Conflicting Interests

The purpose of the article is to highlight the role of J. Stalin in the development and implementation of the national policy of the Bolsheviks in the Ukrainian SSR in the 1920s - early 1930s. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism scientific, objectivity and systematicity. When solving the tasks set, the following research methods were used: historiographical analysis, logical, problem-chronological, descriptive methods. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that the author made an attempt to analyze a number of aspects of the national policy of the Bolsheviks in the Ukrainian SSR in the 1920s - early 1930s, which remain insufficiently studied or require new rethinking. The work characterizes the main stages of the formation of the Bolshevik national policy in the Ukrainian SSR, determines the role of Stalin in its implementation, analyzes the mutual influence of the policy of "Ukrainization" with the struggle for power in the Kremlin. Conclusions. The implementation of the Bolshevik national policy in the Ukrainian SSR in the 1920s and early 1930s had ambivalent consequences. On the one hand, the proclamation of a course of "Ukrainization" as a tool for strengthening the Bolshevik regime in Ukraine and neutralizing the liberation aspirations of the Ukrainian people; on the other hand, the forcing of the processes of cohesion of national forces that sought state self-determination. A tendency towards democratization was noted national relations, the revival of national traditions, and at the same time the tendency towards centralization is increasing, the creation of a rigid one-party regime is being established, the foundations of a totalitarian system are being laid, which will cover all spheres of society. The reform of the educational system has begun in the direction of the formation of a national school, publishing has developed, primarily the publishing of literature in the Ukrainian language, and at the same time censorship is being introduced, private printing houses are being closed. The number of national personnel in party, Soviet and economic institutions has increased, noticeable successes have been achieved in translating paperwork into Ukrainian. And at the same time, the ideological influence of the Bolshevik party on Ukrainian society is growing. In contrast to the active involvement of old specialists in state-building processes, the creation of new cadres of the intelligentsia, the first political processes are being organized. Dozens of different literary and artistic groups and movements emerge, Ukrainian culture receives real state support for the first time, and at the same time, a campaign to accuse the best Ukrainian artists of “bourgeois nationalism” gains momentum. In the confrontation between the healthy forces of Ukrainian society and manifestations of Great Russian chauvinism, the Kremlin authorities take the side of the revival of imperial policy towards the national outskirts. The movement for the restoration of Ukrainian statehood is declared “Petliurism”, and various forms of persecution are applied to its supporters: removal from active activity, restrictions on rights, political trials, exile, executions.

Housing cooperatives were introduced in Kenya in the early 1980s and currently there are 650 registered housing cooperatives which are affiliated to the National Cooperative Housing Union (NACHU). Official statistics obtained from the Ministry of Co-operative Development as at 2010 show 424 housing co-operatives as having been registered, 79 out of these being dormant, 16 having been liquidated and 329 active. This clearly indicates that some housing cooperatives have not achieved the objectives for which they were formed. This begs the question on Corporate Governance Practices have any effect on the financial performance of housing cooperatives in Kenya. A sample size of 59 housing cooperatives was used from a target population of 650 housing cooperatives. Random sampling technique was used to obtain the sample size and was derived using the Fischer formula: . Pearson’s Correlation Coefficient for accountability and financial performance was r = 0.366**, with probability value (p = 0.000) that is less than α = 0.01 level of significance showing a moderate effect of accountability on financial performance at the one percent level of significance. Adjusted R square value was 0.118 implying that financial performance is dependent on accountability by 11.8%. Pearson’s Correlation Coefficient for auditing committees and financial performance was r = 0.351**, with a probability value (p = 0.000) that is less than α = 0.01 level of significance showing a significant effect of auditing committees on financial performance at the one percent level of significance. Therefore, findings revealed that auditing committees significantly affects financial performance. Adjusted R square was 0.107 implying that auditing committees predicts financial performance by 10.7%.Pearson’s Correlation Coefficient for separation of ownership and financial performance was r = 0.289*, with probability value (p = 0.000) that is less than α = 0.05 level of significance showing a significant effect of separation of ownership on financial performance at the five percent level of significance. Therefore, it was found out that separation of ownership significantly affects financial performance. Adjusted R square value was 0. 066. This implied that financial performance is dependent on separation of ownership. Separation of ownership predicts financial performance by 6.6 %.Pearson’s Correlation Coefficient for moderating variables and financial performance was r = 0.310*,with probability value (p = 0.000) that is less than α = 0.05 level of significance showing a significant effect between moderating variables and financial performance at the five percent level of significance. Therefore, it was found out that moderating variables significantly affects financial performance. Adjusted R square value was 0.079 implying that moderating variables predicts financial performance implying that financial performance is dependent on moderating variables by 7.9%. JEL: G30, G38, H11, O18 Article visualizations:

