Abstract

1. Introduction Comparative studies of Finno-Ugric languages have been extensive over time. As to research into the features of communicative behaviour among Finno-Ugric peoples, there have been few studies that focused on the comparative aspect of the question (for example, Pajupuu 1995a, 1995b, 1997; Ryabina 2007). It has been ascertained that correlation between language and communicative behaviour is considerably weaker than that between culture and communication (Pajupuu 1995a, 1995b; Wierzbicka 1998). This article compares the communicative behaviour of Udmurts, Estonians and Finns. Communicative behaviour is defined here as a set of such norms and standards of discourse, or dialogue, as the length of a turn, the duration of a pause and the strategy of taking turns. The analysis reported in the article aimed at defining the location of Udmurt culture in the continuum of high-and low-context cultures with respect to the characteristics of dialogues and at comparing the results with the findings of a study on the communicative behaviour of Finns and Estonians. 1.1. The concept of low- and high-context cultures E. T. Hall (1976) distinguishes between two categories of culture with respect to the quantity of information conveyed by a message. In some of the cultures information is explicit, it is largely verbalized. These are defined by E. T. Hall as low-context cultures. In other cultures, utterances cannot be understood solely on the basis of the language-related signs. They can be adequately interpreted only if the context is known. Such cultures are defined as high-context cultures (Hall 1976:91). The main purpose of low-context communication is to convey information. The speaker is responsible for imparting the message clearly so that the interlocutor could easily decode it (Ting-Toomey 1999:101, 209). Communication in high-context cultures is an emotional involvement rather than a mere transfer of information (Pajupuu 1995a). In high-context cultures it is the listener who is responsible for the adequate interpretation of the message (Ting-Tomey 1999:101, 209); the speaker imparts information not only verbally, but also using gestures, intonation and even silence (Ting-Toomey 1999:100; Samovar and Porter 2004:76). The concept of high-and low-context communication is associated with the theory of individualistic-collectivistic cultures (Gudykunst and Ting-Toomey 1988; Hofstede 2001). Individualistic cultures (for example, Switzerland, Germany, United States, Scandinavian countries) are referred to low-context cultures; collectivistic cultures (Asian countries--Japan, China, Korea; American Indians, Arabic and other countries) are referred to high-context cultures (Hall 1976; Gudykunst and Ting-Toomey 1988; Samovar and Porter 2004:77). In individualistic low-context cultures private life is separated from the other life spheres, thus the interlocutors do not know much about each other and for communication they need detailed information (Hall 1976, Hall and Hall 1990:6-7). In collectivistic high-context cultures people are involved in close relationships with family members, friends, colleagues; they have extensive information about the life of people around them and therefore do not impart detailed information (Hall 1976, Hall and Hall 1990:6-7). 1.2. Dialogues as a parameter in inter-cultural communication studies Many researchers of inter-cultural communication argue that differences between low- and high-context cultures are displayed in dialogues. In low-context cultures conversation is fast, without long pauses, and the interlocutor is frequently interrupted (Hall, 1983:63; Halmari 1993; Shigemitsu 2005). In high-context cultures (for example, those of American Indians, Chinese and Japanese) dialogue consists of long turns alternating with longer pauses and quiet listening; interruptions are rare. The Japanese can have up to 5 seconds long and American Indians of Navajos--up to 10 seconds long pauses (Clark 1998, Shigemitsu 2005). …

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