Constructing Catholic Women’s Religious Identity through Instagram: A Study of the @walmajelena Account

This research aims to optimize the communication of the Meteorology, Climatology, and Geophysics Agency (BMKG) in the Special Region of Yogyakarta Province through social media, with a focus on the case study of the Instagram account @infobmkgYIA. Effective communication in delivering weather forecasts, early warnings, and climate conditions is crucial to enhance public preparedness for natural disasters. The research methodology involves content analysis and user interaction on the Instagram account @infobmkgYIA. Data is collected to evaluate the most effective types of content, user participation levels, and their impact on increasing public awareness. This study adopts a qualitative research approach with the goal of deepening the understanding of the most effective types of content in conveying meteorological information, comprehending user participation levels, and assessing their impact on increasing public awareness. Data for this research is collected through content analysis obtained from the Instagram account @infobmkgYIA, including weather data visualizations, early warnings, and related information. Qualitative analysis is conducted to understand how the delivery of information can be optimized for greater effectiveness in achieving BMKG's communication goals. Direct interviews with relevant personnel at BMKG are not conducted in this research. Instead, information is obtained from reliable sources on the internet, such as official reports, articles, and other relevant information related to the research focus. The research also applies statistical analysis to support the understanding of inhibiting and driving factors in social media communication. Through this qualitative approach, it is expected that strategic recommendations will be identified to enhance the effectiveness of BMKG communication on social media platforms, especially on the Instagram account @infobmkgYIA

This study aims to analyze the use of "youjigo" vocabulary in social media communication, particularly on the Instagram account @uuui_ycoo. "Youjigo" (幼児語) refers to the language used by children in Japan, characterized by simpler vocabulary, syllable repetition, and a cuter or more playful way of pronunciation. Originally a phenomenon associated with children, the use of youjigo has recently gained popularity among adults across various social media platforms, including Instagram. This raises questions about the function, reasons, and impact of using youjigo among adult audiences in online communication. The study employs a qualitative approach with content analysis to identify and categorize the youjigo vocabulary used in various posts on the Instagram account @uuui_ycoo. Data for this research was obtained by classifying the youjigo terms found in these posts. Additionally, the study analyzes the social and cultural reasons behind the use of youjigo by adults on social media, as well as how such vocabulary functions to create emotional closeness and familiarity between the account owner and the audience. The findings indicate that the use of youjigo on the Instagram account @uuui_ycoo is intended to create a more relaxed, friendly, and playful atmosphere in social interactions, evoking positive feelings from the audience. Vocabulary such as “うきうき” (uki uki), “だっこ” (dakko), and “ぴょんぴょん” (pyon pyon) plays a significant role in establishing a sense of closeness and charm. The use of youjigo by adults highlights a new dynamic in Japanese language communication, blurring the lines between child and adult speech. This phenomenon is also influenced by social changes and technological advancements, allowing adults to communicate in a more free and emotional way, in line with current social media trends.

The implementation of auctions through Instagram social media often does not provide legal certainty for the parties participating in the auction because many in its implementation are not in accordance with the regulation of the Minister of Finance Number 213/PMK.06/2020 concerning auction implemention guidelines. So that in its implementation can cause disadvantage for the parties carrying out the auction.
 The research used descriptive analytical juridical normative method. Primary data and secondary data were obtained from library research and field research.
 The result of the research shows that the legal status of the Instagram account @usedbapeofficial was not an official auction house because it did not meet the requirements as an auction house, which should be in the form of limited liability company and obtaining permission form the Minister. Legal certainty for the owner of the goods has been carried out by @usedbapeofficial in the form of the payment proceeds being transferred to only one account, namely Kenneth Lee’s account as the account owner but does not provide legal certainty regarding when the owner of the goods will receive payment for the goods he auctions, legal certainty for the auction winner has been provides in the form of information that is listed in accordance with the format filled in by the owner of the goods. Legal protection for the owner of the goods is given in the form of holding funds in the @usedbapeofficial account until the goods are received by the buyer, while for the auction winner the legal protection is in the form of preventive and repressive legal protection.
 The conclusion of this research is the legal status of Instagram account @usedbapeofficial is not an official auction house. Legal certainty for the owner of the goods and the auction winner has not been fulfilled because most of the implementation of the auction on the Instagram account @usedbapeofficial do not comply with the provisions in the regulations of the Minister of Finance Number 213/PMK.06/2020 concerning auction implementation guidelines. Legal protection for the owner of the goods provided by @usedbapeofficial in the form of money auction sales is accommodated in one account, while legal protection for the auction winner has not been fully fulfilled because in its implementation legal protection is not provided by @usedbapeofficial in full to the injured party. It is recommended to @usedbapeofficial to improve the auction procedure into a buying and selling account with an auction mechanism and register its business as a Limited Liability Company, it is suggested to the government to update the regulations governing auction activities through social media, especially Instagram.

