Conclusion

During the state visit to Paris in October 2018, both President Moon and President Macron agreed to take the bilateral Global Partnership for the 21st Century to a new level, strengthening political dialogue on major international issues. The bilateral relationship is long standing and has evolved profoundly since the first interactions between French Catholic missionaries and Korean officials in Beijing more than seven centuries ago. After the first Korean converts to Catholicism in China returned to Korea, anti-Catholic persecutions in the Kingdom began at the end of the 18th century, notably with the execution of Paul Yun Ji-chung in 1791. French diplomats were again based in Seoul from 1954, Depeyre and Jankelevitch, but it was in October 1958 that France and Korea agreed to transform their diplomatic post into an embassy. Franco-Korean cultural cooperation is mainly carried out through major Korean operators.

Although the history of Catholicism in China can be traced back to the 7th century1, its impact remained quite rudimentary until the 12th century. During the Mongolian Y?an dynasty ( 7C , 1281-1368)?when Marco Polo was travelling in China?the catholic religion encountered the sympathy of the emperor's family and in 1294, the church was able to establish its first center of mission in China. Four years later, the first Chinese catholic church was erected in Peking. With the fall of the Y?an dynasty in the middle of the 14th century, also this golden age of Catholicism in China came to an end. According to catholic records, more than 30,000 Chinese were baptized during these years, but most of them were non-Han people. A comparison with the records for the population of China during the Y?an dynasty reveals how limited the impact of Catholicism must have been. A second period favourable to catholic mission in China began in the last quarter of the 16th century, mainly due to the efforts of an Italian Jesuit whose name was Matteo Ricci (1552-1610)2. Ricci had arrived in Macao in 1582 and was one of

Reviewed by: Ecclesiastical Colony: China's Catholic Church and the French Religious Protectorate by Ernest P. Young Joseph Tse-Hei Lee Young, Ernest P. Ecclesiastical Colony: China's Catholic Church and the French Religious Protectorate. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013. 408 pp. $74.00 (cloth). Ecclesiastical Colony is a long-awaited book that reinterprets the history of Catholicism in modern China through a critical study of the French Religious Protectorate, a secular institution implemented by France to monopolize Catholic missionary affairs under the mid-nineteenth-century unequal treaties. By historicizing the religious protectorate in different temporal and spatial settings, Ernest P. Young elucidates how France used this diplomatic mechanism to reshape the Chinese Catholic landscape, how this top-down approach affected the local Catholic communities, and how rival European diplomats and missionaries devised innovative strategies to expand or constrain the French influence. This book makes significant contributions to our understanding of Chinese Catholicism. First, Young has consulted an impressive range of new evidence from Chinese and European archives to illustrate the operation of the French Religious Protectorate. He builds on the latest studies of Catholic movements by Anthony E. Clark, Henrietta Harrison, and Eugenio Menegon to address the diplomatic context of the Catholic missionary expansion into China. The religious protectorate was, in fact, more central to the advancement of France's colonial ambitions than to the evangelistic concerns of Catholic missions. But elevating the protectorate over individual missionaries and non-French Catholic enterprises was fraught with contradictions. Under the Third Republic (1870–1940), Léon Gambetta (1838–1882) notoriously announced that anticlericalism was not an article for export. While the French government marginalized the Catholic Church at home, it protected missionaries abroad in order to put the Church in service of its imperialistic ambitions. Nevertheless, the religious protectorate weakened due to rivalries with other foreign nations. This external factor not only influenced France's monopoly on Catholic affairs in China, but also enabled Chinese officials and Catholic believers to pit one foreign power against another. In 1885, hostilities between France and the Vatican prompted the Holy See to deliver a papal message to the Chinese emperor, and the occasion inspired Li Hongzhang (1823–1901) to pursue direct diplomatic links with the Vatican, with a view toward undermining the religious protectorate (pp. 56-59). By the early twentieth century, the foundation of this imperialistic system was shaken by the broken alliance between France and the Vatican in late 1904 (p. 89). The French consulates in China worried so much about the erosion of the religious protectorate that they employed coercive and co-optative measures to pressure the European Catholic missionaries to defend their imperialistic interests. In addition, the conflicts involving the French Catholic missions had a strong property dimension even though the ostensible reasons given were different. The indemnities following the Boxer Uprising (1900–1901) transformed the Catholic Church into a powerful economic institution. But well-endowed Catholic churches turned out to be a double-edged sword. One example was the extensive network of the Jesuit institutions in Shanghai. The more prestigious educational, medical, and welfare programs the French Jesuits offered, the more appealing Catholicism was to the Chinese. This huge mission empire prompted the Jesuits to rely on dubious revenues for support, including rental incomes collected from a Chinese-run brothel on Jesuit premises (p. 90). Equally important were the diverse Chinese responses towards the religious protectorate, ranging from suspicion and indifference to hostility and confrontation. Most of the late imperial district and sub-district officials bitterly opposed French intervention into local resource disputes involving Catholic missionaries and Chinese converts, but some ambitious community leaders joined the Church to employ French diplomatic influence against their opponents in rural politics. Young draws a complicated picture of the local management of Catholic affairs. European missionaries often lost control of their flocks and were dragged into endless intra-/inter-community conflicts. At least in Jiangxi, Sichuan, and Guangdong provinces, the projection of French power through its religious protectorate was neither a complete nor a unidirectional process. Native Catholic agents occasionally appropriated this mechanism for their own empowerment and survival. Methodologically, two interpretative frameworks have dominated the historiography of Catholicism in China...