The aim of the article is to highlight the foreign trade activities of European countries in the Ukrainian SSR in the early 1920s. The research methodology is based on the principle of historical analysis. The author used analytical, problem-oriented and chronological research methods. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that for the first time, the establishment of trade and economic relations between European states and Soviet Ukraine in the early 1920s has been comprehensively investigated. Conclusions. In early January 1922, the «Trade Representation of the Ukrainian SSR in the Baltic States» was founded. Having studied the local market, the trade representative concluded that the demand for Ukrainian raw materials there was insignificant. The Polish trade mission in the Ukrainian SSR was headed by Ignacy Ruzhytsky. Polish entrepreneurs in Ukraine were particularly interested in «forest concessions». Most Ukrainian goods were delivered to the Danzig, not Warsaw market. The Czechoslovak trade mission to the Ukrainian SSR was headed first by I. Hirsa, then by V. Beneš. The Czechs were unable to compete with German companies on the Russian market, so they preferred the Ukrainian market, where they had successfully traded until the First World War. According to the plan of Soviet diplomats, Austria was to play a role «in trade activities as an important transit corridor on the Danube, connecting the countries of Central and Southeastern Europe and all of them together with the Black Sea». G. Amatori was appointed as Italy’s trade representative. Soviet traders offered the Italians timber, coal, and scrap metal. They also intended to buy cars and electrical goods. The German trade representative was Gauschild. Under the agreement of November 5, 1922, the Ukrainian SSR managed to preserve its financial claims, according to which it demanded 410 million marks from Germany for the supply of food by Hetman Pavlo Skoropadskyi. Already on January 15, 1922, the «Trade Delegation of the Ukrainian SSR» was approved. The Istanbul market is considered important for the supply of food to the southern regions of Ukraine, as well as for the sale of certain types of raw materials and industrial products.

The article examines the circumstances of the founding of the Association of Revolutionary Art of Ukraine (ARMU), its program principles and significance in the history of Ukrainian art in the second half of the 1920s — early 1930s. The cultural and political reasons and consequences of the introduction of the NEP, Ukrainization, collectivization and reform of art education in the Ukrainian SSR, as well as the changes that took place after the transfer of power in the USSR from V. Lenin to J. Stalin were analyzed. It was found that the ARMU was founded against the background of intensifying competition between left and right wings of art, as well as the emergence of branches of the Russian associations AHRR (Association of Artists of Revolutionary Russia) and LEF (Left Front of Art) in the Ukrainian SSR. It is shown how the connection of the ARMU with the Kyiv Art Institute (KKhI), its rector, teachers and students influenced the formation of a broad program of this association, which proclaimed the equality of all types of fine arts and design. It is analyzed how the resolutions of the Communist Party and the peculiarities of cultural policy in the field of fine arts in the Ukrainian SSR during the time of O. Shumsky and M. Skrypnyk influenced the activities of art associations and the ARMU in particular. The statements of the ideologists of the ARMU I. Vrona and V. Sedlyar about the realism and activity of the Russian association of the AKhRR in the Ukrainian SSR are analyzed. The consequences of the collapse of the NEP and Ukrainization, with the fight against formalism on the fate of the ARMU and its members were revealed.

