Conservative political orientation in the German police: selection and socialization

This article describes the West German attitudes toward full employment of women in police service and the results of an experimental study of the successful integration of women into the uniformed police in Hamburg, West Germany. It compares experiences in the United States and concludes that the West German acceptance and use of women in the uniformed service is five to ten years behind the United States but that the German Police have very deliberately sought to create equal opportunities for women over the past decade. Expectations are that more women will be recruited into the German police service, but that it will be eight to ten years before large numbers of females are employed in the uniformed service or in the higher ranks of the German police forces.

Background: Stigmatizing attitudes toward persons with mental disorders is a well-established and global phenomenon often leading to discrimination and social exclusion. Although previous research in the United States showed that conservative ideology has been related to stigmatizing attitudes toward mental disorders, there is reason to believe that this mechanism plays a different role in the context of a universal welfare state with a multi-party system such as Sweden. Furthermore, "mental disorders" may signify severe psychotic disorders, which may evoke more negative attitudes. This suggests the importance of specific studies focusing on the more common phenomenon of depression. This paper investigates the relationship between political ideology and stigmatizing attitudes toward depression in Sweden.Methods: This study is part of the New Ways research program. Data were collected by the Laboratory of Opinion Research (LORE) at the University of Gothenburg in 2014 (N = 3246). Independent variables were political ideology and party affiliation. The dependent variable was the Depression Stigma Scale (DSS). Data were analyzed with linear regression analyses and analyses of variance.Results: More conservative ideology (B = 0.68, standard error [SE] = 0.04, P<.001) and more conservative party affiliation (F(8 2920) = 38.45, P<.001) showed more stigmatizing attitudes toward depression. Item-level analyses revealed a difference where the supporters of the conservative party differed (P<.05) from supporters of the liberal party, with a higher proportion agreeing that "people could snap out of " depression if they wanted to; the populist right-wing party differed from the conservative party with a higher proportion agreeing on items displaying people with depression as "dangerous" and "unpredictable." Even self-stigma was highest among the populist right-wing party with 22.3% agreeing that "if I had depression I wouldn’t tell…."Conclusion: Political ideology was associated with stigmatizing attitudes toward depression in Sweden. The results also confirm the need to distinguish between different forms of conservatism by observing social distance as being a more important driver among voters for the populist right-wing party compared with personal agency and responsibility among voters for the more traditional conservative party.

Effective and legitimate policing is a necessary condition for the sustainable stabilization of war-torn countries. A crucial dilemma faced by international donors is whether to promote militarized or civilian policing. Particularly with insurgency and terrorism, police need robust capabilities to defend themselves and citizens against violence. At the same time, militarized police forces with weak oversight may fail to use proportionate force and serve the public. Little is known about management of this dilemma. This article argues that three established explanations – local security threats, international norms, and the political systems of donor states – do not determine the shape of police assistance programmes. Rather, the organizational cultures of donor police forces most crucially influence whether donors prioritize civilian or militarized police assistance. German support for the Afghan National Police (ANP) is a case in point. Despite deteriorating security and American pressure to support counterinsurgency, German police advisors stuck with a civilian policing model, due to their own organizational culture. Planners of foreign missions should better anticipate the organizational biases of specific donor agencies, this article concludes, to avoid frustration during the implementation phase.

This study examines the burden that Germany’s defeat in World War I had on the German police in two respects: first the police were directly affected by the Treaty of Versailles and second, the police suffered – indirectly – from the pressure of increased resistance to the peace treaty and they had to constantly suppress internal disturbances. Although this study did not describe in detail the very long and complex process of reorganizing the police force, it does show that the police force did not have enough time to build a tightly integrated police force, due to repeated reorganizations within short time frames. The German police apparatus failed not only as a guardian of internal order, but also failed to protect its interests as an institution. The most important studies of German researchers dealt with the construction of the German police force and the problems it faced in different aspects and periods of time, and did not address this subject in an integrated manner for the period between 1918 and 1933, and the opinions of German researchers varied in explaining many of the attitudes and events suffered by the German police in that period. The study relies on a historical analytical approach based on the investigating information from its primary sources, and analysing its content and classifying in relation to the subject matter of the study.

This chapter examines how effective police organisation can be achieved, and examines the effects and consequences of management neglect, lack of direction and lack of clarity of purpose. In order to reflect more accurately the role and image of the police it is increasingly becoming a practice in many parts of the world to abandon the terminology 'police force' in favour of 'police service'. Police officials perhaps have a clearer understanding of the concept and context of 'leader' and 'leadership' than workers in the business or commercial world. The modern flatter, decentralised police organisation typically works with four levels of management. Effective supervision is essential to the protection of human rights. The 'span of control' refers to the number of subordinates who report directly to a given supervisor. If a supervisor is allocated too many subordinates, he or she will not be able to supervise them all effectively.Keywords: effective police organisation; effective supervision; leadership; management levels; police service; span of control

Motivated cognition and genetics: a psychological perspective on public understanding of behaviour genetics