Reviewed by: Xavier's Legacies: Catholicism in Modern Japanese Culture Helen J. Ballhatchet Xavier's Legacies: Catholicism in Modern Japanese Culture. Edited by Kevin M. Doak. UBC Press, 2011. 232 pages. Hardcover $85.00; softcover $34.95. This is an unusual book. The topic itself is unusual because, unlike most academic research on the history of Roman Catholicism in Japan, the focus is neither the "Christian century" that began with Francis Xavier's arrival in Kagoshima in 1549 nor the underground communities that survived the anti-Christian policies of the Tokugawa and early Meiji regimes. In fact, the "legacies" of the title refer to the influence of Catholicism on modern Japanese culture, while "Xavier" itself is not only the name of the famous saint but also the baptismal name of Iwashita Sōichi, "the first influential Japanese Catholic intellectual" (p. 16). The book is also unusual because of the unashamedly partisan approach taken by the editor in the introduction. The overall percentage of Christians in Japan is small, and public awareness, let alone understanding, of the various divisions within the religion is not high. Even so, Doak makes a point of asserting the distinctive contribution not just of Catholicism, but of a particular type of conservative Catholicism. Unlike Protestantism, he tells us, Catholicism in Bakumatsu/Meiji Japan had roots in traditional Japanese culture stretching back to Xavier, and it took a critical attitude toward "modernism." He denies that it has been backward looking or marginal and criticizes the fact that scholarly research on Christianity in the modern period has paid more attention to the influence of Protestantism. I would certainly agree that prior to World War II, French Catholic missionaries, and the much smaller number of Russian Orthodox missionaries, were less enthusiastic about the benefits of modern Western civilization than Protestant missionaries, who were primarily of North American origin. On the other hand, I am less certain about Catholicism's exclusive "roots in Japanese tradition" (p. 3). My understanding is that—apart from the fact that Catholicism in Tokugawa Japan had been thoroughly rejected and even demonized—the main aim of the French missionaries in their early encounters with the underground Christians was to investigate the level of orthodoxy of existing beliefs and practices, particularly methods of baptism. Anything rooted in Japanese tradition that was incompatible with the standards of the Vatican was to be corrected.1 Moreover, there is evidence that early exsamurai Protestant converts did not abandon "traditional," pre-Christian, values such as loyalty, but turned them in a Christian direction.2 Further, prominent Meiji Protestant Christians such as Kozaki Hiromichi, Uemura Masahisa, and Nitobe Inazō later claimed that traditional Japanese teachings were Japan's equivalent of the Old Testament.3 Doak is correct in his observation that there has been relatively little academic work on Roman Catholicism in modern Japan, especially by comparison with the number of publications [End Page 196] on Protestantism, and—though he does not mention this—the growing body of work on the Orthodox Church, where the focus is gradually expanding outward from studies of Archbishop Nikolai.4 But why is this? First, the prewar Japanese Christians who made a public impact specifically because of their faith, Uchimura Kanzō, Nitobe Inazō, Kagawa Toyohiko, Yanaihara Tadao, and so on, were Protestant. A less obvious reason is that Japanese Catholic historians themselves have shown little interest in the modern history of their faith. Postwar research into the history of Christianity in Japan was pioneered by scholars who were committed Protestants, such as Sumiya Mikio, Takeda (Chō) Kiyoko, and Dohi Akio. Their energy mainly came from guilt over what they saw as the willingness of prewar Protestants to compromise with the emperor system. This led them to focus on Protestantism, and to pass this focus on to the next generation. By contrast, the attention of Catholic historians has been directed at the more obviously heroic sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Doak claims that this neglect of Roman Catholicism has concealed the Church's "tremendous impact" on modern and present-day Japan (p. 4). His main evidence for this impact is the presence of Catholics in the political and social, as well as the intellectual, elite. For example...