The article reveals the circumstances under which the Ukrainian SSR established trade relations with the Republic of Poland in the early 1920s. The contractual legal framework and organizational forms of the Ukrainian SSR's trade activity in Poland have been clarified. The Poles have a greater interest in trade with neighboring Soviet Ukraine than Russia. Persons of sales representatives were established (I. Khurgin, I. Ruzhytsky). The role of the Ukrainian SSR Trade Representation in Warsaw in the foreign trade activities of the Ukrainian SSR is revealed. The place of the Polish market in export-import operations of the Soviet Ukraine has been determined. It is found that, in accordance with the Protocol of the Additional Protocol to the Riga Peace Treaty, concluded on March 18, 1921, the Polish Government reserved the right to «normalize» the transit of German and Austrian goods passing through the Polish territory. Instead, during the negotiations in June 1921 on the conclusion of a trade agreement, the Polish government insisted that the Ukrainian SSR should be bound by the obligation of «the greatest facilitation of Poland’s trade in Ukraine». They planned to implement this by introducing customs tariffs favorable to Poles. Because of this, the trade agreement was not concluded. It is stated that in Warsaw the Ukrainian SSR Trade Representative Office started operating in October 1921. Then the Soviet traders established the interest of the Polish metallurgical plants in Silesia in the Ukrainian iron ore (due to the small amount of iron in the Polish ore). They investigated the interest of these plants to Ukrainian scrap (due to lack of Polish) and anthracite coal. At the same time, they determined that Poles were competitors in the timber trade. Due to the importance of the Free City of Danzig as a center for international trade, the bulk of the export goods of the Ukrainian SSR was directed to this city (market and port), not Warsaw. The Danzig Division and the Danzig Warehouses of the sales office operated in Danzig. It has been investigated that during the 1921–1921 years, the Polish market of the Ukrainian Soviet Union bought both Polish and foreign goods. Imports from Poland at that time consisted of cereals (until 1922), agricultural and agricultural machinery and tools, clothing and footwear, haberdashery, electrical goods, stationery. Ukrainian exports consisted of metals, coal, wood, minerals, livestock waste, medicinal plants. Participation of the Soviet Ukraine representatives in the Eastern Fair in Lviv in the autumn of 1922 is covered. It was established that the Ukrainian SSR Trade Representative Office in Warsaw operated until the end of 1922, when the Ukrainian SSR Trade Representative Office was formed.

The article explores general tendencies of the Jewish proletariat formation in Ukraine in the late 1920s and early 1930s, analyzes the dynamic of this phenomenon in the USSR and the Ukrainian SSR, and concludes that their growth rates coincided. It shows main tendencies of the increasing number of Jewish workers at industrial enterprises of Odesa and Kyiv, and also the main spheres of employment of the Jewish population according to the population censuses of 1926 and 1939. Also, it identifies reasons for the entry of the Jewish population into the working class of the USSR, which include economic (unemployment, hunger) and political one (the need to demonstrate loyalty to the new Soviet power). It shows that the policy of industrialization served as the impetus for the encouragement of broad circles of the population, including national minorities and the Jewish population in particular, to work at factories and plants. The article considers the sources of the proletariat formation in the USSR and suggests that among the Jews there was a high proportion of artisans, employees, and traders who were converted to workers, while the share of peasants was insignificant given the policy of agrarian settlement of the Jewish population pursued by the Soviet authorities. The mechanism of recruiting potential workers in the USSR is revealed. The author elucidates the description of life of Jewish workers in the Soviet press. Using the example of Jewish workers of the Shcherbynskyi mine, author shows the path of vast majority of unskilled Jews to factories and plants, and their transformation into workers. The research concludes that despite numerous difficulties of various kinds, the number of Jewish workers in the Ukrainian SSR was constantly increasing, which can be interpreted as a logical consequence of the need to adjust to new living conditions under the Soviet rule.

Hope in Hard Times: Norvelt and the Struggle for Community during the Great Depression, The Mutual Housing Experiment: New Deal Communities for the Urban Middle Class

