Consumption, reproduction, and ecology/technology: revisiting Democracy and Empire and anti-imperial popular sovereignty

Democratization is defined as a change in political regime within a sovereign state from nondemocracy to democracy. The question of the optimal political regime for governing human communities has been core to Western political philosophy since Antiquity (Plato’s Republic), as has been the question of the causes of change between political regime (Aristotle’s Politics). The spread of Enlightenment ideas of individual rights, the advent of the modern state system starting in the 17th century, and the onset of the Industrial Revolution in the early 19th century in western Europe and North America all contributed to the erosion of traditional religious and monarchical traditions of political rule. Since that time, scholars have continually returned to the classic questions of the sources of regime change. The roots of contemporary social science research can be found in modern political philosophers. Rousseau argued that participation was essential to popular sovereignty, while James Madison’s contributions to the Federalist Papers urged the creation of institutional brakes on popular sovereignty, to balance the will of the majority against the rights of minorities. Likewise, Montesquieu (The Spirit of the Laws) and Tocqueville (Democracy in America) both suggested, in different ways, that a connection exists between a country’s political culture and its political regime. Also, Karl Marx’s and Max Weber’s works continue to influence scholarship, particularly in terms of the question of the political consequences of economic and social modernization.

This chapter attempts to identify a core free speech principle that must be respected in any democratic society and against which the free speech restrictions can be measured. It argues that two essential components of democracy — popular sovereignty and the individual right of political participation — generate a right of every citizen to participate in the discussion by which public opinion is formed. It concludes that this core norm was breached in Hammond v. DPP, and arguably violated in Norwood v. DPP. These two decisions and the precedent that they follow render insecure the right of British citizens to voice views that offend dominant opinion. The chapter suggests several reasons for this state of affairs, including the British judiciary's view that free speech is instrumental to, rather than constitutive of, democracy, and the excessive deference afforded lower court findings in free speech cases. These mistakes are remarkably similar to those made by the U.S. Supreme Court when it first started to develop free speech doctrine in the early 20th century.

An attempt to outline the contours of a new research field within the framework of the history of Russian journalism — the history of entrepreneurial journalism of the mid — second half of the 19th — early 20th centuries is presented. The publicistic work of Russian entrepreneurs of this time is interpreted by the authors as the forerunner of modern business journalism. It is shown that the key role in its constitution was played by the Great Reforms of the 1860s — 1870s, during which entrepreneurship became a collective actor in the emerging public (media) space and showed the ability to express and defend its interests, including through the printed word. It is noted that even then an array of non-professional entrepreneurial publications of various genres began to take shape, which subsequently evolved into an independent branch of journalistic creativity. It is pointed out that entrepreneurs-publicists remained primarily practitioners, people of action, which determined the special pragmatism of their texts, closely related to the “guild” and personal business interests. The authors come to the conclusion that when studying the journalistic creativity of entrepreneurs, not only logical coherence should be taken into account, but also the synchronicity of all forms of the author’s verbal creativity and his business activity.

Popular sovereignty is the condition in which the people's unified will is the supreme authority in a state. This definition varies widely, depending on one's conceptions of the people and of sovereignty, but for most thinkers, popular sovereignty requires that the people be a collective actor who is the ultimate decider and the last instance of appeal in a political community. This allows us to understand a people as a bearer of the right of self‐determination, and as an independent actor in the international realm. Popular sovereignty is closely associated with the social contract tradition, a theory basing political legitimacy on individual freedom and autonomy. In this theory, popular sovereignty allows individuals both to have government and to remain autonomous because, when individuals consent to be ruled by the group of which they are members, they are simultaneously rulers and ruled. Popular sovereignty thus harmonizes individual freedom and social coordination, and for this reason it is highly valued in democratic thought. But it presents at least two important problems for democratic theory: The first is to explain how a group can rule; the second, to specify who or what constitutes the people.