Dong Zhongshu but not an attempt at understanding the potentially religious dimension of Confucianism as a social phenomenon in traditional Chinese culture. The book really is on “controversies,” as the title says, not on the facts that lie behind these controversies. Chapter 4 on the “Cultural and Historical Significance of the Controversy over Confucian Religiosity” is an attempt to deal with the “consequences.” It does so by first pointing to the “loss of meaning” that characterizes today’s China and then again goes back to some important books on Confucianism such as Joseph Levenson’s trilogy Confucian China and its Modern Fate.4 A discussion of the famous Confucian Manifesto of 1958 follows before we get to the theoretical limitations of the Neo-Confucianism of the twentieth century (pp. 158ff.), which have been pointed out by such scholars as Yü Ying-shih 余英時. Jiang Qing marks the end of the book. In his epilogue Chen states that his book “attempts to illustrate how the controversy has less to do with the academic discipline of religious studies or of philosophy than with the cultural and social concerns of Chinese intellectuals. What is at stake in the controversy is not an academic examination of Confucianism within the Western category of religion, but rather an existential endeavor to explore the possibility and feasibility of reinventing Confucianism within the paradigms of modernity” (p. 181f.). I was grateful to read these sentences although I would have been glad to find them on the first pages of the book, not the last, because here I finally understood that this book is not about facts, but about a contemporary Chinese discussion that is not all that interested in historical facts. I do wonder, however, whether a discussion that is removed so far from historical realities, be they historical or present, will have actual consequences in the future. HANS VAN ESS LMU Munich JEREMY CLARKE, The Virgin Mary and Catholic Identities in Chinese History. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2013. xiii, 275 pp. HK$420, US$55 (hb). ISBN 978-988-8139-99-6 The Virgin Mary is a tough subject in the history of Catholicism in China. It seems that we have more sources about the blending of the Virgin’s identity with local religions, and of her story as it was associated with different levels of Chinese people, than for other sacred images including that of Christ. However, a variety of primary sources and rigorous interactions with Chinese discourses make Mary in China a fascinating but complicated subject. Until the publication of this book by Jeremy Clarke, there had not yet been a scholarly book on this knotty topic. Although it is not the principal purpose of Clarke’s research to describe Mary’s cult overall in China, a number of primary sources raised in this book ought to be of great interest to scholars of Christianity in China. In terms of Catholic history in 4 Joseph Levenson, Confucian China and Its Modern Fate (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1958–1965), p. 195 of the bibliography the years are incorrectly given as 1958–1968. 96 BOOK REVIEWS China, writing about the Virgin Mary in the modern period covered by this book, beginning with the First Opium War (1839–1842) until the early twentieth century, is not an easy task, since the era simultaneously witnessed a chaotic transformation in Chinese history and an unstable up-and-down response to Christianity in China. Clarke organizes the multiple entangled threads with a great number of longneglected but tremendously valuable sources and images. A reader who is interested in this history seen from different perspectives can enjoy this book. The book has three parts and six chapters in total, excluding Introduction and Conclusion. Clarke’s primary thesis is that the Virgin Mary, or “the way Marian devotions are portrayed artistically” (p. 195), can best be regarded as a lens through which the establishment of a Chinese and local Catholic identity may be observed after 1900. This evolution is in contrast with that of the preceding decades, when French influence on the China missions was strong after a series of treaties was signed by the Qing dynasty with...

