COMPETING STATE IMAGES ON THE FORMER YUGOSLAV SPACE: MACEDONIA VERSUS ILIRIDA

In March 1999, as a result of armed conflict in the Kosovo province of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, approximately 860,000 ethnic Albanians sought refuge in neighboring Albania, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), the Republic of Montenegro--Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina. As a result of massive refugee movement into FYROM, many nations, including the United States, accepted refugees for resettlement. Refugee processing centers were established in FYROM and the United States. In the United States, the Migration Health Assessment (MHA) of refugees was undertaken at Fort Dix, New Jersey (i.e., Operation Provide Refuge), in collaboration with the Office of Emergency Preparedness (OEP), Public Health Service, under the direction of the Office of Refugee Resettlement, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Assessments in Skopje, FYROM, were conducted by the International Organization for Migration. This report summarizes the results of collaboration between OEP and CDC to provide preventive health programs for 4045 Kosovar refugees at Fort Dix during a 10-week period, which found that the refugees were in good health and underscores the need for a tailored intervention program targeted at the health conditions of the specific population.

The complex set of historical and political processes between the countries of the Western Balkans, as well as the absence of the EU from the region, complicates the process of building democratic and political capacities in these countries. The United States has a complex political approach to the Western Balkans, without having an exclusive ally in this part of the region. Although the region does not seem to be at the top of US policy priorities at the moment, the Western Balkans play an important role in its interests, especially when it comes to security issues, which have always been a top priority for the US administration. The public in the Republic of North Macedonia is still emotional about the process of changing the constitutional name, and the Prespa Agreement, although a closed topic for the US administration, at least judging by the last move of President Biden, is still not fully accepted, not only by the population, but also among some experts. Some critics comment on the distrust of the process "vis a vis" the constant blockades of the pre-accession negotiations with the EU, despite the name change, which by the way according to the amendments to the Constitution should be implemented in practice in parallel with the opening of EU negotiation chapters. This begs the questions: What is the US position on North Macedonia's strategic interests? Does and in what way does the United States influence North Macedonia through NATO? What are the benefits and prospects for North Macedonia from NATO membership? The purpose of this paper is to explain the US attitude towards North Macedonia from a geostrategic point of view by applying descriptive analysis. In 2008, after the Greek veto on Macedonia's membership in NATO, a Declaration on Strategic Partnership and Cooperation was signed between the United States and Macedonia, with which the United States guarantees the security of Macedonia, but without meaning a replacement for NATO membership. The Declaration is one of the most important agreements for North Macedonia, which emphasizes, among other things, the strategic commitment of both sides to Macedonia's integration into NATO and the EU, making the United States the only strategic partner and supporter (of the great powers) of Macedonia in its EU and NATO aspirations.Finally, in 2020, through the North Macedonian Embassy in Washington, the instrument for joining the North Atlantic Treaty was deposited, with which North Macedonia officially became a member of NATO.

This article focuses on the peace agreement reached through international mediation in North Macedonia, known as the Ohrid Framework Agreement. In 2001, this agreement successfully brought together the conflicting parties: the government of the Republic of Macedonia (now North Macedonia), and the armed Albanian forces under the emblem of the National Liberation Army (UÇK). This agreement prevented the escalation of conflict on the scale of the Bosnian and Kosovo War, contributing to the easing of interethnic relations in North Macedonia. It aimed to advance the rights of non-Macedonian ethnic groups, particularly the rights of Albanians, who constitute numerically the second largest ethnic group in North Macedonia at around 30%, according to the latest population registration in 2022. This agreement was intended to be implemented within five years after its signing in 2001. However, even after 22 years, it remains unrealized concerning the fair representation of non-Macedonian ethnic groups within the state structure. Furthermore, it continues to be used as a discriminatory tool by the North Macedonian state. Worse yet, it has become a political instrument for achieving votes through employment, primarily favoring individuals closely associated with the ruling parties, party militants, and relatives of party leaders. This has resulted in the creation of a caste of state political administrators. On the other hand, it has led to unprecedented segregation among Albanians in North Macedonia, with the slogan: ‘This one belongs to us, that one not.’ Consequently, those who are not considered ‘ours’ are compelled to emigrate abroad in search of better living conditions. Over time, this has resulted in a significant exodus, primarily among young people, with official statistics estimating up to 700,000 individuals.