Background. Pedagogical education in our country has been in the ever reforming process. Being subject to current realities, the nature, goals, and state and public expectations from pedagogical education are to be reviewed. There was a similar process at the break of pedagogical education in Russia. In this regard, historical genesis of pedagogical education in Russia in the 19th – early 20th centuries provides an opportunity to analyze some challenging issues facing the country over the considered period, to specify the patterns for the formation and development of pedagogical education, and to designate the peculiarities thereof. Purpose. The article aims to analyze the formation and development of pedagogical education in Russia in the 19th – early 20th centuries. Materials and methods. A retrospective analysis is the key research method. In addition, historical-structural, and comparative and contrastive methods were used to conduct a systemic analysis of the development of pedagogical education in Russia in the 19th – early 20th centuries. The article is based on the evidence from archival records, research material data, regulatory legal acts, and popular science fiction of the reviewed period. Results. The first extensive actions in the development of pedagogical education in Russia were taken in the 18th century. Since that time and throughout the 19th century, there was a gradual advance in pedagogical education. In addition to the main subjects, there were some disciplines specific to the pedagogical content knowledge (didactics, pedagogy, teaching methods, psychology, etc.) in the curriculum cycle for future teachers. First-ever domestic methodological guidelines for individual subjects emerged in the country. In Russia, there predominately existed male pedagogical education. According to the archival research and literature review, the country experienced an acute teacher shortage during the 19th century. To eliminate it, pedagogical departments were established at district Imperial Universities in Russia in 1804; in 1816, the Main Pedagogical Institute was founded to form the basis for other pedagogical institutions; in 1860, two-year pedagogical courses appeared at the Imperial Universities; in 1876, the issue regarding female pedagogical education was brought up, which led to the creation of the first pedagogical institute for women in 1903. In order to enhance the prestige of the teaching profession in Russia in the 19th – early 20th centuries, the state equated it to the public service, wherein each teaching position corresponded to a certain rank with all the privileges and state support; compensated for the costs of housing, lighting, heating, and educational literature; supported teachers’ families and encouraged childbirth among teachers and lecturers; provided pensions and gave the opportunity to receive awards that granted additional financial support. Having analyzed the problems of developing pedagogical education in the 19th – early 20th centuries, there are similar problems observed in modern Russia. Therefore, nowadays, it is vital to consider the methods and state initiatives for supporting and raising the prestige of the teaching profession of that time. In this regard, the relevance of the presented research is beyond doubt.

The New Institutional Economics and Development - Theory and Applications to Tunisia

William Tell (Wilhelm, Guillaume) is the name of a legendary Swiss hero from Canton Uri in the present-day Swiss Confederation. From the first recorded appearances of Tell in the late 15th century until the Revolutionary Era of the late 18th century, the symbol of William Tell has been used in a variety of ways to shape the cultural mythology of Switzerland, Europe, and the Atlantic world. According to a variety of Swiss foundation myths, Tell stood up to tyranny in the late 13th or early 14th century and helped secure Swiss liberty by defeating (or helping to defeat) the tyrant known as Gessler. Most of the tales present Tell as a humble, virtuous citizen of the canton who refused to bow down to the arbitrary symbols of a tyrant’s authority. In reaction to Tell’s defiance, the tyrant forced Tell to shoot an apple off Tell’s son’s head, promising both father and son their freedom if Tell were successful. However, upon discovering a second arrow hidden on Tell’s person, which threatened the tyrant, Gessler tried to imprison Tell. A sudden storm, possibly divinely inspired, allowed Tell to escape the ship with his life and kill Gessler in revenge, while a Swiss uprising overthrew the tyrannical government. Differences in content and interpretation of the various Tell stories result from the answers to several questions: Did Tell plan and lead the revolt? Did he take part in the foundational oath at the Rütli Meadow, the mythical birthplace of the Swiss Republics? Did the revolt target local aristocrats or a foreign tyrant? Usually the Tell story broke into two camps: one supporting the elite leadership of the Swiss republics, and the other demanding more popular sovereignty. In this breakdown, Tell either acted in defense of his family against the foreign tyrant or sought to overthrow local, aristocratic rule, signaling a more popular rebellion. Eventually, these interpretations were easily expanded beyond Swiss boundaries and were used to support or challenge elite-led governments outside the Swiss Republics. During the Revolutionary Era, the figure of Tell evolved into a transnational proxy in an ongoing battle between those who saw true liberty as self-rule, free from the intervention of foreigners, and those who saw liberty as an egalitarian principle, available to the entire male citizenry.

The article presents the structure of source-oriented electronic databases created on the basis of personified mass sources that contain information about the population of Tambov in 1896-1917. The features and possibilities of using mass primary sources for the study of social stratification and mobility of the propertied strata of the population of the provincial center in the late 19th - early 20th centuries are analyzed. Methods of complex processing of electronic databases on social stratification and mobility of the population of a Russian provincial city in the late 19th - early 20th centuries are characterized. The scientific novelty of the study consists of the use of information technologies to implement the method of social identification of the elite and middle layers of the provincial Russian city in the late 19th - early 20th centuries, the basis of which is the approaches and methods of theories of multidimensional stratification and social mobility. The information potential of the bases made it possible to conduct social ranking, analyze the social mobility of the elite and the middle strata of the provincial center in the late 19th - early 20th centuries. The presented methods and technologies for the creation and complex processing of source-oriented databases on the problems of social stratification and mobility of the elite and middle strata of Tambov in the late 19th - early 20th centuries can be used to study social processes in relation to other settlements, chronological periods, class-social and professional groups of the population.