Abstract. Traffic conditions in the city of Bandung are still very closely related to violations committed by road users due to a lack of awareness when driving. This problem prompted the Bandung City government through the Bandung City Transportation Department to create a program that is able to monitor road users to ensure traffic order through the ATCS (Area Traffic Control System) program. Bandung City Transportation Agency ATCS often posts parody content taken from incidents of violations committed by road users in Bandung City. Parody content like this is intended to provide information and advice to the public not to commit violations and to build public traffic awareness. This research aims to explain and analyze the management of parody messages as a strategy in building traffic compliance in the city of Bandung via the social media Instagram. This study uses a qualitative descriptive approach to observe the process of managing parody messages implemented by the Instagram account @atcs.kotabandung. The data collection method uses observation of posted content, analysis of message content, as well as interviews with account managers and documentation of parody content owned by ATCS Bandung City. It is hoped that this research will show that managing parody messages can be an effective means of increasing traffic compliance by conveying informative and educational messages creatively and entertainingly. It is hoped that this research can provide additional insight regarding the potential use of social media, especially Instagram, in supporting the efforts of the government and the Bandung City Transportation Department in building traffic awareness and compliance in Bandung City. Abstrak. Kondisi lalu lintas di Kota Bandung masih sangat erat dengan pelanggaran yang dilakukan oleh para pengguna jalan karena kurangnya kesadaran dalam berkendara. Permasalahan ini yang mendorong pemerintah Kota Bandung melalui Dishub Kota Bandung untuk menciptakan suatu program yang mampu memonitor para pengguna jalan agar tewujudnya ketertiban lalu lintas melalui program ATCS (Area Traffic Control System). ATCS Dishub Kota Bandung sering memposting konten parodi yang diambil dari kejadian-kejadian pelanggaran yang dilakukan oleh pengguna jalan di Kota Bandung, Koten parodi seperti ini ditujukkan untuk memberikan informasi serta imbauan kepada masyarakat untuk tidak melakukan pelanggaran dan untuk membangun kesadaran lalu lintas masyarakat.Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memaparkan serta menganalisis pengelolaan pesan parodi sebagai strategi dalam membangun kepatuhan berlalu lintas di Kota Bandung melalui media sosial Instagram. Studi ini menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif kualitatif untuk mengamati proses pengelolaan pesan parodi yang diimplementasikan oleh akun Instagram @atcs.kotabandung. Metode pengumpulan data menggunakan observasi terhadap konten yang diposting, analisis konten pesan, serta wawancara dengan pengelola akun tersebut dan dokumentasi pada konten-konten parodi yang dimiliki oleh pihak ATCS Kota Bandung. Dari penelitian ini diharapkan menunjukan bahwa pengelolaan pesan parodi dapat menjadi sarana yang efektif untuk mengingkatkan kepatuhan berlalu lintas dengan menyampaikan pesan informatif serta edukatif secara kreatif dan menghibur. Penelitian ini diharapkan dapat memberikan wawasan tambahan terkait potensi penggunaan media sosial, khususnya Instagram dalam mendukung upaya pemerintah dan Dinas Perhubungan Kota Bandung dalam membangun kesadaran dan kepatuhan berlalu lintas di Kota Bandung.Kata kunci: Pesan, Parodi, Kepatuhan Berlalu Lintas, Instagram ABSTRACTTraffic conditions in the city of Bandung are still very closely related to violations committed by road users due to a lack of awareness when driving. This problem prompted the Bandung City government through the Bandung City Transportation Department to create a program that is able to monitor road users to ensure traffic order through the ATCS (Area Traffic Control System) program. Bandung City Transportation Agency ATCS often posts parody content taken from incidents of violations committed by road users in Bandung City. Parody content like this is intended to provide information and advice to the public not to commit violations and to build public traffic awareness. This research aims to explain and analyze the management of parody messages as a strategy in building traffic compliance in the city of Bandung via the social media Instagram. This study uses a qualitative descriptive approach to observe the process of managing parody messages implemented by the Instagram account @atcs.kotabandung. The data collection method uses observation of posted content, analysis of message content, as well as interviews with account managers and documentation of parody content owned by ATCS Bandung City. It is hoped that this research will show that managing parody messages can be an effective means of increasing traffic compliance by conveying informative and educational messages creatively and entertainingly. It is hoped that this research can provide additional insight regarding the potential use of social media, especially Instagram, in supporting the efforts of the government and the Bandung City Transportation Department in building traffic awareness and compliance in Bandung City.