This chapter explores how German police and intelligence agencies trace, collect, analyse, and disseminate processed information on extending territories and moving populations, and how various ‘intelligence platforms’ are designed and deployed by local, regional, and federal police agencies. Does the whole process improve intelligence sharing among police forces or does it allow increased autonomy? What level of access, legal or unsaid, do intelligence services have to police intelligence? How do the different intelligence platforms, acting as a comprehensive networking structure, interlink the European information systems? This chapter investigates how intrusive surveillance through computerised devices has not only transformed the way intelligence is operating but also changed the traditional rules of cooperation within police agencies and between the police and intelligence services. The chapter aims to provide a better understanding of the ‘manufacture of intelligence’ by examining in detail the tools, habits, and practices of police forces and intelligence services in Germany. From this empirical study, one idea emerges that, far from strengthening cooperation, the intelligence process is rather conducive to increased autonomy which in turn provides bargaining leeway when it comes to cooperate with other forces, administrations, or the government.

Background Digital services are expected to improve the availability of public social and health care services in many European countries as well as in Finland. eHealth and eWelfare services often require strong electronic identification which may form barriers in the availability of care. This study focuses on recognising population groups who are vulnerable to exclusion either by not having access to web or by lacking a strong electronic identification. Methods The data were gathered from the cross-sectional survey on well-being among people aged 20-64 with foreign background (PFB) (FinMonik), conducted in Finland 2018-19 (N = 12 877; response rate 53%). The data from the National survey of health, well-being and service use (FinSote 2017-18) were used as reference data for the overall population, (N = 26 422, response rate 45%). Surveys asked respondents “Do you have at your disposal internet access at home, your workplace, library or some other place?” and 'Do you have at your disposal online banking codes or a mobile certificate for electronic identification online?”. PFB were defined by background country into seven country-groups. The age-standardized proportions with confidence intervals were examined by socio-demographic background variables. Results Almost all (98%) of the overall population reported access to internet, but the proportion was lower (92%) among PFB (p &amp;lt; 0.001). Proportion of having a strong electronic identification was higher among general population (98%) than among PFB (88%) (p &amp;lt; 0.001). In both populations, younger age increased the likelihood of having a strong electronic identification. PFB students reported lower level of strong electronic identification compared to the employed. Conclusions Although most had access to internet and a strong identification, there were statistically significant differences between country-groups and by employment status. Key messages Designing and developing of eHealth and eWelfare services must ensure that everyone has the opportunity to have a strong electronic identification. Development of digital services requires user guidance, which takes into account the varying needs and operating environments.

In the Soviet Union, SS and police forces adopted the strategy of the direct approach as the keystone of German security policy in the occupied territories. Operating in conjunction with Wehrmacht units and indigenous auxiliaries, Reich Leader of the SS and Chief of the German Police Heinrich Himmler's Uniformed Police (Ordnungspolizei) battalions, became essential instruments in the subjugation, exploitation, and pacification of the German rear areas. This essay examines the cooperative relationship that developed between SS and police forces, the Wehrmacht, and indigenous auxiliaries during the German anti-partisan campaign in the East. On the one hand, the cooperation of the police with the German armed forces reflected a true ‘inter-agency’ approach to counter-insurgency warfare; an approach formalised in policy agreements between both organisations prior to the 1941 invasion of Russia and cemented in combined operations aimed at Soviet partisans and their supporters. On the other hand, this analysis of combined operations between German SS and police and Wehrmacht forces offers further evidence of the key role played by the German Army and Air Force in the anti-partisan campaign, and ultimately genocide.