Book Review| January 01 2021 Review: The Great Migration and the Democratic Party: Black Voters and the Realignment of American Politics in the 20th Century, by Keneshia N. Grant The Great Migration and the Democratic Party: Black Voters and the Realignment of American Politics in the 20th Century, by Keneshia N. Grant. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2020. 214 pages. $27.95 (paper). ISBN: 978-1-4399-1746-6. Michael Leo Owens Michael Leo Owens Emory University Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar National Review of Black Politics (2021) 2 (1): 69–72. https://doi.org/10.1525/nrbp.2021.2.1.69 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Michael Leo Owens; Review: The Great Migration and the Democratic Party: Black Voters and the Realignment of American Politics in the 20th Century, by Keneshia N. Grant. National Review of Black Politics 1 January 2021; 2 (1): 69–72. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/nrbp.2021.2.1.69 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu nav search search input Search input auto suggest search filter All ContentNational Review of Black Politics Search The Great Migration was an indelible mass movement of people. Over approximately fifty years, starting in 1915 and ending in 1965, at least 6 million American descendants of enslaved Africans, along with other Black denizens, drove, rode, and strode out of the South. Their destinations, often predetermined, sometimes disappointing, and occasionally temporary, were anywhere and everywhere North, West, and between those cardinal directions. Like many Black people today, a portion of my family was part of the Great Migration. Most of my family departed the Eastern Shore of Virginia for New York City. Specifically, they left a Northampton County community not far from the tip of the Delmarva Peninsula. True of many southern locales Black migrants left, the landscape of their departure point was acre upon acre of mostly white-owned pines and other agricultural lands, sustained and profitable often because of strong and knowledgeable Black hands. Northampton County was a... You do not currently have access to this content.

On the “Infallibility” of Psychopathology and Its Implications for Action

Adapting our infrastructure and institutions to climate change is a crucial dilemma for modern society. Archaeologists should be well positioned to address this issue with examples from the past. Yet, too often when we find that cultural changes are synchronous with climate variation, such as abandonment of a region during a drought, we advance causal arguments to what may merely be correlations. I argue that identifying proxies for resource management in the archaeological record, particularly for resources managed by collective action and vulnerable to climate change, can help to address this problem. To test this approach I studied water management practices of Ancestral Pueblo communities living on the highland mesa-tops of the Jemez Mountains of New Mexico. Between AD 1100-1700 cultural histories across this region diverged. Ancestral Towa communities of the Jemez Plateau sustained high populations until Spanish removal in the 17th century. The adjacent Pajarito Plateau was nearly completely depopulated by ancestral Tewa and Keres communities by the early 16th century. Archaeologists hypothesize that droughts were a factor in pushing people off the Pajarito Plateau, yet the endurance of communities on the Jemez Plateau is unconsidered. Mesa-top communities in both regions constructed artificial water reservoir features, which historical Pueblo communities managed as common pool resources. I hypothesize that these archaeological features reflect collective action decision-making for managing water, a resource vulnerable to scarcity on these mesa-tops during droughts, and that decisions made about water management influenced the long-term sustainability of Ancestral Pueblo communities. Through diachronic socio-hydrological modeling, I identify how climate variation influenced feedbacks between resource users, water infrastructure, and hydrological systems. I conducted modeling of paleohydrological system responses to droughts, direct geoarchaeological investigations of fifteen reservoirs at nine Ancestral Pueblo villages, and geospatial analyses of water access. My hydrological modeling found that the Pajarito Plateau is more vulnerable to hydrological droughts than the Jemez Plateau. My geoarchaeological investigations found that communities on the Jemez Plateau built reservoirs before droughts when populations were low, and that reservoirs were used and maintained through their entire occupation histories. By contrast, communities of the Pajarito Plateau built reservoirs in the early 1300s when hamlets were coalescing into villages at the peak of regional populations. All of the reservoirs on the Pajarito Plateau, as well as many of the villages with reservoirs, were then abandoned by the mid-1400s. Through least cost analyses from hundreds of water sources to thousands of archaeological sites I found that water costs became much higher during droughts on the Pajarito Plateau, which was further exacerbated by the pooling of resources (and risks) in aggregated communities. Therefore, it cannot be ruled out that an over-reliance on collective action approaches to water management made communities on the Pajarito Plateau more vulnerable to hydrological droughts than communities on the Jemez Plateau. My work shows how archaeological research into resource management, employing earth science methods and common pool resource theory, contributes to dialogs surrounding adaptations to climate change.