This article critically examines the use of hadith in constructing the anti-Maulid narrative concerning the celebration of the Prophet’s Birthday disseminated through the Instagram account @foto.video.islam, using Teun A. van Dijk’s Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as an analytical lens. The study focuses on how Salafi ideology is articulated and propagated through religious discourse in the digital sphere. The research problem addresses how hadiths are selectively cited to delegitimize the celebration of the Prophet’s Birthday while undermining the authority of scholars who support it. This qualitative descriptive study analyzes the macrostructure, superstructure, and microstructure of the discourse produced by the account. The findings demonstrate that the use of hadith functions as a tool of ideological legitimation, consolidating Salafi authority within the digital space and marginalizing alternative perspectives in the broader landscape of Islamic intellectual traditions. This strategy is not merely textual or jurisprudential but reflects complex ideological operations that shape perceptions and religious orientations in contemporary digital public spheres. The study also highlights the importance of critical awareness regarding the politicization of religious texts and underscores the need for ethical dialogue and mutual respect across theological differences, ensuring that sectarian divergences do not become sources of social conflict or hierarchical domination. Overall, the research shows that digital anti-Maulid discourse mobilizes hadith as a means to construct and maintain religious authority, while emphasizing the broader implications for critical engagement and responsible communication in diverse Islamic communities.[Artikel ini secara kritis menelaah penggunaan hadis dalam konstruksi narasi anti-Maulid mengenai perayaan Maulid Nabi yang disebarkan melalui akun Instagram @foto.video.islam, dengan menggunakan lensa Teun A. van Dijk’s Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). Penelitian ini memfokuskan pada bagaimana ideologi Salafi diartikulasikan dan dipropagandakan melalui wacana keagamaan di ruang digital. Masalah yang diteliti adalah bagaimana hadis dipilih dan disajikan secara selektif untuk mendiskreditkan perayaan Maulid serta meremehkan otoritas ulama yang mendukungnya. Penelitian ini bersifat kualitatif deskriptif dan menganalisis struktur makro, superstruktur, dan mikro dari wacana yang dihasilkan akun tersebut. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa penggunaan hadis oleh akun ini berfungsi sebagai alat legitimasi ideologis, memperkuat posisi Salafi dalam ranah digital, dan memarginalkan perspektif lain dalam tradisi intelektual Islam. Strategi ini tidak hanya bersifat tekstual atau yuridis, tetapi juga mencerminkan operasi ideologis kompleks yang membentuk persepsi dan orientasi keagamaan dalam masyarakat digital kontemporer. Penelitian ini juga menekankan pentingnya kesadaran kritis terhadap politisasi teks agama dan perlunya menjaga etika dialog serta saling menghormati antarmazhab, sehingga perbedaan teologis tidak menjadi sumber dominasi atau konflik sosial. Secara keseluruhan, penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa wacana anti-Maulid digital memobilisasi hadis sebagai sarana konstruksi dan pemeliharaan otoritas keagamaan, sekaligus menyoroti implikasi yang lebih luas terkait keterlibatan kritis dan komunikasi yang bertanggung jawab dalam komunitas Islam yang beragam.]

Media as a medium of construing discourse, for example a dominant figure religion. In Islam the ideal muslim shown by the media that has a role as a medium for forming new ideologies in religious aspects. This research aims to explore the ideal Muslim discourse on the Instagram social media account @ukhtiakhiantiselfie. This research uses a qualitative method with content analysis in the form of Norman Fairclough's critical discourse analysis and focuses on the level of text presented in the content on the Instagram social media account @ukhtiakhiantiselfie. To find out the extent of the truth of the research, the author uses data validity techniques in the form of triangulation of data sources. Meanwhile, data analysis techniques consist of data selection, interpretation and interpretation of the text, data presentation and discussion, to draw conclusions. The results of this study indicate that the ideology constructed in the Instagram account @ukhtiakhiantiselfie is in the form of a ban on uploading photos to social media for men (muslimin) and women (muslimah). In addition, there is an ideal Muslim standard for Muslims, namely individuals who do not upload photos of themselves, achievements, possessions, and others to the public via social media. Meanwhile, the discourse that is presented refers to the ideal Muslim character according to Hamka in the form of istiqomah, namely showing firm actions towards the establishment and carrying out the commands of Allah SWT and avoiding His prohibitions. The results of this research show that the ideology constructed in the Instagram account @ukhtiakhiantiselfie is a prohibition on uploading photos to social media for men (Muslims) and women (Muslimah). Apart from that, there is an ideal Muslim standard for Muslims, namely individuals who do not upload photos of themselves, their achievements, possessions and so on to the public via social media. Meanwhile, the discourse presented refers to the ideal Muslim characteristic according to Hamka in the form of istiqomah, namely showing firm actions towards standing and carrying out the commands of Allah SWT and staying away from His prohibitions. The results of this research show that the ideology constructed in the Instagram account @ukhtiakhiantiselfie is a prohibition on uploading photos to social media for men (Muslims) and women (Muslimah). Apart from that, there is an ideal Muslim standard for Muslims, namely individuals who do not upload photos of themselves, their achievements, possessions and so on to the public via social media. Meanwhile, the discourse presented refers to the ideal Muslim characteristic according to Hamka in the form of istiqomah, namely showing firm actions towards standing and carrying out the commands of Allah SWT and staying away from His prohibitions.

The dynamics of contemporary development are correlated with integrated technological progress innovations in human activity, both in aspects of education, business, communication, and so on. The communication strategy is the choice of Instagram owner @Farizas_kyas as a marketing promotion for Muslim fashion products towards teenagers. Because, today's teenagers have followed trends as a reflection of modernity while remaining within the corridors of sharia principles. This research aims to examine and describe the communication strategy for promoting Muslim fashion products among teenagers by the Instagram account @Farizas_kyas. The research method uses a description method with a qualitative approach. The research subject is Farizas Kyas, while the research objects are material objects and formal objects. The data source was obtained from the Instagram account @Farizas_kyas through product posts and stories. Data collection was carried out through virtual observation, interviews and documentation. The research results confirm that the communication strategy for the Instagram account @Farizas_kyas in promoting Muslim fashion products among teenagers is done by creating attractive visual content, using hashtags, educational and informative content, live Instagram, and being consistent in posting content. By using an Instagram account, the account owner gets more benefits through the effectiveness of the product marketing strategy used.

