Constructive Approaches to Analysis of Constructed Identity

The quote in the title of the article belongs to Savely Volfovich (Vladimirovich) Wolfson. In issue 1 (33) of this Vestnik for 2022, the author wrote about the beginning of the scientific and organizational activities of this historian, well-known not only in Tomsk, sometimes allowing himself to call him simply SV - by analogy with FDR - the 32nd President of the USA. The fact that Volfovich, who for many still remains Savely Vladimirovich, in the middle of his life restored the patronymic received at birth, is an additional reason for this. The purpose of this report is to highlight the activities of the sector of the history of the foreign youth movement which was created in 1968 at Tomsk State University as part of the Problem Research Laboratory of the History, Archaeology and Ethnography of Siberia. Some of the sources needed by nouvist historians became available by the 1970s. and in Tomsk thanks to the development of interlibrary loans. But the books (mostly from Moscow) came to the TSU library only for up to a month and only from open access funds. Therefore, the capital remained for us the same as Mecca for believers - desirable, but not very accessible. It was almost impossible to settle in hotels in Moscow because of the small number of places there. And how much effort SV spent on ensuring that one of us lived in a hostel of the Higher Komsomol School (HKSh) or Moscow State University. In Moscow, we would come to this or that library at the time of its opening and work in it until the moment it was closed. Since the necessary information was almost exclusively in special storage funds, even after the appearance of copiers, we could not use them; information had to be rewritten by hand. Despite the difficulties unknown to the people of the computer age and the era of new Russian capitalism, the youth sector of the Laboratory did a lot, despite the fact that, as a rule, no more than 6-8 actual “youth specialists” worked in it simultaneously. 11 collections of articles "Issues of the history of the international youth movement" were prepared in 1971-76 and 1981-87. In 1987, collective monograph was published on the youth policy of the ruling circles of developed capitalist countries. The maximum circulation of books published in those years at TSU was limited to 200 copies. But the collections of the sector were published in the amount of 500-700 and even 1000 copies. Almost all the "youth specialists" became candidates of science. Under the leadership of SV 4 dissertations were defended in 1977-79. Five persons had defended themselves on youth topics in 1978-86 from Cherkasov wards. The sector of “youth specialists”, created by SV, had the potential to turn over time into a regional Institute of Youth, which would be engaged not only in academic research, but also would have a positive impact on the youth policy of the authorities, including through the training/retraining of personnel necessary for implementing this policy. The model for imitation here was the Youth Institute, which arose on the basis of the Higher Komsomol School in 1990. The counter-revolution of the 1990s dealt an irreparable blow to the sector of the history of the international youth movement. The last 2 dissertations on youth topics were prepared in 1990-1994 by "ordinary" graduate students of the Department of Modern and Contemporary History of TSU, more precisely, by graduate students of SV. And in the same years, the last 2 collective monographs were published under the editorship and with the participation of N.S. Cherkasov.