This article attempts to analyze the nature of the Bolshevik national policy in the Ukrainian SSR from 1923 to 1933 and to demonstrate how Soviet ethnonational policy influenced the linguistic, cultural, and ethnopolitical situation in the Ukrainian SSR (hereafter Ukraine).For this reason, new sources are not introduced into scientific circulation.The study also seeks to examine the territorial and interethnic conflicts that arose due to the policies of indigenization, Russification, deportations, and border changes and to consider how this legacy affects society in contemporary Ukraine.The research is based on macrohistorical and alternative approaches, which made it possible to identify new aspects of the Ukrainization process in the restructuring of society based on utopian ideas of building communism.The main goal of the publication is to draw attention to unpredictable scenarios.In the early 1920s, the Bolshevik leadership of the USSR introduced the policy of Ukrainization with the aim of:1. Creating an impression in the global community of the remarkable development of Soviet republics.2. Finding common ground with the Ukrainian peasantry.3. Addressing growing social contradictions.4. Controlling the national revival process. 5. Compensating for the loss of political influence.However, in the 1930s, when the national revival extended beyond the command-administrative system, this policy was terminated.Repressions then intensified with renewed force.The administrative redrawing of borders in the Soviet Union was an important part of its ethnonational policy, which had a significant impact on interethnic relations in post-Soviet countries.This redrawing was carried out for several reasons: to strengthen control over regions, to satisfy political or economic interests, and to achieve ideological goals.The redrawing of borders often led to ethnic and territorial conflicts that are still felt today.The Soviet authorities sometimes altered borders to increase their influence over certain territories or national minorities, integrating them into Soviet republics.This allowed the Kremlin to create greater unity within the USSR and suppress any nationalist movements.For example, in Western Ukraine, during the formation of Soviet republics, administrative border changes influenced their political and social structure.Mass deportations, particularly of the Crimean Tatars, were carried out to prevent the concentration of certain national groups in a single area.Consequences of Border Redrawing: Interethnic Conflicts -The redrawing of borders led to numerous territorial disputes between states that emerged after the collapse of the USSR.Classic examples include conflicts in Nagorno-Karabakh, Transnistria, Donbas, Crimea, and the Caucasus.Population Imbalance -Administrative boundaries often did not correspond to the actual ethnic composition of the population, leading to situations where certain ethnic groups became minorities in areas where they had previously been the majority.This caused social and political problems in the republics after they declared independence.The redrawing of borders by the Soviet Union created complex ethnopolitical conditions for post-Soviet countries, which continue to influence contemporary interethnic relations, territorial conflicts, and political processes in these states.

The Russian term samizdat originally referred to self-published literature that was forbidden by or at least unavailable in the Soviet state, circulated through unofficial channels, and represented certain views that were alternative to the official ideology of that state. Sometimes, in the Soviet Union itself, the term samizdat was used in a broader sense, to mean diverse phenomena of unofficial cultural production—not necessarily of literary origin or dissident politics. In this broader sense, the term may be used to describe music samizdat (also known as magnitizdat), cinematic samizdat (also known as parallel'noe kino—parallel cinema), artistic samizdat, and so forth. This essay considers samizdat in this broader sense, focusing on two examples of cinematic and artistic samizdat that emerged in Leningrad in the early 1980s. Although these cases in point existed unofficially and represented alternative political views, they cannot be qualified as oppositional or “dissident” in the traditional sense of the term. In the early 1980s, when these unofficial artistic groups first emerged, they were relatively small and unknown. However, by the end of the decade, when the Soviet state experienced political crisis and suddenly collapsed, these two groups achieved phenomenal fame in Russia. They became popularly associated with the period of “late socialism” in the 1970s–1980s, before the collapse of the Soviet state was yet imaginable. This is why the essay first describes a certain new attitude to Soviet life that was emerging in the early 1980s among young urbanites in Leningrad and then proceeds to discuss the two artistic groups that developed in that context.

The role of the North American Ukrainian diaspora in the development of environmental movement in the Ukrainian SSR in late 1980s – early 1990s has investigated. It has concluded that despite widespread opinion, that diaspora concentrated its attention only on the support of Ukrainian national-liberation movement, its activities contributed to the development of the Ukrainian environmental movement.