In the current digital era, social media has become one of the most effective marketing tools for businesses. Instagram, as an image-based platform, provides great opportunities for coffee shops to build and develop their brands. This research aims to analyze how Instagram social media is utilized. , especially the Kawan.cafespace Instagram account, in forming the branding of a coffee shop. By taking a case study on this Instagram account, this research tries to understand the strategies and techniques used in forming a strong brand image in the digital realm. Through a qualitative approach and content analysis, this research shows that the use of Instagram from Kawan.cafespace is able to create wide exposure, positive interactions with followers, and build a unique brand identity for the coffee shop. The implications of these findings highlight the importance of using social media in improving branding and online presence for food and beverage businesses such as coffee shops. This research can provide insight for coffee business owners and marketing practitioners to optimize the potential of Instagram social media in strengthening their brand image in the digital market.

This study aims to find out how the role of social media in preaching with the @obyrezapost Instagram account. The research method used is a descriptive method with a qualitative approach. Data collection techniques with the method of observation, interviews and documentation. The data obtained were then analyzed by data reduction, data presentation and drawing conclusions. The results of this study indicate that the role of Instagram as a propaganda medium for the @obyrezapost Instagram account can be seen from how Oby Reza as the account owner uses Instagram as a propaganda medium. Oby Reza always inserts da'wah messages in each of his uploads in the form of photos and videos that have been edited as attractively as possible. Using every feature provided by Instagram to attract the attention of followers and other users.