North Macedonia occupies a central position along the so-called Balkan route, which stretches from the Southeast Asia and Africa to Northern and Western Europe. The country has a long history of significant seasonal cross-border migration, connecting the region with the rest of Europe. It has primarily been a country of emigration, with a long tradition of mobility within the Ottoman Empire and Yugoslavia, and subsequently to Western Europe and other overseas destinations. In 2015 and 2016, North Macedonia became a transit country for around one million people and its transit role continues for a smaller number of people today. Drawing on ethnographic research, this paper examines local responses to mobility regimes and injustices using the example of two border villages: Lojane/Llojan and Tabanovce. It explores the changes to the natural and social landscape that create new connections and dependencies between migrants, non-governmental organizations, local residents, and the Macedonian state. I identify three factors that shape the narratives and practices of both the local population and the authorities: a long history of migration to and from Macedonia, a sense of abandonment by the state and international institutions, and the temporary nature of refugee centers.

Theoretical approach of the external constraints that the North Macedonia meets in its path to the EU accession from the perspective of national identity construction for recognition, as the name dispute with Greece and Bulgaria about the countrys name, language and historical-territorial claims is of great interest. Qualitative case analysis and symbolic threat theory from social psychology as a core analytical framework, in this study, will be systematically analyzed and explored the symbolic threat mechanism and identity politics in these two cases. The research results show that the national names, language and territory are not only the basic content of national identity, but also the space for contesting power and history in international politics, and have a significant impact on the process of North Macedonia's European integration. This study explores how symbolic threat affects the EU accession process in national identity conflicts and reveals the impact of national identity on international political decision-making and national destiny.

This study primarily aims to draw attention to the role of the European Union (EU) and the United States (US) in North Macedonia’s1 transition from a hybrid regime to a standard democracy from 2015 to the present. The stability of the country has been of paramount importance for the Western interests, thus the EU and US have continuously supported successive governments to uphold the de-facto powersharing system that prevailed since its independence in the early 1990s. By employing Levitsky and Way’s theoretical framework of linkage and leverage, this study aims to elucidate the decisive roles played by the EU and the US in cultivating the conditions necessitated for North Macedonia’s gradual democratic transition after 2015. To do this it addresses political developments in North Macedonia, discusses the problems that aroused during this transition period, which are inherited in a lack of democratic culture and widespread corruption, and finally, suggests that as the Macedonia example demonstrated, EU support and tutelage is critical during such challenging transitions.

This article examines the international protection mechanisms for minority rights and their implementation in North Macedonia, within the framework of modern liberal multiculturalism theory. The objective is to critically analyze the extent to which the legal framework stipulated by international law aligns with the practical policies of the North Macedonian state. The scope covers key international instruments, primarily Article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (FCNM), as well as pivotal regulations within North Macedonia, particularly the 2001 Ohrid Framework Agreement. The study comparatively addresses the successes achieved for ethnic Albanians and the ongoing challenges for more marginalized groups such as the Roma community. The study asserts that although international law offers a comprehensive de jure framework for minority rights, its effectiveness is contingent upon a robust domestic implementation mechanism. The hypothesis is that the existing legal and institutional framework in North Macedonia is more successful in addressing the political and linguistic rights of nationally concentrated minorities, such as Albanians, whose issues were resolved through a political settlement via the Ohrid Agreement. However, this framework remains insufficient in addressing the structural discrimination faced by dispersed, stateless, and socio-economically disadvantaged groups like the Roma. Therefore, a significant gap exists between legal equality and de facto equality. The limitations of this study are that it is a desk-based, theory-heavy research based solely on existing international documents, reports, and academic publications, and it does not include primary data collection methods such as fieldwork, surveys, or interviews.

The author, the Greek ambassador to the United States, argues that the Balkan countries have made significant strides in economic and security stabilization over the past decade but points to particular challenges, notably in Kosovo and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM). He argues that conditions in both countries remain volatile and that any solutions must come in the context of relations with European neighbors and within the frameworks of existing treaties and policies. He describes how Greece has contributed to economic development in the region in hopes of stabilizing the it as part of the wider European and international communities and argues that actions by FYROM jeopardize its relationship with international organizations and thus pose a threat to stability in the region.

In the Republic of Macedonia, the formative assessment represents a new assessment paradigm that focuses on students as active participants during the teaching process. This paradigm was established in 2007 as part of the Primary Education Project (PEP) by USAID (United States Agency for International Development). This research is focused on the analysis of Macedonian language teaching curriculum from first to ninth grade of primary education in the Republic of Macedonia, on the analysis of the suitability of the tasks for formative assessment in one Macedonian language textbook, as well as on the examination of students’ and teachers’ viewpoints, concerning various aspects of formative assessment in Bitola, a region in the Republic of Macedonia. From the analysis it could be seen that there is strong support of formative assessment by the authorized structures, and that there are many positive and negative aspects of the use of formative assessment in the Macedonian language teaching process. The research has qualitative and quantitative paradigm. The methods for collecting and processing the data, and for gaining scientific conclusion are analysis, synthesis and comparison. The instrument consists of two questionnaires, one for students and one for teachers.