Reviewed by: The Shattered Cross: French Catholic Missionaries on the Mississippi River, 1698-1725 by Linda Carol Jones Kenneth C. Carstens Linda Carol Jones. The Shattered Cross: French Catholic Missionaries on the Mississippi River, 1698-1725. Baton Rouge: LSU Press, 2020. Pp. 297. Figures. Index. Maps. Notes. Cloth: $50.00. I have been fascinated by early (colonial) New World Catholic missionaries since 1959, when my parents first took me to Fort Michilimackinac at the tip of Michigan's Lower Peninsula, then farther north to St. Ignace and Sault Ste. Marie, both in the Upper Peninsula. There, I learned firsthand about the work of the early Jesuit fathers, and their attempts (some successful, some not) to bring Native Americans to Christianity. By the mid-1960s, I had read Vernon Kinietz's book Indian Life in the Upper Great Lakes, 1615-1760 (1965), which further fostered my interest about the assimilation and acculturation process behind culture change. As a budding anthropologist, I read Reuben Thwaites's seventy-three-volume work Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, 1610-1791 (1853-1915) through my college years at Central Michigan University. Now, added to these noted works, is a new book written by Linda Carol Jones. Jones, an associate professor of language area studies at the University of Arkansas, has further documented the influence of Jesuits from the Great Lakes area into the middle and lower Mississippi River valley. After reading Jones's work, I am confident her book will be considered of equal importance to the writings of Kinietz and Thwaites whenever studies about early colonial Jesuit history of the pays d'en haut are mentioned. Jones details the extraordinary, often reciprocal, and dynamic interactions (both good and bad) among different Native and European groups along the Mississippi River during the colonial (contact period) era. These dynamic cultural interactions might be Natives (various Illini groups and groups located further south along the Mississippi, like the Tamarois, Quapaw, Chickasaw, Natchez, or others) with other Natives; Natives and Europeans—the world of European traders (both French and English), coureurs de bois, and metis—and Europeans with other Europeans (e.g., Jesuits with various political leaders such as Cadillac, Iberville, or Bienville), explorers (e.g., LaSalle and Tonti), religious leaders (whether back in Montreal with the Petit Séminaire de Québec, in Paris, or with the Holy See at the Vatican), or different missionary sects also vying for Native converts to baptize. Indeed, Jones's book details the significant, and extremely complex, ideological and political considerations Jesuit fathers needed to "stay alive" (although martyrdom was not a bad thing if done for the right reasons), and how best to convert Natives to Christianity: force-feeding Christianity and European values to Native Americans in what Jones calls "Frenchification" (that is, forcefully [End Page 151] making Natives French men and women), or finding ways (linguistically or culturally) that Native Americans themselves selected to adopt; that is, letting the choice of acceptance or rejection be a Native one, whether for what the idea was, or a modification of the idea as it would best fit a Native cultural need or understanding. Indeed, when Frenchification was forced on Natives, the results ended in a "shattered cross." Although I considered my background in Jesuit history in North America better than average, I learned so much more about Colonial Jesuit history that I did not know previously, especially regarding the political climate between Jesuits and church leadership (that is, "Jesuits in the field" versus church leadership in Montreal, Paris, or the Vatican). Nor was I aware that the idea to begin missionary work among Native Americans along the Mississippi River had its origin in seventeenth-century Jesuit fathers in China. And although church philosophy in the late 1600s and early 1700s was to force "Frenchification" on the Natives, Jesuits who were the most successful as Christian missionaries were those who practiced love, allowing Natives to accept or reject on their own terms what part of French culture and Catholicism best served their needs. Colonialism, including intentional forms of assimilation, acculturation, and—yes—genocide, is not to be condoned in today's world. But it did happen. Ignoring that it happened presents an incomplete...

In this paper, I apply Gérard Genette’s (1987) concept of paratexts to an analysis of prefaces from different dictionary-grammars of Niger-Congo languages, written by French Catholic missionaries between the mid-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. My analysis focuses on the preface to the Dictionnaire français-wolof et wolof-français (Dakar: 1855), compiled by missionaries from the Congrégation du St.-Ésprit et du St.-Coeur de Marie, variously known in English as the Holy Ghost Fathers or Spiritans. I also provide diverse examples from contemporary and near-contemporary dictionary-grammars of other Niger-Congo languages, also compiled by French Spiritans. I investigate the extent to which these prefaces rely on or inflect the conventions, devices and rhetorical strategies of the original authorial preface, as identified by Genette.