This article reflects the achievements of the Sociology Faculty of Moscow State University, which has been a recognized leader in the Russian sociological education system for over 35 years and trains professional sociologists who are in great demand in the modern labor market. Over the past 5 years, 1,287 Russian students (816 bachelors and 471 masters), as well as 368 foreign students, whose influx is constantly growing, have received a start in professional life. The author notes that the feature of learning is a harmonious combination of fundamental and applied knowledge, theoretical and empirical skills, which is typical for classical university education. In its educational and scientific activities, the Faculty of Sociology of Moscow State University relies on a combination of fundamental scientific knowledge and empirical skills that allow students to be not only practitioners capable of processing and analyzing data, but also theorists who understand deep social processes. The education system of the Faculty of Sociology is constantly being modernized to meet the challenges and requirements of modernity. In this regard, special attention is paid at the Faculty of Sociology to the introduction of new educational technologies, including the network form of educational programs, project-based learning, distance learning technologies, and e-learning. The article presents in a systematic form the achievements of the departments of the Faculty of Sociology, as well as the results of the scientific activities of the entire faculty, which are reflected in numerous monographic publications, publications of articles, as well as in reports at international and all-Russian conferences. Many monographs published by faculty members have become bestsellers. Among them: a monograph by N.G. Osipova and S.O. Elishev “Revolutions and coups d’etat: theory, history and practice”, a monograph by N.G. Osipova and S.O. Elishev “Historical Russia: territories and prospects”, monographs by S.O. Elisheva “Sociology of Religion in Imperial Russia” and “Imperial Statehood — the fate and mission of Russia”, a collective monograph by the staff of the Department of Modern Sociology “Social inequality in the modern world: new forms and features of their manifestation in Russia”, collective monographs of the Department of Economic Sociology and Management “The older generation in post-industrial realities” and “Artifacts of organizational culture”. The Faculty of Sociology of Lomonosov Moscow State University takes an active part in the joint development of the Innovative Scientific and Technological Center of Moscow State University “Vorobyovy Gory”, contributed to the launch of negotiations between the INTC of Moscow State University and major representatives of the real sector of the economy. He pays great attention to the preservation of the cultural and historical heritage of Russia, the popularization of traditional values for the Russian mentality. A landmark platform for the implementation of this direction was the Vvedensky Stavropol Monastery “Optina Pustyn”, in the spiritual and educational center of which professors of the faculty N.G. Osipova and S.O. Elishev gave public lectures. The author highlights in detail the directions of international cooperation of the Faculty of Sociology and activities that help attract applicants.

After introducing the general aspects that have led to the emergence of identity politics, the contribution analyzes the differences between the meanings that cultural difference has assumed in the context of the multicultural debate and the meanings that it assumes in the most recent forms of populist rhetoric. In the context of multicultural debates, identity politics have been a political tool to claim greater inclusion and greater recognition, to broaden tolerance of difference in the public space, and to deconstruct the logics of power that define the rules of public space and collective life. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the populist discourse of the extreme right has appropriated the theme of cultural difference by emphasizing the need to defend the identity of the majority group endangered by the excessive presence of “incompatible” cultural diversities and by the political elites who support and defend them. The recent wave of sovereigntist populism is seen as both a right-wing reaction to the problematic aspects of globalization and a reaction to the excesses of multiculturalism that promotes and supports cultural differences. The current sovereigntist populism of the extreme right appropriates the idea of identity politics by emphasizing the theme of the threat and the importance of defending an (alleged) homogeneity of the dominant group (of the people). This populism is based on the idea that the identity (and interests) of the people must be defended both – horizontally – from the attack of aggressive minorities who question the sacred foundations of the majority, and – vertically – from ruling elites who support cosmopolitan and multicultural policies at the expense of the identity and interests of the majority. In this case, the difference is seen as a possible resource – in its irreducible ambivalence – aimed at destabilizing the symbolic oppositions that are at the basis of the existing group differentiations. The final part of the entry traces possible lines of convergence and distinction between identity politics and contemporary forms of populism. In particular, it highlights how both emphasize culture, often ending up reifying it. However, while multiculturalism and the related forms of identity politics recognize the existence of difference and reflect on how to live with it; populism sees difference as a threat and denies it.

Article focuses on the consideration of the formation of Governor Viktor Melkhiorovich Kress, who held this position from 1991 to 2012 in Tomsk region. As he held this position for 20 years, V.M. Kress is considered a “long-lived” governor. The period of his activity allows us to trace the origin, development, peak and decline of the public image of the governor of Tomsk region in modern Russia. The aim of the study is to identify the influence and interaction of the public image, largely formed by V.M. Kress him-self, on his scientific biography. The sources of the research are presented by scientific publications in which Governor V.M. Kress is shown. On the one hand, the governor’s team and he himself created a certain image in the public regional space, and on the other hand, historians studied the formation and dynamics of executive power in the regions. In addition to historians, the image of the governor was formed in the academic environment by political scientists, economists and even repre-sentatives of technical science. Since the governor in the 1990s in Russia had to meet certain requirements that were “put forward” by influence groups, it seems important to demonstrate what image was in the regional media and what image remained in regional history. In the public space, there were various assessments of the decisions made by Governor V.M. Kress. In this study, we consciously compared the image formed by V. M. Kress and his team with the image in scientific publications. The author analyzes the image of the governor in the periodical and scientific publications, as well as the image that the governor himself recorded in his memoirs. In conclusion, it is determined that historical research reflects the image of the governor formed in the public space, but it has not been fully studied, despite the growing importance of regional history. Regional history appears in the field of scientific interest only 15-20 years after the events took place, and since the periodical publications most often serve as the main source, the idea of power moves from newspapers into science.