In June 2020 a new wave of feminist activism emerged in the Egyptian public sphere.1 Building on almost two decades of mobilization and organization against sexual harassment and assault, the new organizers are upper-middle- and upper-class Egyptians in their early twenties who politicize social networks to push the problem of sexual violence and women's bodily integrity back into public discourse (Fayed 2021). Inspired by the global #MeToo movement, they built on its feminist discourse against sexual violence and its model of organization, relying heavily on social media as a tool for action to revitalize feminist activism in authoritarian Egypt (Khorshid 2021).Nadeen Ashraf, a student at the American University in Cairo, started it all when she founded the Instagram account @assaultpolice. Her intention was to provide a space for people to share anonymous testimonies about Ahmed Bassam Zaky, an elite college student who had left a trail of victims of sexual harassment and rape in every private school, college, and institution he attended (MadaMasr 2020). Instagram was her platform of choice because of its popularity among the young generation and the fact that this social network is less subject to state security than Facebook.2 Once @assaultpolice launched, other individuals joined Ashraf in flooding social media with anonymous testimonies that did not necessarily relate to Zaky but spoke of the pain, agony, and trauma that accompany the experiences of sexual harassment. The ABZ case, as it is known in the media, was followed by others. A whistleblower implicated seven members of Egypt's wealthiest families in a gang rape in what became known as the Fairmont case (Al-Ahram 2020). Shortly thereafter other newly created or established Instagram accounts joined the conversation about sexual violence, calling for protection against gender-based violence and for gender equality. Between June and July 2020 hundreds of testimonies of sexual violence unrelated to the ABZ case were anonymously shared on various Instagram accounts such as @assaultpolice, @catcallsofcairo, and @skhodirr (El-Mahdawy 2020a).This article analyzes this new wave of feminist activism by examining how its organizers capitalized on the political utility of social media and anonymous testimonies, and discusses how the movement developed within the wider feminist movement and vis-à-vis the Egyptian state. It draws on semiguided interviews conducted with seven feminist activists and actors in the new wave between September and November 2020. The interviews were conducted online by both authors of the article.The use of social media and anonymous testimonies is not new to the feminist movement in Egypt. In fact, this has been a key aspect of activism against sexual harassment and assault since the early 2010s. Initiatives like Harrasmap, Bassma, Dedd el-Taharrush, Shoft Taharrush, OpAntish, Tahrir Bodyguard, the Girls' Revolution, and the BuSSy Project productively engaged Facebook, Twitter, and blogs to share testimonies of sexual violence, out harassers, and call for action. Similarly, this new wave of feminist activism has relied on social networks to politicize instances of sexual violence beyond the ABZ case and to attract new actors to support its cause.3 The large number of testimonies published on @assaultpolice and other Instagram accounts speaks to the continued pervasiveness of sexual violence across geographical location, generation, and class.In June 2020 Shady Noor, a young feminist musician and filmmaker, saw an anonymous testimony against Zaky on Facebook. After sharing the post on his Instagram account, he received dozens of messages from women who also accused Zaky of sexual harassment/assault. Noor published their testimonies anonymously on his Instagram account and urged others to come forward.4 Sabah Khodeir, another prominent online content creator, began sharing Noor's stories and posts. Around the same time, Ashraf learned through a closed college-related Facebook group that Zaky had sexually harassed one of her classmates. Instagram was, according to Ashraf, "the first thing I thought of using when I was furious about [the silencing of] my classmate's testimony against Ahmed Bassam Zaky" (Ashraf interview). In the weeks that followed, Noor, Khodeir, Ashraf, and four other women and men worked together to solicit testimonies and coordinate their actions (Noor interview).In early July Ashraf created the anonymous account @assaultpolice, to which Noor directed his followers for further testimonies against Zaky (Noor interview). The account's publication of clickbaity posts and its intentional use of screenshots and voice recordings of testimonies—as opposed to their transcriptions—attracted widespread attention. According to Ashraf, this method felt more personal to viewers. While the anonymity of the survivors inspired empathy, people related to the testimonies because sexual harassment affects women despite their class or social status (Ashraf interview). Behind the Instagram stories and posts, the members of the core organizing group were engaged in constant conversation, deciding when and what to post, defining the tone and visual aesthetics, listening and speaking to survivors who reached out to them, and directing them to mental health support resources if necessary (Noor interview). Apprehensive about state surveillance or infiltration from those associated with Zaky, and highly protective of survivors' identities, they used secure messaging apps to communicate across borders and time zones.5 While Ashraf was in Cairo, others were operating from abroad, including Noor and Khodier from the United States. They contacted the Spanish university where Zaky studied, which promptly took action after confirming similar cases of sexual assault at the institution.6 The group not only focused on gathering testimonies to stir up public opinion but also collected data from individuals exposed to ABZ's violence. This later became the evidence used by the lawyers and public prosecutors building the case against Zaky. The Instagram account @assaultpolice built its credibility by posting only testimonies that could be reasonably verified; its moderators asked victims to supply screenshots of previous conversations with ABZ as evidence before posting their testimonies (Mohamed interview). Their unconditional support for survivors and demand for accountability secured a large following for the platform.Following this success, other young activists and influencers began to support the campaign. As the person responsible for @catcallsofcairo mentioned in an interview, this Instagram account dedicated to denouncing instances of sexual harassment in the city attracted more attention as a result.7 Facebook pages and groups such as Speak Up started to discuss the widespread problem of sexual violence.8 In parallel, a group of anonymous activists initiated an online blog named Modawanet Hekayat, which used anonymous testimonies to tell the stories of survivors of sexual violence and denounced prominent figures as perpetrators, including the journalist Hisham Allam, the filmmaker Islam Azazi, and the human rights advocate Wael Abbas.9 New Instagram accounts such as @gangrapistsofcairo, which exposed the details of the Fairmont case, emerged using the same tactics. In response to these cases, online influencers and celebrities like the TV host Radwa El Sherbiny expressed their support, shared posts, and even offered material help and legal support to survivors.10 In the summer of 2020 the Egyptian virtual sphere buzzed with debates about consent, victim blaming, the burden of proof in cases of sexual violence, and trauma.Despite a reliance on social media, organizers were conscious of the limitations of a medium that remains inaccessible to large swaths of Egyptians (Ashraf interview). They also knew that their publication of posts in English made them less relatable outside young, educated, and upper- and upper-middle-class circles (Mohamed interview). Their decision to publish posts in Arabic was thus meant to broaden the potential audiences and to compel mainstream media and popular talk shows to address the ABZ and Fairmont cases, turning them into public opinion debates (Waheed interview). Activists later realized, as Ashraf noted, that the media attention garnered by these incidents was motivated by the "scandalous" nature of the crimes and the fact that they occurred within the relatively protected liberal social circles of upper-class youth (Ashraf interview). While these revelations challenged the social misconception that upper-class girls are protected by the law and the widespread cultural sentiments that sexual violence is the result of poverty and sexual repression, the mainstream media also used these cases to offer a critique of the lifestyles of the wealthy (MadaMasr 2020).While in its early manifestation the movement focused mainly on and benefited from online campaigning, as testimonies continued to emerge the core organizing group became aware of the need to connect survivors with legal resources (Noor interview). According to Ashraf and Waheed, many girls and women who shared their testimonies wanted to participate in the growing movement and support other women who spoke up. Though they wanted to shame sexual predators to prevent similar acts of violence in the future, they did not seek legal redress. With the encouragement of activists, however, a few of them agreed to eventually pursue legal action (Ashraf interview).The initial online phase was thus followed by an offline stage where legal action occupied a central position. Having urged those who gave testimony to press charges, organizers shouldered the responsibility of connecting them with legal counsel (Ashraf interview). Alliances with human rights lawyers obtained pro bono legal services to survivors and provided advice and consultation to activists. The transition to legal activism was fraught with debate and uncertainty regarding personal risk to the complainants. Organizers also feared smear campaigns against themselves and/or survivors as well as attacks on their credibility through tactics such as releasing fake testimonies, questioning the reliability of those they had published, and spreading rumors about the survivors' morality.11 They also perceived themselves in a litigious race against Zaky before he initiated defamation lawsuits against survivors and/or activists themselves (Ashraf interview). On July 4, 2020, the public prosecutor issued an arrest warrant against Zaky (Noor interview). Prior to that, the veteran women's rights activist and lawyer Azza Soliman agreed to represent those who came forward against him.As Zaky's prosecution moved forward, the survivor of the Fairmont case approached @assaultpolice to adopt her cause, motivated by its success. She accused seven young men from Egypt's elite of drugging and gang-raping her at a party. The Instagram account @assaultpolice