Considerations for disaster response as defence diplomacy: The challenges to building moralistic trust and diffuse reciprocity

The ASEAN region is highly susceptible to natural disasters, necessitating a coordinated and robust disaster response framework to ensure regional security and stability. One important instrument for strengthening ASEAN's combined capacity for disaster response is defense diplomacy. This study examines how defense diplomacy may help ASEAN member nations manage disasters by promoting collaboration, establishing mutual trust, and enhancing interoperability. To illustrate their contributions to regional disaster preparedness and response, important mechanisms like the ASEAN Agreement on Disaster Management and Emergency Response (AADMER), ADMM-Plus, and the ASEAN Defense Ministers' Meeting (ADMM) are examined. The efficacy of coordinated military operations and the strategic significance of the ASEAN Coordinating Center for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management (AHA Center) are demonstrated by case studies, such as Typhoon Haiyan (2013) and the 2018 Sulawesi earthquake and tsunami. The study offers suggestions for enhancing regional frameworks, capacity building, and technology integration. It also discusses issues including political sensitivities, resource inequities, and coordination. According to the findings, defense diplomacy is crucial for maintaining ASEAN's security and fostering cooperation within the region

Feeling affected by climate change related natural disasters is an important predictor of engaging in climate change mitigation behavior. We therefore collected data to identify who felt affected by Hurricane Florence, which made landfall in the United States on September 14th, 2018. In the months before Hurricane Florence, we collected survey responses from a nationally representative sample of United States citizens. We measured their attitudes towards climate change, emotional predispositions, and demographic information. Then, in the days after the hurricane, we re-contacted respondents to identify whether or not they felt personally affected by Hurricane Florence. These data can be used first to identify variables associated with climate change attitudes, and second to identify the traits that predispose individuals to feel affected by climate change related disasters.

We investigate the effect of climate change, through natural disasters, on corporate borrowing costs. We test for this relation by exploiting banks’ loan pricing to unaffected, but at-risk, borrowers after a climate change related disaster. We find that banks charge about 8 basis points higher rates to these indirectly affected borrowers, after controlling for a wide range of alternative explanations. Consistent with time varying attention to climate change, this effect increases to 17 basis points in years after major reports on climate change and is concentrated in the year around disasters. Borrowers with the largest exposure to climate change, and those with the least ability to absorb adverse shocks, suffer the highest increase in rates. Our analysis suggests that the total cost for U.S. borrowers from worsening climate change related natural disasters exceeds $250 million every year.

This study addresses a notable gap in the literature concerning the intersection of defense diplomacy and post-colonial border governance, with a specific focus on Indonesia and Timor-Leste’s Oecusse enclave. Despite the region’s strategic relevance and humanitarian sensitivities, limited scholarly attention has been given to the soft power dimensions of military engagement in this context. The research aims to analyze how Indonesia’s Border Protection Task Force (Satgas Pamtas) operationalizes soft power-driven defense diplomacy to manage low-intensity border frictions and sustain stability in Oecusse. Utilizing a qualitative case study approach, data were collected through document analysis, policy reports, and expert interviews with thirty purposively selected respondents. Thematic and pattern-matching analysis was applied to identify recurring mechanisms of cooperation and confidence-building. Findings indicate that Indonesia’s defense diplomacy manifested through joint patrols, humanitarian outreach, and cross-border community engagement serves as a non-coercive strategy for conflict prevention and mutual trust enhancement. These practices underscore the evolving role of military institutions as diplomatic actors in regional security governance. The study affirms the theoretical link between soft power and border management, illustrating how defense initiatives can contribute to peacebuilding without escalating tensions. It concludes that institutionalizing localized confidence-building measures, promoting civilian involvement, and integrating traditional adat structures into formal bilateral mechanisms are crucial for achieving sustainable peace. The study further recommends future comparative research on border diplomacy across Southeast Asia to refine the hybrid defense diplomacy model presented.

<h1>Defense diplomacy has further developed into a new form of diplomacy in international relations, which is supported by various forms of technology and also the development of social media. This research study aims to explore how this new form of diplomacy shapes international relations more broadly, as well as to determine whether defense diplomacy effectively promotes cooperation and stability among states in the context of security and defense. Then find the challenges and opportunities of defense diplomacy in the modern era. The research used mixed methods research by analyzing 244 scientific articles based on the Scopus database, Google Sholar, and Web of Science. In addition, this research also analyzed the data obtained from the VOSviewer tool. This study reveals that defense diplomacy has emerged in various forms of diplomacy, also defense diplomacy affects interactions of international relations and influences the construction of norms, identities, and interests in the international system. In terms of norms, defense diplomacy can help promote international norms related to security and defense, such as human rights and international law. In terms of identity, defense diplomacy can shape national identity in terms of defense and security. In terms of interests, defense diplomacy can influence national interests and security through cooperation in defense and reaching regional and international security agreements. Defense diplomacy brings changes in the form of building cooperation, reducing tensions, improving defense capabilities, and promoting human rights principles and international law. Through defense diplomacy, countries can strengthen international cooperation in security and defense and build strong relationships between countries. In the long run, this can help reduce tensions between countries and promote stability around the world.</h1>