The purpose of this article is to examine the supporting factors that caused the regional organization "Persatuan Minahasa" to change its outlook to an Indonesian national outlook during the national movement. This research uses the historical method according to Marc Bloch. There are four stages conducted in this research: problem formulation and historical observation of sources related to the Minahasa regional organization, historical criticism or data testing of the historical sources found, generalization of data in accordance with the problem under study, and search (analysis) of cause-and-effect related to the problem under study. The results of this study show how the national movement brought about a change in focus and scope, away from a regional perspective and towards the foundation of independence and popular sovereignty. Both inside and outside the Manado (Minahasa) region, Minahasan people commemorated the era by organizing their fellow citizens through regional groups throughout the Indonesian national movement. Through the ideas of Sam Ratulangi, the Union of Minahasa initiated the expansion of the Minahasan people's national outlook. In the early 20th century, both the military and intellectuals influenced the change in orientation of tribal insight to Indonesian national insight. This research shows that a deeper understanding of the transition of the Minahasan people's outlook from tribalism to nationhood is not only relevant for historical studies, but also important to inform cultural and social identity policies in the context of a multiethnic Indonesia. This research highlights that linguistic, religious and cultural diversity should be seen as a strength in building nationhood. Thus, policymakers can take a more open approach in integrating the concept of archipelagic insight, given that Indonesia's diversity can enrich national values.

Introduction. This article presents the results of a study of the collections of the State Archives of the Astrakhan Region on the history of the Buddhist tradition of the Kalmyk people in the 19th – early 20th centuries. It also lists the most significant files related to the history of the Buddhist clergy of the Kalmyk steppe and analyzes their contents. Materials and Methods. The study utilizes historical-typological, historical-systematic, and statistical research methods. The object of study was a set of archival documents from the 19th – early 20th centuries, including documents related to the history of the Buddhist monastic community of the Kalmyk steppe and its interaction with the Russian state. Results. A significant set of archival documents from the collections of the State Archives of the Astrakhan Region, related to the history of the Buddhist clergy of the Kalmyk people in the 19th – early 20th centuries, was examined and grouped. The identified files will serve as the source material for the monograph “Lamas of the Kalmyk Steppe in the 19th – early 20th Centuries in the Sociopolitical Life of Southern Russia.” Conclusions. The State Archives of the Astrakhan Region contain a significant volume of records on the history of the Buddhist tradition of the Kalmyk people in the 19th and early 20th centuries, which were identified, attributed, and systematized during the author’s research. The introduction of the State Archives of the Astrakhan Region archival materials related to the history of the Buddhist monastic community of the Kalmyk steppe into scholarly circulation will allow for the intensification of Kalmyk studies research based on previously unpublished historical materials.

Research on charity, which gained prominence in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, has been documented in the scholarly works of Azerbaijani researchers such as N. Yakublu, L. Gadzhieva, S. Suleymanova, and F. Dzhabbarov. Furthermore, the topic of charity has been central to several dissertations, including S. Talibov’s “Cultural, Educational and Charitable Activities of the Azerbaijani Bourgeoisie, Late 19th – Early 20th Century”, M. Dzidzoev’s “Formation and Development of the Social Protection System in the North Caucasus in the Second Half of the 19th – Early 20th Century”, L. Ospishcheva’s “History of Charitable Organizations of Kuban, Late 19th – Early 20th Centuries”, and G. Ulyanov’s “Charity in the Russian Empire, Late 18th – Early 20th Century”). Notably, D. Dzhavadov, E. Dadashev, E. Dalgat, S. Gadzimagomedova, and T. Larionova have also presented findings on this subject at international conferences. Despite this body of work, the activities of non-Muslim children’s charitable organizations in Baku at the beginning of the 20th century remain largely understudied. This article addresses this gap by examining the activities and role of several significant charitable societies in Baku, drawing upon existing historiography and previously unpublished archival documents. The study emphasizes the role of the imperial family and the progressive Russian intelligentsia in organizing and supporting welfare for the poor and those facing hardship. In tracing the development of charitable activities, this article provides a chronology of this phenomenon within the Russian Empire, arguing that the establishment of charitable organizations received state-level support and their operations officially extended across the empire, including Northern Azerbaijan. The research indicates that charitable organizations focused on children’s health, education, and welfare effectively utilized available resources. Consequently, the strengthening of medical, health, and educational initiatives by these organizations positively influenced the reduction of negative issues associated with street children and children from impoverished families.

The Illiberal Democracy of Ancient Athens