was the first Instagram account to draw attention to the case, followed by other accounts that had previously publicized the ABZ case. Activists also tracked down video evidence of the gang rape, which many claimed to have seen but no one seemed able to produce. In the meantime, however, Ashraf grew worried about the integrity and sustainability of the platform and her own safety and sought legal counsel (Ashraf interview). After receiving threats for her involvement in the case, she decided to reveal her identity as the person behind @assaultpolice as a safety measure against these attempts at intimidation.The online noise reverberated in mainstream media and quickly caught the attention of the government's National Council for Women (NCW), which offered to cooperate with victims willing to take legal action against their harassers. Cooperating with the NCW was cause for contention within the organizing group of activists: some welcomed it, while others realized the need for independent legal support for survivors to maintain their freedom of action (Noor interview). Coming under increasing public scrutiny, organizers also disagreed on the degree to which they should align themselves with the public prosecution, which had supported their cause in the ABZ case (Mohamed interview).Activism against sexual violence in Egypt dates back to the mid-2000s (Hunt 2020: 248). This form of collective action multiplied in the years that followed the January 25 Revolution, with the proliferation of independent initiatives mobilizing against sexual harassment and assault on the streets as well as in other spaces (Butrous 2017: 1029). With the reinstallation of military rule in 2013, the Egyptian state built an arsenal of laws to limit collective action, notably Law No. 107 of 2013, prohibiting public protest and restricting street action without the prior consent of the Ministry of Interior. Beginning in 2014, the state cracked down on civil society work, including the activities of feminist organizations (Smohamed 2021). Law No. 70 of 2017, organizing the affairs of civil society, forced many organizations that had operated as LLCs to register as nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and operate under the guise of the Ministry of Social Solidarity. The law was amended and reissued as Law No. 149 of 2019, which limits previous restrictions on civil society work; however, it still instates ministry oversight. In addition, civil society was still reeling from the threat of NGO case no. 173 of 2011 as dozens of NGO employees/activists underwent investigation and were subjected to temporary travel bans (Abuzaid 2019). Finally, the enactment of Law No. 175 of 2018 instituted state surveillance of activists' interactions on social media (Miller 2018). These laws have put an end to feminist grassroots mobilization and gravely set back feminist activism.12The new wave of activism that emerged in the summer of 2020 distanced itself from the feminist movement in Egypt to avoid the complications of working under state restriction. As Ashraf noted, the new wave organizers are "not educated as feminists or engaged with earlier feminist fights in Egypt" but identify with the global #MeToo movement (Ashraf interview). However, as the organizers moved from their online campaign to legal action, they became connected to other feminist operatives with more experience in on-the-ground activism, and they sought legal counsel and assistance from human rights activists and lawyers (Darwish interview). Ahmed Ragheb, the renowned human rights lawyer, was the lead counsel in the ABZ case. Other lawyers such as Ragia Omran and Azza Soliman played an active role in advising victims on ways to deal with their legal claims (Soliman interview).The new wave of activism that emerged in the summer of 2020 initially benefited from state cooperation (Soliman interview). On July 4, even before complaints were filed, the General Prosecutor's Office (GPO) issued an arrest warrant against Zaky. According to organizers, this decision was the result of their behind-the-scenes efforts to push the state to adopt an active role against these crimes and the organizers' success in mobilizing survivors for legal action and getting public opinion invested in the case. At the same time, the NCW provided free legal services to the survivors of sexual violence and assisted with filing legal complaints. In the Fairmont case, however, the prosecutor's foot-dragging allowed some accused rapists to escape the country.13 The reluctance of the general prosecutor to issue arrest warrants was interpreted as the result of the influence of the perpetrators' families, which belonged to Egypt's business elite. When an arrest order was finally issued against the seven suspects, key witnesses were also arrested (Soliman interview). Among them, Nazli Karim remained in detention for more than four months and was the target of a smear campaign whereby state-allied media leaked personal photos and videos and undermined her testimony (Soliman interview).The detentions of witnesses delivered a significant blow to the movement, resulting in the spread of a sense of defeat and helplessness in activist circles (Darwish and Soliman interviews). By then the core group of organizers had expanded to twenty activists working together to coordinate the Instagram campaigns. Within this group, some members criticized @assaultpolice's decision not to call for the release of the arrested witnesses, especially Karim (Ashraf interview). This decision was motivated, according to Ashraf, by their fears that such a campaign would "create a viral spread of her private photos and videos that are being used to incriminate Nazli" (Ashraf interview). Others argued that a feminist agenda required opposition to authoritarian rule as much as it required a clear stance against sexual violence (Darwish interview). Instead, @assaultpolice thanked the GPO and President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi for their support, thus dividing the movement and its supporters around the issue of cooperating with the state.While state officials took a hard-line stance in the ABZ case, mainly through the adoption of a narrative of paternalistic state protection of women, this was not the case in the Fairmont crimes. Soliman, who attended the GPO and NCW meetings, recalled that prosecutors and NCW officials repeatedly referred to witnesses and survivors as their "daughters" and voiced their intention to protect them from the danger represented by Zaky (Soliman interview). Conversely, state agents took a more ambivalent approach toward the Fairmont incident, which allegedly occurred in the context of an elite party filled with sex, alcohol, and recreational drugs. On that occasion, the state saw an opportunity to condemn the lifestyles of a group of young, upper-class Egyptians who had dressed, partied, and socialized according to a set of social rules that differed from the state's conservative morality (El-Ammar 2020). In response to this case, the state articulated a moral code that condemned "illicit" sexual acts, both nonconsensual and consensual, urging parents to pay attention to the moral upbringing of their children and youth to beware of internet influence. This narrative of family values and parental control was expressed in several statements released by the GPO as well as in the NCW's sudden retraction from assisting the victim or the arrested witnesses (Ashraf interview). The active persecution of witnesses on unrelated charges of moral indecency also demonstrated the state's intention to use this incident to remind activists that the paternalistic authoritarian state had the final say about what was permissible and what was not (Shea 2020).What started as a movement by largely young upper- and upper-middle-class women sharing testimonies of sexual harassment and assault gradually influenced the wider public debate and ultimately led to actual legal change, with the amendment, in August 2020, of Law No. 113 of 1950 to ban the disclosure of victims' identities and personal information in sexual violence cases. The law is still ineffective; it was approved by parliament and passed on to the cabinet but was not enacted. However, the potential law amendment is a testament to the work of feminist activism in Egypt.Almost two years after the publication of the first testimonies on @assaultpolice, the intensity of that summer has subsided but the effects of this new feminist wave are ongoing. Fueled by the sharing of experiences of and testimonies about sexual violence that keep surfacing via online groups, feminists carry on with challenging the culture of disbelief and victim blaming by supporting survivors and animating the public debate about gender violence and discrimination. Feminist-identifying online communities such as Speak Up are still attracting thousands of engaged followers from a mostly middle-class social base to discuss gender inequality and violence. A discussion on the legitimacy of relying on anonymous testimonies as a tool of truth telling and accountability remains active. The difficulty of legal recourse for survivors and the need for legal reform is more widely discussed. Ultimately, this new wave of feminist activism has caused a crack in the state's firm control over the public sphere, creating a space of action around sexual violence.By 2022 the new wave of activism that started in social media and among the closed circles of the Egyptian elite has organically spread to other locales and sectors of society. An example of this development is the independent feminist lobby Egyptian Female Journalists. This group was created during the campaign against Hisham Allam to demand the creation of an internal policy and bylaws against sexual harassment in syndicated journalistic institutions.14 Similarly, groups of Coptic women and girls are bravely speaking about sexual harassment within the church.15The question remains: What is next? While this wave of feminist activism has revived issues of sexual violence in the mainstream public debate, its longevity hinges on the ability of activists to make connections among feminist causes that differently but simultaneously affect women from different socioeconomic, professional, and educational backgrounds. The capacity of activist groups to offer collective care and support to one another in a context where the intensity of violence against women is often traumatic is also crucial. If this wave is to bring about further change, activist groups will have to find new ways to expand their reach, diversify their alliances, and stay connected to one another despite state efforts to fragment, frighten, co-opt, and marginalize them. Most important, the activist groups have to realize that scaling up the issue of sexual harassment will happen through constant contact with state institutions, which raises another question on the nature of their relationship to the state.

