches of the ruling political forces in such policy areas as deterring and preventing the proliferation of such weapons. The importance of the nuclear missile potential of the US military for political dominance and national security, influence on international relations and the formation of foreign policy doctrine in general is shown. The discussions of scientists are covered, in particular, the positions of scientists on the causes and factors that influenced the changes in the doctrinal foundations of US nuclear missile policy in the process of ensuring national security and international security in general. It is established that the genesis of the doctrinal bases of the US missile and nuclear weapons policy documents in the policy of national and international security is determined by three components: deterring external aggression and preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons; dependence of doctrines on the ideologies of the political regimes of the ruling US parties; constant correlation of approaches to ensuring national and international security by means of nuclear missiles. It has been proven that American political doctrine in international politics gives one of the key places to the US missile and nuclear potential.

This chapter analyzes the ways in which migrants maintain, redefine and reinforce their conceptions of home through various homemaking strategies. For this purpose, we revisit three fast-growing scholarships focusing respectively on transnational families in which the members are geographically separated due to migration; on migrant families settled in their receiving countries; and on families of mixed couples in which the partners are socially viewed as different due to their distinct legal statuses, socio-cultural practices and ethnic backgrounds. The first set of studies reveals that the homemaking of transnational families involves a wide range of material and non-material practices across national borders, which sustains the notion of home within expanded social spaces uniting different kin members "here" and "there". The second body of works unveils migrant families' pluri-local homemaking strategies that encompass their domestic space, neighborhoods, urban spaces and the city in their settlement countries. In the third literature, the homemaking of mixed couples also has a transnational character. However, it is mainly oriented towards their countries of residence, particularly during the (re)productive period of couples' lives when they build their own families and establish their careers. All across these family configurations home is mobile over borders, space and time.

“Korematsu v. United States” is one of the most important and precedential cases in the history of United States in terms of introducing new legal practices and approaches, as well as raising people's legal and cultural awareness. This is a case that is similar in content to other controversial and almost discriminatory rulings in recent U.S. jurisprudence, but differs substantially from most of them in its paradigmatic and historical significance. Korematsu v. United States has been viewed in the US history as a model of the opposition between the need to ensure national security and the individual rights of full-fledged citizen of the country. It can be said that today the decision is completely overcome in formally, however there is a big gap between the formal overcoming of the decision and the complete exhaustion of the disputed issue within the legal society (which can only be achieved by implementing new laws and moving to a new stage of legal development). The prelude to all this was the morning of December 7, 1941, when the Japanese Air Force launched an attack against the United States Pacific Fleet, based in the waters of Oahu Island, the capital of Hawaii, at Pearl Harbor. It is safe to say that out of the losses incurred in one particular operation in the history of the United States, the bombing of Pearl Harbor by Japan ended in the most tragic consequences for the United States. On February 19, 1942, President Franklin D. Roosevelt signs Executive Order N9066, initiating a controversial World War II policy with lasting consequences for Japanese Americans. The document ordered the removal of resident enemy aliens from parts of the West vaguely identified as military areas. Japanese Americans were forced to relocate to so called internment camps because they were a vulnerable group for the Japanese Intelligence Agencies, which the authorities claimed posed a potential threat to the national security. Fred Toyasaburo Korematsu was born is Oakland, California on January 30, 1919. He was a Japanese American civil rights activist, who actively resisted the execution of Order N9066 and, unlike his parents, refused to leave his place of residence and move to Internment camp, which later served as a reason for his arrest. It is still disputed whether the decision and the executive order N9066 on the relocation of Americans of Japanese descent were motivated by discrimination or the state acted simply out of a need to ensure National Security. As already mentioned, it all depends on which side we look at the overall picture from.

Courts often say that they practice deference to avoid prediction. While judges have frequently invoked deference to deal with national security and foreign relations cases, few courts have practiced deference with the aggression that typifies the Roberts Court. Although Boumediene v. Bush, which protected access to habeas corpus, stands as an exception, in other cases such as Ashcroft v. Iqbal, Winter v. NRDC, and Medellin v. Texas the Roberts Court has disfavored claimants such as detainees, criminal defendants, and environmental activists, and curbed efforts to enhance government accountability. The Court has supported its holdings with dire predictions, but has devoted far less attention to the costs of its decisions. I call this gap in assessing future costs predictive asymmetry. Recent decisions demonstrate this asymmetry in risk assessment. For example, in barring liability in Iqbal for senior officials who turn a blind eye toward detainee abuse, the Court warned that legal accountability would chill timely responses to terrorist threats. In Medellin, Chief Justice Roberts warned that enforcing the judgment of the International Court of Justice on consular notification for criminal defendants would risk the wholesale invalidation of criminal convictions and federal law. However, the Court has discounted the other side of the ledger. In Medellin, for example, the Chief Justice dismissed the uncertainty in foreign relations law caused by Medellin’s search for a clear statement of enforceability in treaties not drafted to satisfy the Court’s demand. Predictive asymmetry is a departure for conservative courts. The prudential tradition, refined by Justices Frankfurter, Powell, and O’Connor, preferred more modest steps. Prudentialists recognized that courts too eager to second-guess the political branches could become free riders, exercising power while paying no concrete cost for chilling official discretion. However, they also understood that deference has its own risks, enhancing the moral hazard that encourages executive overreaching. Practicing avoidance, prudentialists played for time. For example, the Cold War Court tempered congressional investigations of alleged subversives by narrowly reading the scope of investigators’ authority. However, as the Court’s early post-September 11 habeas decisions showed, the prudentialists had no answer when a persistent crisis prompted ongoing encroachments by the political branches. Responding to predictive asymmetry’s headlong rush toward moral hazard and prudentialism’s more subtle drift, this Article recommends an iterative approach that views each branch as a player in a cooperative game. Courts using an iterative approach seek to reduce defections from the game, including the free riding of needlessly intrusive judicial intervention and the moral hazard prompted by unduly relaxed standards of review. For example, the iterative approach requires courts practicing avoidance to predict the likelihood that Congress will override their decisions. To decide this issue, a court may consider party control of the Congress and the executive, as well as the track record of the political branches. When an override is likely in a case raising fatal constitutional doubts, the Court should issue a straightforward constitutional ruling. By reducing defections, the iterative approach hopes to maximize deliberation in national security and foreign relations cases.