References to the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church of 1921 (UAOC) in the diplomatic correspondence of Polish diplomatic missions in the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic (Ukrainian SSR) are collected and analyzed. These include copies of reports from the Delegation for Optionation in Kyiv and the Consulate General of the Second Polish Republic in Kharkiv. The reasons for the diplomats’ interest in this church, the sources of information used to prepare the reports, and the peculiarities of their attitude to certain events and/or figures of the Ukrainian church movement are identified. The consistently pessimistic assessments by Polish diplomats of the UAOC’s chances of “adapting” to Soviet reality in conditions when the authorities considered it an a priori “hostile” and “harmful” structure are noted. Considerations are given about the strengths and weaknesses of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church movement, the peculiarities of its development in the regional context and in terms of perception by different social strata. Those documents that provide broader generalizations and systematization of the general situation in the religious sphere, the relations of various Orthodox churches with each other and with the Roman Catholic Church are indicative and informative. It is also important to evaluate the effectiveness of Soviet anti-religious propaganda and activities aimed at internal destabilization in individual churches (especially the UAOC). Particular attention is paid to attempts to analyze the potential benefits and “threats” to the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church if the Ukrainian national church movement continued to develop actively. It is concluded that this type of sources (reports, reports, abstracts prepared by diplomatic missions) has a significant potential for studying the history of the Orthodox Church in Soviet Ukraine in the 1920s and early 1930s.

Passive houses as affiliative objects: Investment calculations, energy modelling, and collaboration strategies of Swedish housing companies

The article continues to study the topic of the uprising of the image of the Kyiv philosophical school as a prominent leading Ukrainian participant in the world philosophical process of the Cold War period in the scientific and socio-political thought of the Western block, especially in the USA, Canada and Western Germany, in the second half of the twentieth century. The history of the formation of this image by scholars of the democratic world, mainly from the Ukrainian diaspora, can be conditionally divided into the following stages: 1. Scientific international interaction between the USSR and the Western bloc during the transition of the USSR from Khrushchew's "thaw" to neo-Stalinist "stagnation" (early 1960s – early 1970s); 2. Intensification of the ideological confrontation between the USSR and the Western bloc countries during transition of the USSR from said "stagnation" to Gorbachev's "perestroika" (early1970s – second half of the 1980s). In contrast to the first separate critical assessments by diaspora philosophers P. Fedenko, D. Soloviy and their colleagues of philosophy in the Ukrainian SSR in the 1950s and early 1960s, primarily articles of T. Shevcenko by the director of the Institute of Philosophy of the Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR D. Ostryanin (1952 – 1962), the image of the Kyiv philosophical school in the 1970s and 1980s was significantly emphasized abroad. The political aspect of this image, dominant in which became, primarily due to its popularization by the Canadian philosopher T. Zakydalsky, the figure of a prisoner of conscience V. Lisovyi, was supplemented in the same and subsequent decades by the scientific aspect. In the memoirs of the Soviet prisoner of conscience and political immigrant L. Plyushch and in the publications of scientists from the US M. H. Teeter and B. Vitvitsky the image of the said school was generally drawn on the basis of their study of the history of the mentioned institute and the directions of its work in the 1940s – 1970s. At the same time, philosophers of the Ukrainian diaspora K. Mytrovych, W. Oleksiuk, W. Shayan and some their colleagues critically assessed the Ukrainian historical and philosophical achievements of this institute in the 1950s and 1980s.

In efforts to achieve a carbon-neutral society, it is essential to understand how to accelerate the shift towards renewable energy, as well as energy efficiency and sufficiency, in the housing sector. While a lot of research exists on novel technologies, the roles of professionals in energy improvements and everyday user practices, not much attention has been devoted to the practices within housing cooperatives that affect the implementation of more ambitious climate policies. This chapter presents the findings of a study, in which we interviewed 50 key actors in housing cooperatives – housing managers, board members as well as residents – in eight housing cooperatives that have engaged in sustainable energy experimentation in Finland. The research illustrates perceived roles and responsibilities in promoting sustainable energy, as well as the expectations towards other actors. The findings also show that the critical practices from the energy policy perspective are not necessarily related to energy as such, but to mundane ways of decision-making, finding and utilising information, planning and communication. Policy interventions should focus on embedding sustainability into these practices to support energy transition in buildings.

Book review: Party of socialist-revolutionaries in exile 1918 – early 1950s. : documents and materials / comp. A. A. Goloseeva, K. N. Morozov, A. P. Novikov, A. Yu. Suslov ; foreword, comment. A. A. Goloseeva, K. N. Morozova, A. Yu. Suslova. – Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2022. – 1183 p. – (Political parties of Russia. The end of the 19th – the first third of the 20th century. Documentary heritage). – ISBN: 978-5-8243-2483-9.