French Catholic Missionaries and the Politics of Imperialism in Vietnam, 1857–1914: A Documentary Survey. By Patrick J. N. Tuck. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1987. Pp. 352. Abbreviations, Note on Toponyms, Maps, Appendices, Tables, Bibliographic Notes. - Volume 20 Issue 2

African Catholic is, at once, a historical, religious, political, and social treatise on French Catholic evangelization of Africa within the crucible of the obnoxious colonial project. This is a fantastic book, and so captivating that putting it down is difficult. It is a thoroughly well-researched, integrated bricolage of competing religious and social forces, woven beautifully together with the dexterity of an author possessing a mastery of navigating both the African and European terrains, as well as the ecclesiastical and sociopolitical climate of the day.Set at the height of French colonization of West and Central African countries between the 1940s and 1960s, this important book describes French activities in the colonies, with Catholic missionaries as its fulcrum. Positioned against this is the agitation of African Catholic intellectuals (laity and priests), with the support of liberal French clerics, to decolonize the Church, thereby exerting enormous influence on and making an invaluable contribution to Vatican II.What the author describes as the “Franco-African Catholic World” (6) at mid-century was characterized by competing powers and ideologies (colonization versus decolonization, imperialism versus independence, assimilation versus Africanization, racism versus negritude) and the pivotal role of religion, Catholicism to be precise, in the thick of it all. The question that loomed large on the minds of those at the center of the Church (the Vatican) was, how could the Church extricate itself from the trappings of colonialism under whose patronage it evangelized the world? This question was particularly important during the said period of increasing African rejection of European political and cultural control, impelled by the wave of independence sweeping across the African continent.French Catholic missionary activity in West Africa, as espoused by the book, was perceived as an arm of the colonial project. By means of its education to eradicate Africa’s “backward culture,” the Church would be said to be that instrument of change, par excellence. Consequently, some missionaries would paint a negative picture of Africa to promote the image of a dark continent in order to garner financial support from France in aid of missionary work upon which the so-called French civilizing mission depended. Perhaps some comparative analysis, in the book, with missionary activity in the neighboring British colonies in which members of the same missionary societies worked, albeit of different nationalities, would have substantiated the author’s argument even further regarding the agency of French missionaries in pursuing that goal.The ensuing tensions between the French state and the Vatican were inevitable. While the former sought to assimilate people in its colonial territories, profiting from the agency of missionaries to execute this task, the latter endeavored to insert such missionary territories into the one Catholic (universal) Church. This contestation would feed into Vatican II. Notable architects of French mission activities and cultural colonization, like Monsignor Marcel Lefebvre, “the most powerful French prelate in Africa for most of the postwar period” (7), would see Vatican II “as a betrayal and self-destruction of the church” (264). Whereas African Catholic intellectuals, such as Alioune Diop, saw in the Council a unique opportunity to infuse “African culture, values, and spirituality” (71) into the Church as a means to redeem both Africa and Europe. The quest of the latter group, and later Vatican II, was to see Christianity “incarnate itself in the cultures and civilizations of all peoples if it was going to be true to itself” (83). Herein lies what these Africans professed to be their “duty”: “to be the conscience of the church and confront its colonial hypocrisy, along with colonialism itself” (88).The reader gets the impression that the scramble for Africa was not the one-time episode of a well-executed partition in Berlin in 1884/85, but rather an incessant process sequestering the continent, with missionaries entrenching the political weal of Western powers. This is exemplified in the struggle between French Catholic missionaries and American Protestants that rendered Africa a playground of the West. The complex relations between Catholicism and Islam also receive a prominent place in the discussion, whether to build bridges or foment animosity between them.Noteworthy is the progress achieved through this struggle to the point of Vatican II emphasizing the recognition of the dignity of all peoples. Amidst the dwindling numbers in the Church in France, a touted reverse mission involving African migrants and clergy contributing to its vitality pays lip service to a total inclusion of Africans in the Church. The paternalism and blatant racism exhibited at both the mission and metropole are far from over.