The effects of climate change is imminent in the future, especially without building resilience of communities across the globe. The alteration in the climate variables often causes extreme events, which often leads to Climate Change Related Disasters (CCRD). This study explored through the resilience of farmers in Barangay Mabalbalino, San Carlos City, Pangasinan, Philippines. Specifically, it described the demographic profile of the respondents; determined the knowledge on climate change and its related disasters, readiness and initiatives towards climate change related disasters, and programs and services towards climate change related disasters. The study utilized qualitative design, specifically using phenomenological method. Farmers were interviewed using an interview schedule. Based from the findings, it was determined that, the farmers were not familiar about the meaning and characteristics of climate change and its related disasters. With regard to farmers' readiness towards CCRD, it was found that they were not resilient towards the phenomenon, this is clearly pictured in the demographic profile of the farmers (i.e. low income and low level education). However, it was known that there were initiatives in the community to adapt to CCRD which makes the farmers resilient at certain degree. These initiatives included elevation of houses, construction of two-storey house for floods and irrigation practices for drought conditions. Without programs and services to combat the effects of CCRD, the farmers were found vulnerable and at risk. Based from the findings, it was therefore recommended to conceptualize programs and services in improving and building the resilience of farmers. In addition, reiteration and adoption of mitigation and adaptation strategies of the National Framework Strategy on Climate Change should further be stipulated to combat CCRD.

Defence diplomacy has increasingly become an important avenue of engagement across countries. It aims at enhancing diplomatic capacity of a country. Kenya, since gaining its independence from Great Britain in 1963 has been engaged in defence diplomacy within the larger Eastern Africa region and beyond. With intensifying security uncertainty in the Horn of Africa, necessitating Kenya to consider increasing her defence diplomacy activities in addition to increasing her military expenditure on equipment and personnel inorder to address emerging security threats. This study is interested in establishing the role defence diplomacy has played in thwarting threats to Kenya’s national security. How, for instance is Kenya courting new partners in military diplomacy and trade. This paper also provides the structure of the proposed study that focuses on Kenya’s defence diplomacy approach within the Eastern Africa region and beyond. In the quest of unbundling the defence diplomacy phenomena, the following research questions were considered: In what ways has Kenya’s defense diplomacy promoted security in the East Africa region? Are there requisite policy and legal frameworks that guides the conduct of defence diplomacy? What future challenges can Kenya anticipate in its defense diplomacy processes?

In the Post New Order period, there was a significant development in Indonesia. The issuance of the Law on TNI in 2004, has since guided how the Indonesian military operates in dealing with external and internal security threats and curbed its socio-political role, which is associated with the New Order regime. However, it has not explicitly touched upon the implementation of defence diplomacy, which has significantly increased within the last decade. Hence, the article aims to analyse the development of Indonesia’s Defence Diplomacy in the Post New Order period, particularly in the context of joint exercises. This article attempts to answer two key questions: ‘How has Indonesia developed its defence diplomacy as part of its overall diplomacy?’ and ‘What factors account for different practices undertaken in Indonesia’s defence diplomacy?’ The article qualitatively scrutinises the development of Indonesia’s defence diplomacy activities of joint exercises by comparing two bilateral exercises with the major powers, the Garuda Shield and the Sharp Knife. In supporting the analysis, the article relies on the combination of interviews and observations performed during fieldwork from July 2018 to July 2019. The article is critical since it offers an alternative approach to studying Indonesia’s defence diplomacy.

Defence diplomacy is an increasingly important tool for strategic engagement used by states in Southeast Asia. This approach underpins simultaneous cooperation and competition in the contemporary Indo-Pacific region amid major power rivalries and growing activity in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea. The rise of China and the intensifying Sino–US competition has caught Southeast Asia at a geostrategic pivot where smaller states’ strategic autonomy is increasingly difficult to manage. To address uncertainty in contemporary international relations, Southeast Asian states tend to hedge omnidirectionally. This helps them to avoid entrapment, abandonment, and over-dependence on any one major power. Such an adaptive combination of bilateral, multilateral, and minilateral defence diplomacy and security cooperation allows these states to diversify their relations with several bigger powers, avoiding direct involvement of outside powers in Southeast Asian affairs while delaying having to choose sides between China and the United States. This is the first book-length coverage of defence diplomacy in Southeast Asia and an important update on previous studies. It bridges a gap in the literature by linking defence diplomacy to a broader theoretical framework of alignment behaviour, and offers much-needed look into smaller powers’ manoeuvring between major powers. This volume will be of interest to academics and policymakers alike, providing fresh perspectives and ideas for civilian and military decisionmakers and practitioners. More broadly, it will attract those seeking to better understand the military’s role in foreign and security policy.