Vahva tunnistautuminen mahdollistaa henkilöllisyyden todentamisen digipalveluissa. Digipalvelut ovat arjen palveluita esimerkiksi laskunmaksu verkkopankissa tai terveystietojen tarkastelu Omakannassa. Selvitämme tutkimuksessa onko eri väestöryhmissä eroja internetin ja vahvan tunnistautumisen käyttömahdollisuudessa.&#x0D; Aineisto muodostettiin väestökyselyistä: 1) Ulkomailla syntyneiden hyvinvointitutkimus (FinMonik, 2018−2019), joka toteutettiin 18 eri kielellä ja vastausprosentiksi muodostui 53 (N=12 877). 2) Koko väestön Kansallinen terveys-, hyvinvointi- ja palvelututkimus (FinSote, 2017−2018), jonka vastausprosentiksi muodostui 45 (N=26 422). Rajasimme vastukset työikäisiin (20−64 vuotiaisiin) ja analyyseissä käytettiin 6 083 vastausta FinMonikista ja 11 029 FinSotesta. Tulosmuuttujille laskettiin ikävakioidut osuudet ja luottamusvälit. Itseilmoitetulle vahvan tunnistautumisen käyttömahdollisuudelle laskettiin vetosuhteet (odds ratio) logistisella regressiomallinnuksella. Estimaattien eroja maaryhmien ja koko väestön välillä tarkasteltiin F-testiin perustuvilla p-arvoilla.&#x0D; Työikäisessä väestössä lähes kaikki (98 %) raportoivat, että heillä oli mahdollisuus käyttää internetiä, mutta ulkomaalaistaustaisen väestössä osuus oli matalampi (92 %, p &lt; 0,001). Itseilmoitetun vahvan tunnistautumisen käyttömahdollisuus oli yleisempää koko väestössä (98 %) kuin ulkomaalaistaustaisessa väestössä (88 %, p &lt; 0,001). Ulkomaalaistaustaisessa väestössä Lähi-itä ja Pohjois-Afrikka -taustaiset raportoivat muita ryhmiä harvemmin, että heillä oli mahdollisuus vahvaan tunnistautumiseen. Molemmissa kyselyissä nuorilla itseilmoitettu vahvan tunnistautumisen käyttömahdollisuus oli yleisempää verrattuna vanhempiin henkilöihin ja opiskelijat ilmoittivat työssä olevia harvemmin vahvan tunnistautumisen käyttömahdollisuudesta.&#x0D; Itseilmoitetussa vahvassa tunnistautumisessa oli väestöryhmittäisiä eroja. Pohdittavaksi jää eritoten palkkatyön merkitys digiosallisuuden kasvattajana. Palkkatyö mahdollistaa varat laitteiden hankintaan, käyttömaksuihin sekä usein kerryttää digiosaamista. Digitaalisia palveluita tarjottaessa huomiota tulisi kiinnittää väestöryhmiin, joissa vahvan tunnistautumisen käyttömahdollisuus on muuta väestöä heikompaa. Digitaalisten palveluiden kehittäminen vaatii rinnalleen ohjausta, jossa huomioidaan neuvonnantarpeet myös vahvan sähköisen tunnistautumisen osalta.

EPA-0309 – Prevalence of operational stress injuries (OSI) in the ontario provincial police force and ontario municipal police forces

In today’s dynamic environment, organizational learning is essential for successful police work. Organizations that prioritize and cultivate learning are classified as learning organizations. In our quantitative empirical study, we investigate whether the German police represents a learning organization. Additionally, we examine the impact of three internal factors, namely organizational commitment, organizational support, and communication quality, on the diverse dimensions of the learning organization. We used data gained from 111 police officers selected to fill leadership positions in the German police forces. Our research suggests that the German police can be described as a learning organization. The internal factors also have a positive effect on almost all the dimensions of the learning organization, but in different ways and on different levels. Our findings can serve as a foundation for identifying appropriate measures to improve the learning culture of police forces.

The erosion of the social and economic bases underlying traditional party systems has led analysts to search for new cleavage structures undergirding the present party systems. Meanwhile, analysts have identified a range of issue dimensions that also bear on voters’ party preferences. This article studies the degree to which grid‐group theory's four political biases of hierarchy, egalitarianism, individualism, and fatalism can make inroads into the left–right dimension's stronghold in accounting for voters’ party preference. The analysis draws on a 1999 survey in the five Nordic countries (N= 4,832). The method combines voters’ party preferences with their scores on issue dimensions, or political dimensions. Analyses show that conventional party families, with one exception, are not identified along any of the five political orientations. Only the five conservative parties are exclusively identified as a party family on the left–right dimension. Party preference is more closely associated with the left–right dimension than the political biases. Sweden has the purest and simplest party cleavage, whereas Denmark has the most composite one. Across the Nordic countries, the green party family is most dissimilar, whereas the progress siblings are most alike. The left–right dimension accounts well for differences between parties within polities, whereas political biases, and egalitarianism in particular, account well for differences between parties of similar origin across polities.

This article critically evaluates proposals made within HMIC's 2004 Thematic on modernising the police service. It identifies the significance of these by reference to the more general framework of New Labour's commitment to modernising public services and the implications of this for the police service. It contrasts the response on the part of the police service to the current modernisation programme with that of police associations to the earlier Sheehy Inquiry and Posen Review in the early 1990s. The article assesses the role and status of civilian staff in the police service and draws on comparative data collected by HMIC on the use of such staff in police services around the world. It draws attention to the current use of ‘sworn’ and ‘non-sworn’ officers in a number of police forces abroad which may well provide some insight into the future structure of police services planned for England and Wales. The article thereafter considers the modernisation programme that is currently being piloted within Surrey Police. It considers the potential impact of recent party political competition over police numbers, particularly in relation to any planned reduction in police establishment occasioned by full implementation of Workforce Modernisation within police forces.

This book offers a comprehensive and accessible study of the electoral strategies, governing approaches and ideological thought of the British Conservative Party from Winston Churchill to David Cameron. Timothy Heppell integrates a chronological narrative with theoretical evaluation, examining the interplay between the ideology of Conservatism and the political practice of the Conservative Party both in government and in opposition. He considers the ethos of the Party within the context of statecraft theory, looking at the art of winning elections and of governing competently. The book opens with an examination of the triumph and subsequent degeneration of one-nation Conservatism in the 1945 to 1965 period, and closes with an analysis of the party’s re-entry into government as a coalition with the Liberal Democrats in 2010, and of the developing ideology and approach of the Cameron-led Tory party in government.