Modern Russian political science has been actively researching identification processes at all levels in society in recent years. In this regard, understanding of the dynamics, specifics and content of the identity of national journalism seems to be relevant. In essence, identity in the field of mass media and mass communication remains outside the field of scientific interests of researchers. The article focuses on the interdependence of journalism identity and political identity, political and information space. Journalism as a social institution, the institution of mass media is the most important component in the structure of the political system of society. This dictates the need and relevance of the study of various aspects of the identity of Russian national (state) journalism, its identification factors. Journalism is a sphere of public activity (openness, transparency, publicity), the ability to freely receive and distribute information addressed to a mass audience. The factor of open information boundaries, wide and close interaction of the media requires real integration within the framework of all-European and world information systems. Consistently implementing the constitutional principles of freedom of information, Russian journalism must clearly identify and defend its identity in the global information space. In information interaction and counteraction, the problem of the identity of journalism, which closely interacts with political and ethnic identities, is quite acute. In the research field of identity within the framework of domestic political science, identity in the field of information and journalism remains poorly studied. The problems of political science in the field of identity research are equally becoming the focus of attention of philosophy, sociology, history and psychology. Certain aspects of the identity of information and journalism can be found in interdisciplinary research, the achievements of various social sciences and humanities.

This article analyzes the interaction and mutual influence of the discourse of science and the public authorities in modern Russian and Anglo-American socio-humanities. The aim of the article is to identify the methodological bases of the research on discourse of the public authorities and science in the modern Anglo-American historiography and assessment of their relevance to the analysis of modern Russian administrative and scientific discourse. The authors conducted the analysis of Russian scientific products and revealed a positivist, quantitative bias in the methodology of social sciences, which study scientific and authoritative discourse in modern Russian society. The authors attempted to reflect the diffusion of science and power discourse. By the example of modern Russian realities they illustrated the pattern of how the researches on political discourse and influence of the state order on scientific production are strongly committed to this discourse and cannot go beyond it. An objective study of the experience of Anglo-American Russian studies allows looking at Russian governmental and scientific discourse from the perspective of a new culture, a new empire and a new intellectual history.

Political science engages similar types of identity on different terms. There are extensive literatures describing phenomena related to national, ethnic, class, and gender identity; however, these literatures in isolation give us little insight into broader political mechanics of identity itself. Furthermore, many of the theoretical approaches to identity in political science tend to proceed from the macro-level, without conceptualizing its building blocks. How should we conceptualize and operationalize identity in political science? In this article, we examine the existing literature on identity in ethnic politics, nationalism studies, and gender politics to show this disconnect in conceptualizing identity across research agendas. We then provide an integrated model of identity, focusing on how gradations of visibility, conceptualization, and recognition form the basis of claims and conflicts about the politics of identity. We conclude by elucidating a path to overcoming these issues by opening space for a rethinking of identity in political science.