In the dynamic geopolitical landscape of Southeast Asia, maintaining strong defense relations between neighboring countries is crucial for regional stability and security. This study explores Indonesia's defense diplomacy practices toward Malaysia through joint military exercises. In addition, this study discusses how these exercises contribute to the broader objectives of regional security, including counterterrorism, maritime security, and disaster response. This study uses a qualitative research method with data collection through interviews with several relevant informants, documentation studies, and literature studies. The theories and concepts used in this study are Defense Diplomacy and Regional Security. This study finds that defense diplomacy and joint military exercises are instruments to strengthen Indonesia-Malaysia relations and advance collective security in Southeast Asia. Building trust, enhancing capabilities, and encouraging dialogue contribute to a more resilient and cohesive regional security architecture, promoting peace and stability in the Asia Pacific region.

Economic interests dominating the interests of both claimant and non-claimant-states make the South China Sea conflict challenging to obtain a satisfactory solution for all parties. In protecting its financial security, mainly dependent on the South China Sea, China continues to exhibit aggressiveness and firmness in realizing its national interests in this area, thereby raising the conflict tension. This study analyzed Indonesia’s defense diplomacy to counter China’s national interests in the South China Sea. Defense diplomacy is expected to eliminate any obstacles hindering the achievement of the two countries’ national interests. This study utilized a descriptive qualitative method with primary data obtained through interviews with defense strategists, defense diplomacy actors, academics, and other supporting secondary data. This study discovered that China’s national interests in the South China Sea center on securing its economic interests and military modernization. Meanwhile, Indonesia’s national interests in the South China Sea concern the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) waters. Maintaining the integrity of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia is one of its national interests. Thus, Indonesia’s defense diplomacy should be conducted through win-win cooperation to promote its national interests in responding to China’s national interests in the South China Sea.

ASEAN as a regional organization is considered slow and less unified in tackling the Covid-19 pandemic. In the midst of these problems, ADMM as the main defense cooperation organization was more agile in responding to the pandemic that had begun to spread. This study aims to analyze ADMM's strategy in overcoming the Covid-19 pandemic from the perspective of defense diplomacy. The research uses a quasi-qualitative approach with interactive model analysis technique and with data obtained from literature study technique. The findings show that ADMM has carried out securitization of Covid-19, which has had an impact on the formation of regional perceptions regarding the threat of a pandemic that attacks common interests. To overcome the pandemic, ADMM has deployed defense cooperation in the fields of military medicine and CBR. In the midst of space and time constraints, ADMM was forced to modify their defense diplomacy strategy into virtual defense diplomacy. This model of defense diplomacy is an important lesson for ASEAN's defense diplomacy activities to face the same threat in the future

<p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><em><span style="font-size: medium;">Abstract - This study focuses on defense diplomacy between Indonesia and India in the Indian Ocean. This study used defense diplomacy concept and qualitative method with Soft System Methodology (SSM) </span></em><span style="font-size: medium;">and NVivo </span><em><span style="font-size: medium;">for the analysis technique. The data was collected through interviews and literature study. The results show that Indian Ocean has become important region in the geopolitic in the 21</span><sup><span style="font-size: small;">st</span></sup><span style="font-size: medium;"> century. Indonesia and India view the Indian Ocean as their strategic environment. Diplomatic ties between Indonesia and India have built since 1951 and enhanced with Strategic Partnership open the opportunity for both countries to conduct defense diplomacy in the Indian Ocean. Forms of defense diplomacy between Indonesia and India are through Biennial Defense Minister Forum, Joint Defence Cooperation Committee (JDCC), Navy to Navy Talk, India-Indonesia Coordinated Patrol (Ind-Indo Corpat). The defense diplomacy activities aim to improve the Confidence Building Measures (CBM) and the defense capability.</span></em></span></p>