How do Catholic women make sense of their involvement in a church with restrictive gendered roles and responsibilities? Is there a vision for church which might provide Catholic women with a community of hope, justice and flourishing? Introducing a new methodological approach to studying Catholic women, this open access book provides fresh insights into women’s religious and spiritual experiences and church participation. Drawing on a case study of Australian Catholic women, Tracy McEwan develops the notion of “technologies of Catholicism” to explore the ways in which women shape their religious and secular identities against the backdrop of a masculinist Church. This book is a key resource for those seeking to understand women’s struggle to negotiate the impact of Catholicism and its oppressive gendered theologies. It introduces the term “everyday spiritual abuse” to explain the harm Catholic women experience on a day-to-day basis as they negotiate multiple material, spiritual, and structural inequalities. It proposes an alternative feminist model of church, which is contained and produced in the herstories of women. The ebook editions of this book are available open access under a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 licence on bloomsburycollections.com. Open access was funded by the Bloomsbury Open Collections Library Collective.

This thesis is a research on Instagram @motivasii_hijrahh_ as a Da'wah Media in Improving the Religious Experience of Youth at Kampung Rawa Sugi Mosque. The type of research used is qualitative research with a mass communication approach and a da'wah approach. There are two sources of data in this study, namely primary data sources and secondary data sources. The results of this study can be concluded that the effectiveness of Instagram as a social media in preaching is considered capable of touching various groups, including teenagers, to adults. Through social media, da'wah can be conveyed better than da'wah through Islamic events. Because the da'wah delivered can be directly read or known by millions of people at the same time. Through social media, da'wah activities become easier. The Instagram account @motivasii_hijrahh_ preaches through Instagram by using features on Instagram such as photos/quotes, videos and instastories. The Instagram account @motivasii_hijrahh_ has a positive impact on mosque youth in Rawa Sugi village who are followers of the @motivasii_hijrahh_ account. And of course it can add to the religious experience for mosque youth in Rawa Sugih village. Da'wah in the mass media is said to be effective because it is able to have a positive impact. The impact of mass communication in three aspects namely cognitive effects, affective effects and conative/behavioral effects. The motivational_hijrahh_ Instagram account has a positive impact and has cognitive, affective and behavioral effects on increasing the religious experience of adolescents at the Rawa Sugi village mosque.