The authors reviewed the monograph by T.V. Semina, V.A. Klevno, A.Yu. Gusev, O.V. Veselkina Criminal liability of a doctor in modern Russia under the general edition of T.V. Semina.
 This monograph has an important theoretical, educational and practical value, will make a significant contribution to minimizing cases of criminal prosecution of doctors, and will also serve as a good tool for training highly qualified personnel in legal and medical specialties.
 The publication can be recommended to practicing doctors, administrations of medical institutions, forensic medical experts, researchers, graduate students and students of medical specialties, as well as to a wide range of readers.
 The authors gave a review of the collective monograph by T.V. Semina, V.A. Klevno, A.Yu. Guseva and O.V. Veselkina Criminal liability of a doctor in modern Russia under the general editorship of T.V. Semina.
 A monograph on a new, relevant, little-studied topic is of great theoretical, cognitive and practical importance, makes a significant contribution to minimizing cases of criminal prosecution of doctors, since the ultimate responsibility for the deterioration of patients health in case of poor-quality treatment lies with the attending physician.
 The Decree of the President of the Russian Federation On the National Security Strategy of the Russian Federation provides that the state socio-economic policy being implemented in the Russian Federation is aimed, in particular, at ensuring a decent life and free development of a person, creating conditions for improving the health of citizens, increasing life expectancy, reduction in mortality.
 The healthcare industry affects the most valuable thing that humanity has - life and health: all this makes the problem of criminal liability of a doctor, its importance and relevance, particularly acute. In Russia, over the past five years, the number of criminal cases against doctors has increased 5 times; The medical community fears not only criminal prosecution, but also the criminalization of the profession. Patients rights activists also believe that criminal punishment deprives the profession of the opportunity to recognize doctors mistakes, analyze and correct them. Instead, doctors are intimidated by the possibility of criminal punishment, and they develop only a criminal mindset.
 In a number of cases, the life and health of citizens become the object of criminal encroachment on the part of medical workers, which makes iatrogenic crime one of the pressing problems of modern Russia, which is currently not properly studied, understood and analyzed from a scientific standpoint. In this regard, the collective monograph Criminal liability of a doctor in modern Russia should be recognized as timely and very relevant.
 The publication will serve as a good guide for the training of highly qualified personnel in legal and medical specialties and can be recommended to practitioners, administrations of medical organizations, forensic experts, researchers, graduate students and students of medical specialties, as well as a wide range of readers.

Abstract: At the time, the August 1998 financial crisis was described as a watershed in Russia's development. This article looks at the reasons the crisis had a minimal effect on Russia's economy and argues that the political effect of the crisis was more marked. The growth that has occurred in the Russian economy since 1998 may mean that a reoccurrence of crisis will not be as benign as the 1998 crisis turned out to be. Keywords: financial political economy, Russia, virtual economy Introduction It is nearly a decade since the August 1998 financial crisis in Russia. At the time, the crisis marked a turning point in the development of Russia's economy. In its immediate aftermath there was some expectation that it would be the prelude to what promises to be a long and painful period of insolvency and crisis, (1) and would lead rapidly to another, more severe, financial crisis. (2) These predictions have not come true. Indeed, Russia's financial crisis experience would seem to be an enviable one: it has not caused a loss of economic sovereignty with international agencies asserting their influence over economic policy as a condition of alleviating the problems of currency collapse and debt default, nor did it presage a period of economic depression. Instead, the power of the Russian state has grown since 1998 and Russia has experienced a near uninterrupted economic recovery since 1999 with gross domestic product (GDP) growth averaging 6.8 percent per annum from 1999 to 2005, growth in industrial production averaging 7 percent per annum from 1999 to 2005, unemployment falling from 13.2 percent in 1998 to 7.7 percent in 2005, and average wages rising from $108 to $301 a month. If the 1998 crisis had an effect on Russia, it was positive. Why was the impact of the August 1998 financial crisis so muted economically in Russia? Russia's economic success since 1998 is not because of any particular negative or positive economic effect of the crisis. The crisis of 1998 was not more devastating or influential because of the peculiarities of Russia's postcommunist economic system and the chief problem of this system, the lack of capital to reform industry and create a more competitive economy with a diversified export structure. This problem endures. This article argues that three factors shaped the influence of the August 1998 financial crisis on domestic forces and the subsequent development of Russia's political economy: the legacies of the USSR, the way that earlier reforms under President Boris Yeltsin benefited a small number of financiers and exporters, and the political fall out of 1998. Each of these was largely responsible for shaping one of the main segments of Russia's political economy: the sectors of the economy--those branches of the economy that produce mainly for domestic consumption and do not receive a great level of foreign investment, the sectors of the economy, and the government/state. Each of these segments of Russia's political economy has a peculiar relationship to the global economy. The national economy is isolated from it, receiving benefits indirectly from the general rise in national wealth from energy exports. Its role is passive; its character and structure in the 1990s meant limited foreign involvement in Russia's economy and little pressure to respond to the 1998 financial crisis in ways that would ensure continued capital inflows from abroad. The transnationalized economy and the state have more active relationships with the global economy and are in competition to facilitate Russia's relationship with the global economy. At the moment the state has the upper hand in this relationship. This might, if recovery carries on long enough, eventually turn into a successful response to Russia's problems. However, Russia's ability to grow depends on moving resources into the national economy to modernize it. If it does not, it will bear the cost of a large, unmodernized industrial sector, just as it did in the 1990s. …