This chapter examines the formation and education of French Catholic missionaries. The author describes the circumstances of the Catholic missionary and then considers what made him distinct from other missionaries belonging to non-Catholic Christian denominations. The chapter examines the particular case of missionary education within the French Societe des Missions Etrangeres de Paris, the institutional home of our religious ethnographers. Finally, the author explains how biographical information on these authors becomes necessary to accurately assess their texts.Keywords: French Catholic missionaries; missionary education; religious ethnographers

The article examines a number of pieces of early French and Dutch writing about the South China coast. The first is the journal of a Swiss mercenary named Ripon, who was employed by the Dutch East India Company and ventured in the East from 1617 to 1627; the second is a group of journals by Isaac Titsingh, Andreas Everard van Braam and Chrétien-Louis-Joseph de Guignes, describing their embassy to Emperor Qianlong in 1794–95; and finally there are a series reports by Dutch Protestant and French Catholic missionaries from the mid-nineteenth century onwards. Such Western sources can be an important supplement to the often scant Chinese sources for certain periods. Sources recording the same event but written by different authors and in different languages can provide an informative range of perspectives and serve to complement each other. And a range of different sources in different languages may combine to produce a fairly full historical picture of a given topic.

The role played by French Catholic missionaries in overseas evangelization during the nineteenth century was considerable. Their significance was not limited to their numerical contribution—the French Church is viewed as subscribing to a rigorous spirituality characterized by contempt for the world. This spirituality is seen, in the case of the Catholic Church in Korea, as having created a ghetto mentality, which dominated the Church until the 1970s. However, the spirituality of the French Church was more nuanced and varied than this model suggests. The Counter-Reformation ensured that the salvation of the individual soul became paramount, while the French Revolution encouraged the French Church to rediscover its commitment to overseas missions. The spirituality passed to the Korean Church might assist its confessors and martyrs in enduring persecution, but it gave to the Church as a whole the concept of charity and the imperative to relieve the suffering of others.

Between 1914 and 1945, French Catholic missionaries and Gabonese priests tried to impose their faith and ideals of family life on Fang communities in the rural Estuary region of the French colony of Gabon. Catholic evangelists offered benefits such as education as well as threats of spiritual punishment to convert Fang people. However, Fang men and women often rejected these demands. While Fang men tried to maintain polygamy as a sign of successful manhood, women often rejected their spouses. At the same time, missionaries relied on Catholic lay Fang catechists in their work. Male catechists often violated the marital ideals of the missionaries, but they also successfully promoted Catholic conversions. Ultimately, rural Estuary communities selectively appropriated aspects of Catholicism, even if relatively few followed Catholic teachings on marriage.

The veneration of relics of the saints in U.S. Catholic history is a much-neglected topic. Partly because scholars are often uncomfortable with aspects of material religion, but also given that relics are, in the narrowest sense, remains of the dead, relics are too often assumed to be lifeless objects or the focus of a 'primitive' piety. Beginning in the mid-nineteenth century, popes such as Pius IX gifted the entire bodily remains of newly discovered early Christian martyrs from the ancient Roman catacombs to priests and bishops of the young United States. Likely inspired by the phenomenally successful international cultus of catacomb martyr St. Philomena, Spanish and German-born clergy stationed in America modeled devotion to these saints and their relics. This phenomenon, and the promotion of "Roman"-style relic veneration in general, is an aspect of a Catholic religious revivalism often missing from American religious historiography. The largely foreign-born population of nineteenth and early-twentieth century American Catholic faithful, who at the time had no native American saints of their own to venerate, welcomed the presence of these "immigrant" saints into both their public and private devotional spaces. In order to demonstrate the pan-American importance of relics in this period, this article focuses on the shrines of St. Vibiana (Anglo-Spanish California) and St. Victoria (German-American Midwest).

When the law of Separation between State and Church is adopted in 1905, Syria-Lebanon is not a French colonial territory. That the reason why its conséquences will take an indirect way. These consequences are essentially financial. It's only because of the creation of a public policy network between Foreign Office and French catholic missionaries, constituted by mutual interests, that these missionaries will be able to continue there work of cultural and spiritual conquest, working, in the same time, at the local French influence increase. This action of catholic missionaries is based, for a great part, on teaching. Facing with the policy of secularisation directed by the Interior and Worship minister, the public policy network constituted by these missionaries and the Foreign Office allowed them to acquire a special statute concerning teaching.