Political satire is a type of critique that uses humour to reflect on issues in politics and media. While most of academic research has focused on entertainment shows in the United States, this study focuses on political satire in a different context, through identifying the forms of humour (irony and sarcasm) and satire types (juvenalian and horatian) in the Republic of Macedonia. In a content analysis of satirical news outlet Koza Nostra, it has been shown that lighter, more gentle horatian satire is predominant in the outlet’s articles (N=53), while instances of less inferential sarcasm outnumber those of complex irony. These findings demonstrate that political humour in the country is careful not to alienate its audiences, which in turn could be indicative of the manner in which satirical content is cognitively processed, and suggestive of wider implications for democracy and the public sphere in post-communist Eastern European countries.

Traffic is an extremely important organized social and human activity. Life in modern society is unimaginable without traffic. Traffic is the result of the level of development of a country, and vice versa, itself wields pressure on the development of a country’s economy. There is a strong association between traffic and economic development. The development of technology has a profound impact on traffic and the dependency of transport systems on their surroundings in an economic, social, and geographical sense. Traffic is among the central topics in all concepts of sustainable development. Traffic safety in the world and in our country is viewed as a fundamental issue that requires a permanent solution. Each day we pay a very high price for the advantages of the modern and dynamic motorized and non-motorized road transport. In support of the increasing traffic safety, in this paper, we shall analyze the problem of setting up traffic calming measures in the country. In the comparative analysis through this paper, we recognize that each country has a different approach to the assessment of costs and benefits of traffic calming measures and access to the methods of their installation in urban areas. In most developed countries, such as the United States or the UK, the calculations are based on a designed project comprising different variables. Whereas in Macedonia there is not even one project upon which such installation could be performed, thus proved by the surveys conducted in 54 municipalities and their budgets from which funds are allocated. From the results received from the survey on the installation of traffic calming measures in developed countries and in the Republic of Macedonia, measures will be proposed and taken from the experiences on how to improve or increase traffic safety through traffic calming measures.

An attempt is made to identify Key Biodiversity Areas in the Republic of Macedonia through the identification of internationally recognized important areas for biodiversity: Important Plant Areas (IPAs) and Important Bird Areas (IBAs). Forty two IPAs covering 6,495km2 and 24 IBAs covering 6,907km2 have been identified in Macedonia. Thirty seven IPAs (6,152km2 or 24% of the country’s territory) and 15 IBAs (4,821km2 or 18.75% of the national territory), meet KBA criteria, between them yielding 42 KBAs. The remaining five IPAs and nine IBAs do not meet KBA criteria although have international significance. Together IPAs and IBAs total 10,698km2; those meeting the KBA criteria total 9,670km2. In total, 73% and 65% of the entire national protected areas (PAs) surface overlaps with IPAs and IBAs respectively. This proportion is 81% for the 42 KBAs. However, only 25% of the total size of protected areas overlaps with IPAs, only 21% overlap with IBAs, and only 19% with the combined 42 KBAs. This means that Macedonia’s protected areas system is not yet representative and comprehensive for safeguarding its botanical and avian diversity.

The process of creating the Macedonian state begins with the disintegration of the SFR Yugoslavia and the Referendum for Independence on September 8, 1991.As a geographically integral part of the Western Balkans, the Macedonian state was exposed to challenges of a different nature. Since the day of the declaration of independence, the country has been facing with certain issues that in the past period have proven to have the potential to cause serious internal political and security crises.Today, the dilemma is whether after full NATO membership we can hope for a more secure future from a political, and at the same time from a security and economic point of view, or still the challenges, primarily interethnic relations, remain as such. In that regard, the potential for the existence of hybrid threats that the Macedonian state could face as a NATO member should be considered.The perception and forecasts for the future of the Republic of North Macedonia are different. Through this paper we will try to answer some of the questions and challenges that the state would face in the coming period. In particular, in this paper we will present the possible positive changes that may occur in the country, but at the same time we will address the potential risks with which the state is facing, relating to the change of political i.e. state governance of the country as a consequence of a possible new interethnic conflict. Keywords: Macedonian statehood, Interethnic relations, Security challenges, Hybrid threats, NATO

No. 51558. United States of America and The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia

Exchange of notes constituting an agreement between the United States of America and the Republic of Macedonia regarding the employment of eligible family members on a reciprocal basis (with annex). Washington, 10 December 1998