The collective monograph “The media sphere as space for the development of legal culture in modern Russia” dedicated to the study of educational potential of the media sphere as space for the development of legal culture and human rights culture in modern Russia is reviewed. The thematical content of the book, its structure are considered, attention is paid to the relevance of the research results obtained by the scientists. The author’s interpretation of the factors of influence of new media communications and technologies on the development of an individual and society as a whole is evaluated. It is stated that the monograph does not lack controversy, in particular, in discussions about the role of bloggers as subjects of information activity in the development of legal culture. At the same time, the publication of this study is of particular importance in connection with the institutionalization of a new group of scientific specialties 5.9.9 “Media Communications and journalism”.

tioners have settled on the agenda, they must then determine what methods can best illuminate those topics. This essay argues that political science today needs to give higher priority to studies of the processes, especially the political processes, through which conceptions of political membership, allegiance, and identity are formed and transformed. To do this, we need to identify, to a greater extent than most political scientists have, the historical contexts of the conflicts and political institutions that have contributed to political identities and commitments, and our approaches must provide empathetic interpretive understandings of human consciousnesses and values. We cannot rely solely, or even predominantly, on efforts to identify abstract, ahistorical, and enduring regularities in political behavior such as those that prevailed during the behavioralist era of modern American political science. Nor can we depend primarily on approaches, ascendant in our discipline’s more recent “rational choice” phase, that enhance our formal grasp of instrumental rationality. 2 Those sorts of work can certainly offer important contributions, but in general they are most effective as elements in projects that rest extensively on contextually and historically informed interpretive judgments. Despite what some may fear, an increased focus on how political identities are formed and on their behavioral and normative significance need not mean abandoning aspirations to do rigorous social science in favor of purely thick descriptive or subjective accounts. Political scientists who study problems of political identity should still be able to develop less abstract theoretical frameworks that can help us to discern and explain both the origins and transformations of particular political identities and near-universal patterns of political conduct. We may also be able to develop some supra-historical theories about the means and mechanisms of consequential historical transformations in political affiliations and behavior. Even in our interpretive and contextual characterizations, moreover, we still have to conform as rigorously as we can, as King, Keohane, and Verba have rightly urged, to a unified “logic of scientific inference,” although we should not equate that logic with the particular statistical techniques, all necessarily limited, that are commonly used to approximate it at any given time. 3 If we are to judge, for example, to what conceptions of their identities and interests particular political actors are giving priority, we need to form some hypotheses based on what we think we know about those actors. Then, we define the different implications of alternative hypotheses. Finally, we look for observable data about their lives that we can use to falsify some of the hypotheses. That logic is constant, though the techniques of falsification will vary with the types of problems particular data present and with the tools currently at our disposal. Yet though the challenge of drawing reliable inferences is universal in social science, the most crucial work in analyzing political identities must often be done by immersing ourselves in information about the actors in question, and using both