ASEAN’s Defense Diplomacy and China’s Military Diplomacy Penghong Cai (bio) Unlike other major powers outside Southeast Asia, China directly borders the region and lays claim to being at least partially included as a Southeast Asian state. This geographic connection is an important dimension of the geopolitical and security environment for China. In the nineteenth century or even earlier, the Western intrusion into China followed Southeast Asian land and maritime routes, and in the early 1940s Japan first occupied the Indochinese Peninsula and then southwest China. The region surrounding southernmost China, referred to as the south gate of China, has significant implications for the country’s security. Therefore, China logically harbors doubts about a newly developed mechanism related to defense cooperation at its doorstep. Labeled as a tool of defense diplomacy, the ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting-Plus (ADMM-Plus) is diplomatically and tactically supported by China, but philosophically and practically the grouping’s vision of defense diplomacy remains divergent from the concept and policy of Chinese military diplomacy. This essay first examines the achievements of the ADMM-Plus and its benefits for China. It then analyzes the concept of defense diplomacy in Chinese military culture and concludes by considering obstacles to the future of the ADMM-Plus from a Chinese perspective. The ADMM-Plus’s Achievements and Benefits for China The ADMM-Plus was established in 2010 as a collective platform to ensure ASEAN centrality and realize the ADMM vision of being outward-looking, open, and inclusive. It consists of eighteen member states, including the ten ASEAN members plus Australia, China, India, Japan, New Zealand, Russia, South Korea, and the United States. All the outside states have consented to ASEAN’s central role in regional affairs. When the ADMM-Plus began, some observers expected it to be “one of the more substantial pieces of Asia’s multilateral security architecture.”1 [End Page 89] These expectations require the ADMM-Plus to set up rules and carry out substantial activities. The last six years have seen some achievements. The ADMM-Plus has contributed norms for building regional security architecture and proposed new concepts like “dynamic equilibrium.” At the same time, it has upheld the ASEAN values of respecting national sovereignty, exercising self-restraint in defense diplomacy, finding peaceful solutions to disputes, maintaining ASEAN centrality, and promoting cooperative security (from Europe to ASEAN). In practice, the ADMM-Plus has set up working groups in nontraditional security areas such as counterterrorism, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR), military medicine, and peacekeeping and has gradually begun working in traditional security fields like maritime security—for example, by setting up a hotline for preventing incidents at sea. The most significant accomplishment of the ADMM-Plus is the joint military exercises it has held since its establishment. The most recent exercise was held in Brunei and Singapore in early May 2016 and comprised 3,500 personnel, 18 naval vessels, 25 aircraft, and 40 special forces teams from all eighteen member countries. Another significant result is that the ADMM-Plus has given the United States and China opportunities to work together despite tensions in the South China Sea. China supports and benefits from the ADMM-Plus process. It regards ASEAN countries as important neighbors and tries to improve its relationships with them through the ADMM-Plus. China dispatches its defense ministers to take part in the ministerial meetings, while only dispatching deputy ministerial officers to attend the Shangri-La Dialogue conferences. China can take advantage of the ADMM-Plus to deliver and circulate defense policies, associate with old and new counterparts and participants, learn different points of view, and establish necessary contacts. The forum also supplies China with specific information on the development of new security mechanisms and how they may affect China’s military diplomacy. Defense Diplomacy in the View of China’s Military Diplomacy Defense diplomacy is a traditional security concept used for the realpolitik purposes of strengthening Western allies against common enemies.2 The concept’s intellectual roots are in the use of defense alliances [End Page 90] as a tool to defend the Western democracies from Cold War enemies like China, but the emphasis now is on peacetime military cooperation and assistance. China...

<strong>Abstract</strong> - Illegal Immigrant is a common problem between Indonesia and Australia. However, in handling the problem in sea border, Indonesia take a humanitarian approach while Australia take security approach through Operation Sovereign Border that had resulted to diplomatic confrontation. Therefore, this study focus on analyzing synergy of the two countries in dealing with illegal immigrant in sea border area. This study uses national security, migration as security issue to analyze national interest. Cooperative security, defense diplomacy, synergy concept and naval diplomacy theory to analyze defense diplomacy implementation as a whole. The approach of this study is qualitative method through data collection processed by software NVivo which are beneficial for coding, triangulation, and finding relations among interviewees while Soft System Methodology used as data analysis technique consist of seven steps that are very comprehensive in explaining the whole study. The results of this study showed the two countries have not synergized yet. Indonesia and Australia have common non-traditional security interests and different traditional security interests because Indonesia has a territorial importance base opposed to Australian immigration interests. Indonesia and Australia have been doing bilateral defense diplomacy through 2 + 2 Dialogue, Defense Ministers Meeting and Navy to Navy Talk but have not produced a concrete solution, therefore sharing responsibility and Confidence Building Measures have not been achieved. Thus, naval diplomacy is required to support defense diplomacy through coordinated patrols that Standard Operating Procedure and Standard Exercise Procedure must be formulated in order to achieve interests of both countries.<br /><strong>Keywords</strong>: Illegal Immigrants, National Security, Defense Diplomacy, Synergy, Soft System Methodology