The paper is devoted to highlighting the key issues of the cover theme of the issue of the journal “Legal Concept” = “Pravovaya paradigma” entitled “Law as a key regulator of ensuring sovereign identity, unity and security of the state”. The main purpose of the paper is the study and analysis of the scientific papers that have made up the heading “The cover theme of the issue” for the guidance of the journal’s reader in a comprehensive collective intersectoral research and the outline of the range of theoretical and legal, and law enforcement issues that determined its concept and title. The author substantiates the relevance of studying the category of state sovereignty both in theoretical and practical aspects, refracted through the prism of objective and subjective factors of modern reality, such as: globalization, the aggravation of issues of geopolitics and national security, the sanctions policy of the West as a conscious long-term strategy of economic and personal restrictive measures against Russia, as well as the need to help forward Industry 4.0 on a growth trajectory and accelerated recovery of industry and import substitution due to the Coronavirus Pandemic in 2020–2021. The reader’s attention is focused on the key elements of the structure of the theoretical and practical concept of national security - technological, natural, humanitarian, social, economic and military-political security, without which it is impossible to ensure state sovereignty and the realization of sovereign rights of the state. Lastly, it is concluded that the state sovereignty should be ensured by the unity of national, regional and international security.

This chapter examines in a very general way, the context of the security crisis of HIV/AIDS in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). It identifies the ways in which the HIV/AIDS pandemic is being securitised, and some of the potential implications of emerging security discourses for HIV/AIDS policy on the continent. The chapter suggests how a critical feminist lens might broaden and deepen these perspectives. The mainstream securitisation of HIV/AIDS, which views the virus and its spread as a threat to United States (US) national security and its geopolitical interests around the globe, needs critical interrogation. In the securitisation of HIV/AIDS, attention needs to be focused on the theoretical and very real contradictions between national and human security and how they contribute to the manner in which various epidemics, and the responses to them, unfold. Feminist International Political Economy (IPE) and International Relations scholars have challenged the idea that human security can be realized within the context of neoliberal globalisation.

Based on 20 years of election data gathered for 6 European countries, this article analyses how the non-resident citizens vote from abroad in the elections of their origin country. Our mediation model demonstrates that the external vote share of a party is dependent on the support for this party in the home-country before the election and the support registered for ideologically close parties in the new country of residence at the same moment. Our results put thus forward that external voting choices are hybrid: they mostly reflect the political context of their ‘home’ origin country, but also mirror politics in the ‘new’ country of residence. Furthermore, the article shows that the link between incumbency and the share taken by a party among the external community is not direct but mediated by how much is this party supported in the home-country, and how much ideologically similar parties are supported in the host-country. This finding further confirms that the flow of public opinion in the home and the new country both shape the choices that are made by external voters.

360The individual in international law — Aliens — Expulsion of — Right of expulsion — Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, 1951 — Article 32 — Duty of Contracting States not to expel refugees lawfully in their territory save on grounds of public order or national security — Chinese nationals resident in Hong Kong entering United States as non-immigrant crewmen — Remaining in United States beyond authorized period — Whether lawfully in the territory — Whether refugees unlawfully in the territory of a Contracting State after period of residence in third country are protected by Article 31(2) — The law of the United States

Aim: The author examines the constitutional functions of the Hungarian national security services and their role in the life of the state from the perspective of constitutional legal principles and the provisions of the Hungarian legal environment. In doing so, he shows how the idea of national security interest plays an essential role in the constitutional functions of national security. Methodology: To this end, the author reviews the legislative environment of the national security services, from the provisions of the Basic Law to the details of the sectoral law governing the field. In doing so, several research methods are used in parallel, but primarily the scientific methods of statutory interpretation and the tools of theoretical-logical research are employed. In comparing the different disciplines, the emphasis has been placed on those results that examine aspects related to the functions of national security. Findings: Whether the national security services act to protect the sovereign functioning or the lawful order of public life or to promote national security, no precise conceptual definition of each function can be established. Nor is there a precise interpretation of the necessary and obligatory components of the concept of national security interest, the precise definition of which is made difficult not only by the vagueness of the role of national security in public life, but also by the constantly changing security environment and the unpredictability of local, regional and global developments. Value: The study provides a systematic overview of the role of national security services in state administration and the factors that determine it.