This study sought to investigate adolescents’ lived experiences of religious music in three Australian Catholic schools. Specifically, this study explores how religious music is used within Catholic schools and examines how religious music experiences in Catholic schools shape adolescents’ religious and musical identities. As a practising music teacher in a Catholic school, the motivation to undertake this study emerged as I witnessed adolescents’ engagement with religious music on a regular basis. I was intrigued to ascertain the ways in which their engagement with religious music was supporting or shaping their identity work. Existing literature revealed the ways in which music in the everyday life of adolescents influences their identity work. However a significant gap existed concerning the ways in which religious music may influence or inform adolescents’ identity work. Religious music is a vital part of Catholic schools’ identity, whereby students become religious observants to this important tradition. Australian Catholic schools were chosen as sites for this study as these schools provide a unique social context with specific cultural values and a contextualised exposure to music participation. At a time of transition to adulthood, schooling experiences play a significant role in shaping adolescents’ beliefs, values, and life journeys. Religion is a core part of Catholic schools’ philosophy, guiding daily school experiences and fostering positive life values. Furthermore, Catholic schools comprise the largest proportion of non-government schools in Australia, with approximately 1 in 5 Australian school students enrolled in Catholic Education (Australian Bureau of Statistics (A.B.S.), 2013; Catholic Archdiocese of Sydney, 2014). Music consumes much of adolescents’ everyday lives (Bennett, 2001; Hargreaves, Hargreaves & North, 2012; Sloboda & O’Neill, 2001) and has become a central part of their personal and social worlds. Frith (2007) articulated the ways in which music functions as a soundtrack to adolescents’ lives, and Barna (2001) emphasised how music can be considered as a life philosophy for adolescents. Music is used as a resource to make sense of lifeworlds and as a tool for world-building (DeNora, 2000, 2003). Literature also describes the active role music plays in the construction of an individual’s identity (DeNora, 2000). Music can be used as a social dialogue, to express personal meanings, and has the ability to influence behaviour. D. H. Hargreaves and Hargreaves (1967) and Hargreaves and North (1997) argue that social interaction, social institutions, and our social environment shape musical identities. Consideration of those interactions, institutions, and environments unique to Catholic school settings underpins this study. A qualitative research design was chosen to gain a deep and rich insight into the meanings, beliefs, and values adolescents hold about religious music experiences. Using an interpretivist paradigm suggests that adolescents’ lifeworlds are central to the research process, and acknowledges the subjective position of adolescents’ experiences. The study’s educational environment consisted of three Australian Catholic schools: one all-girls, one all-boys, and one co-educational. Data was generated over one school term, using a case study design. Data methods included individual interviews, group interviews, and observation. These methods enabled adolescents to share their views, beliefs, and experiences, illuminating their rich and complex identity work. Through narrative inquiry, I created an authentic and detailed account (Kroon, 2009) of each participant’s experiences, in order to examine the phenomenon of adolescents’ religious and musical identities, and how these identities are shaped by religious music. The narratives were then analysed to draw key themes, as well as similarities to and differences from the literature, to determine the various ways in which adolescents’ identity work is shaped by religious music experience in these settings. The findings suggest that religious music is an important part of adolescents’ schooling, regardless of religious affiliation. Religious music supported the participants’ identity work in various ways, including developing a sense of collective identity, and belonging to a community with positive life values. Religious music emerged as having a powerful impact on many adolescents’ identity work; it helped them engage, reflect, draw meanings, and relate to various aspects of their lives beyond school. A common theme emerged about how religious music helped adolescents to develop a sense of spirituality and religious respect. However, the participants clarified that religious music should be sensitive to the needs of the church and connect to liturgical action in order to fully support their religious identities. In fact, in religious settings, the participants preferred sacred music to secular or contemporary religious music. The participants appreciated the religious teachings and Catholic spirituality of the school, however were challenged to uphold religious morals and values in a secular society. An unexpected finding was that adolescents’ religious experiences were shaped by the spaces in which religious rituals were taking place, impacting upon participants’ religious and spiritual identity work. The findings heightened the importance of religious music to various aspects of adolescents’ identity work. Recommendations suggest educators, the Catholic Church, and music researchers enter into further dialogue to consider and re-evaluate the ways in which religious music is used in Catholic schools.

In the digital era and advances in social media, research on how to utilize the Instagram platform to increase motivation in memorizing the Al-Qur'an is still limited. The research was conducted with the aim of investigating the da'wah strategies used by the Instagram account @ruangnderes and how these strategies help increase individual motivation in memorizing the Al-Qur'an. Using a qualitative approach with content analysis, this research observed posts, captions and follower interactions. The research results show that @ruangnderes succeeded in increasing motivation by selecting relevant content, conveying messages creatively, and actively interacting with his followers. This strategy makes a positive contribution to the individual's enthusiasm and desire to achieve the goal of memorizing the Qur'an in the current digital era. Thus, this research contributes indirectly to providing valuable insights into how social media can be utilized effectively in religious contexts. Utilizing social media such as Instagram as a da'wah platform has opened up new opportunities in spreading religious messages and motivating individuals to study the teachings of the Koran more deeply. The success of the @ruangnderes account in increasing motivation to memorize the Qur'an through social media shows the great potential that digital technology has in supporting the development of spirituality and religious activities.

The phenomenon of communication through social media is common as a result of the development of communication technology. By using an interpersonal communication theory approach, in this case the concept of self-presentation is used to find out how a female stand-up comedian presents herself on her Instagram account @aciresti and her self-presentation strategy. This research uses a qualitative approach with a case study method where primary data collection is conducted by interviewing the account owner”Aci Resti and also her followers as a form of triangulation of sources and secondary data is carried out by conducting literature studies and observing Instagram accounts. Aci Resti's self-presentation in her Instagram account shows a dynamic and hardworking female comedian and builds female characters who can compete in the stand-up comedy industry. The self-presentation strategy is ingratiation that is an attempt to make other people like her, while self-enhancement is shown that her abilities can be respected by others.