Mairead Nic Craith, Culture and Identity Politics in Northern Ireland. New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2003, 256 pp. Mairead Nic Craith's Culture and Identity Politics in Northern Ireland offers a fine portrayal of a phase in Irish politics and history distinguished by a degree of political collaboration but also infused with symbolic and identity conflict. The largely non-violent but symbolic discord of this period is the root paradox described in Nic Craith's account: a Northern Ireland principally unified in an endeavor for peace but robustly divided the precise nature of officially recognized political identities. Mairead Nic Craith's work is part survey of contemporary developments in Northern Irish identity politics and part social critique of these recent manifestations. The official efforts the part of the British-supported Northern Irish government encourage the development of political identity along the two historically constituted poles of Northern Irish political activity: Nationalist and Unionist. Further, Nic Craith contends that the officially legitimated identity categories differ greatly from identity on the ground in Northern Irish society. Public political identity is not a multifaceted assemblage, but rather a largely stagnant and immutable construction around which individuals organize. These manifestations of Nationalist and Unionist identity are alternately, for Nic Craith, the objects of study and subjects of criticism. For Nic Craith, the dialectic between political factions and the government serves as the construction site of Irish political identity. The locus of this identity negotiation is the where identity crystallizes in political discourse, educational programs, and museums. The cultural and political characteristics, exported into the public sphere, provide the ingredients for the shaping of Irish political institutions and identity. Nic Craith's vision of the public sphere can be likened to a pair of individuals piecing together a jig-saw puzzle. Equate the Nationalist and Unionist traditions to the builders. The aspiration for the actors is not the construction of the picture into a stable and unifying whole. Rather, the goal is the construction of a maximum portion of the puzzle for one's self. Just as the Unionist and Nationalist construct identity through a pool of common resources (political life, notions of nationhood, ethnicity, and language), advancement is only achieved through the stripping of pieces from the other builder. But this dualistic notion of Irish identity is in principle a myth. In between the traditional identities of Nationalist and Unionist lie various adaptations of each. Further, actors with multi-ethnic identities creep into the margins of the public sphere, but Nic Craith first focuses the two principal actors in Northern Irish Politics. The English government, a long-time ally of the Unionist factions in Northern Ireland, has in the last two decades attempted to realign itself as a neutral negotiator. The Irish government has, as well, adopted a more conciliatory stance. The two political divisions are, as Dr. Nic Craith notes, not well-defined and united political fronts. Rather, the political identity of Northern Ireland is perhaps best viewed as a complex web of competing identities and goals in political life. Emphatically, however, all of the actors attempt to construct a picture that reveals two clear and essentialized political identities. British policies attempt the reconciliation of the two while the more vociferous groups endeavor to assemble an officially supported political and/or cultural identity at the expense of the other. Essential to Nic Craith's argument is this public competition for this governmental recognition by the political parties in Northern Ireland. Consider her discussion of the creation of Ulster-British culture in the 1980s. In response to what was viewed as a political and educational saturation of Gaelic history and culture, Protestant groups (such as the Ulster Young Unionist Council) sought to dispel the labeling of Ulster-Scots mythology as nationally Irish. …

The role of causal beliefs in political identity and voting

Palopo City is a member of the Indonesian Heritage City Network (JKPI) and has been directed by the government as a Heritage City. Lalebbata is an important space in the history of Palopo City. In this area, the pulse of the economy, socio-culture and religiosity of the Palopo people begins. The intertwining of these three aspects is symbolized by the existence of the market – as the center of crowds, the Kedatuan Palace of Luwu and the Old Mosque of Palopo City. Lalebata as one of the historical areas needs efforts to be structured as an effort to revive activities in this area as well as as an effort to protect, including controlling the development of the area so as not to lose its historical identity. The Regional Regulation of the City of Palopo on Cultural Heritage mandates that the spatial pattern of the Cultural Conservation Area is stipulated in the Batupasi Sub-District. The management plan for this cultural heritage area includes the revitalization of cultural heritage, as well as the preservation and maintenance of historical buildings as well as being directed as a Trade and Service Allocation Area, particularly as a shopping center and public open space. This paper aims to produce a planning concept and arrangement of the Lalebbata Area in Batupasi as a Center of Heritage as well as a public space in Palopo City. The method used is a participatory approach to the residents living around the site, to explore potential and problems, as well as to review policies related to planning and arrangement that will be carried out. The result of this paper is the area planning concept by dividing the area into several functions such as commercial space, public and pedestrian space, green area/parks/sclupture, plaza, exhibition space and museum.

A roundtable titled ‘Identity in the Time of World Order Transformation: Discourses and Narratives’ was held on the 2nd of December 2023, at the Patrice Lumumba Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia. It was a part of the All-Russian conference with international participation ‘Political Science in a Changing World: New Practices and Theoretical Research’ organized by the Russian Political Science Association (RPSA). At RPSA, the event was arranged by the Research Committee on political identity. The roundtable moderator was Semenenko I.S., Corresponding Member of the RAS, Doct. Sci. (Polit. Sci.), Head of Centre for Comparative Socioeconomic and Political Studies, Deputy Director for Scientific Work of IMEMO, RAS, RPSA Research Committee on political identity coordinator, supervisor of Identity Research Network; the co-moderator was Fadeeva L.A., Doct. Sci. (Polit. Sci.), Professor, Department of Political Science, Perm State University. The key trends, problems and achievements regarding identity studies in Russia and abroad, new discourses and narratives in political science and public policy, especially ones relevant to Russia, were analyzed. The discussion focused on the problems of political identity and identity politics in terms of a forming polycentric world, identity dimension of archaization discourses, neotraditionalism, Balkanization, manifesting identity conflicts, identity securitization and ethnopolitical conflicts. The speakers were as follows: Semenenko I.S.; Fadeeva L.A.; staff members of Sector for Analysis of Political Change and Identity, Department for Comparative Political Studies, Centre for Comparative Socioeconomic and Political Studies, IMEMO – Cand. Sci. (Chem.), Leading Researcher Lapkin V.V, Doct. Sci. (Philos.), Senior Researcher Kamkin A.K., Cand. Sci. (Polit. Sci.), Researcher Popadeva T.I., Junior Researcher Khaynatskaya T.I.; staff of Sector for International Organizations and Global Political Governance, Department for International Political Problems, IMEMO – Doct. Sci. (Polit.), Head of the Sector Prokhorenko I.L., Senior Research Assistant Shpak M.A.; staff of Department of Public Policy and Public Administration, Kuban State University (Krasnodar) – Doct. Sci. (Philos.), Professor Morozova E.V., Cand. Sci. (Polit. Sci.), Associate Professor Bashmakov I.S.; Kalashnikova S.K., postgraduate student St Petersburg University, Junior Researher, Center for Science, Education and Information Programs, INION RAN; Pogodina M.Ya., Research Assistant, Faculty of Political Science, St Petersburg University, Junior Researher, Center for Science, Education and Information Programs, INION RAN; Romanova A.H., Doct. Sci. (Philos.), Director of Institute for Research on the Problems of the South of Russia and the Caspian Sea, Astrakhan State University named after V.N. Tatishchev (Astrakhan); Sagitova L.V., Doct. Sci. (Polit. Sci.), Leading Researcher, Department of Ethnology, Sh. Marjani Institute of History, Tatarstan Academy of Sciences (Kazan); Sargsyan O.L., Cand. Sci. (Philos.), Associate Professor, Head of the Department of Political Science, Institute of Law and Politics, Russian-Armenian University (the Republic of Armenia, Yerevan). The review of the roundtable materials was compiled by Prokhorenko I.L., Doct. Sci. (Polit.), Head of the Sector for International Organizations and Global Political Governance, Department for International Political Problems, IMEMO (irinapr@imemo.ru, ORCID: 0000-0002-8090-7934).