Commercial Social Capital and Social Conflict: Historical Evidence From China

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ABSTRACTSocial stability is a crucial prerequisite for the prosperity and development of a country or region, and social conflict has long been a focal topic in academia. However, few studies examine the impact of commercial social capital on social conflict. This paper addresses this gap by investigating the influence of shanghui (chambers of commerce) in the late Qing Dynasty, a form of commercial social capital, on regional social conflict. Utilizing prefecture‐level panel data from 1902 to s and employing a DID approach, we empirically explore the impact of shanghui on regional social conflict during this period. The results show that the establishment of shanghui significantly increased the likelihood of regional social conflict, and this effect remains robust across a variety of robustness tests. As a form of commercial social capital, shanghui effectively promoted the formation of merchant networks, facilitating collective action among merchants to safeguard their interests. Further historical evidence suggests that the impact of shanghui on regional social conflict is primarily evident in three areas: (1) supporting social revolutions, particularly the Revolution of 1911; (2) resisting actions by foreign merchants and the Qing government that threatened their interests, exemplified by the Boycott of American Goods and the Railway Protection Movement; and (3) siding with merchants in labor disputes, thus leading to worker strikes.

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  • Twentieth-Century China
  • Stephen C Averill

STEPHEN C. AVERILL 4 THE CULTURAL POLITICS OF LOCAL EDUCATION IN EARLY TWENTIETH-CENTURY CHINA STEPHEN C. AVERILL, MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY The tight connection between Confucian learning, government service, and social standing fostered and reinforced by China’s imperial order meant that the abolition of this order early in the twentieth century profoundly affected educational attitudes and institutions. It also transformed China’s political, social, and cultural landscape generally. Some of these effects, such as the evolution of formal educational institutions , the incubation of innovative cultural attitudes and activities in the nation’s modern schools, and their intimate interaction with the New Culture and May Fourth movements of the 1910s and 1920s, have been well studied. However, other important aspects and implications of the educational transition from empire to republic either are much less well known or are misunderstood. One relatively unexplored topic is the impact of abolition of the examination system and its replacement by a new network of Western-influenced schools on the cultural politics of the late Qing reforms. A related question is how late Qing educationrelated cultural and political conflicts affected the later and better-known New Culture-May Fourth era struggles. A common assumption is that the deeply iconoclastic New Culture and May Fourth movements, and the school-centered activities so closely associated with them, were largely de novo creations of the late 1910s and 1920s. But this perspective fails to recognize the existence and subsequent impact of an earlier wave of school-centered cultural conflict surrounding the introduction and expansion of the late Qing school system, some aspects of which are captured in this symposium’s papers by Steven B. Miles and Elizabeth VanderVen. The focus on the urban iconoclasm of the May Fourth era has also led to the relative neglect of research on the social, cultural, and political impact of educational change (both before and especially after 1919) on the lives of hundreds of thousands of rural elites in what was still an overwhelmingly agrarian society. With these issues in mind, this article explores aspects of the cultural politics of China’s post-civil service examination educational system as it evolved during the first third of the twentieth century. The first half of the essay examines aspects of the introduction and early evolution of the new school system during the last decade of Qing rule to demonstrate both the resilience of the examination system and the Qin Shao and Robert Culp edited the final version of this essay, which had to be shortened somewhat from its original form. We have tried, as much as possible, to leave the original prose and argument intact. We apologize for any errors or inconsistencies that might have resulted from the editing process. We thank the two anonymous reviewers for Twentieth-Century China, who provided valuable suggestions for polishing the final version of this essay. We also acknowledge Christopher A. Reed for his commitment to including Steve’s voice in this issue dedicated to commemorating his work. Volume 32, No. 2 TWENTIETH-CENTURY CHINA 5 concrete impact of new schools on the reconfiguration of social groups and cultural models. It emphasizes the often-divergent aims and expectations regarding the new system that were held by the Qing court, reformist elites, and other groups, and highlights the challenges and compromises in the process of educational reform. It focuses on the struggle of the literate elites, including those in rural China, who had been deeply enmeshed in and partly defined by the civil service examination system, to adapt to the new system and reinvent themselves in part through the use of educational institutions. The intense politicization of the new “educational circles (教育界 jiaoyu jie)” in the late Qing, as indicated by widespread student protest and informal organizational activity, represented an organic growth of political activism from the transition in the school system and student identity. This part of the essay thus illustrates that broader patterns of social change and political conflict brought about by the introduction of the new system—characterized by campus unrest, cultural debates, associational development, critical publications, and political participation—were already underway before the May Fourth era began. The second half of the essay shifts chronologically...

  • Research Article
  • Cite Count Icon 31
  • 10.1108/ijse-07-2013-0157
Inclusive growth through creation of human and social capital
  • Oct 7, 2014
  • International Journal of Social Economics
  • Soumyananda Dinda

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to analyse inclusive growth that focuses on the creation of opportunities for all. Inclusive growth allows people to contribute to and benefit from economic growth, while pro-poor growth approaches focusing on welfare of the poor only to reduce inequality.Design/methodology/approach– Social capital forms with the development of human capital through schooling. Educated individuals are interested in dialogue and conversation. Interaction enables people to build trust, confidence and cooperation, to commit themselves to each other (i.e. reciprocity), and thereby to knit the social fabric. This study deals with the formation of social capital through development of human capital that is created through improvement of schooling and/or social inclusion. Creation of human and social capital is the basis for inclusive growth.Findings– Recently, economics literature incorporates social capital for explaining regional disparities. Economic development of country depends on the impact of social capital which includes social culture, norms and regulations that promote economic reforms and development activities. Social capital forms with the development of human capital through schooling.Research limitations/implications– More detail regional levels data are required for empirical findings.Practical implications– This paper definitely suggests a clear policy for inclusive growth model in less developed regions/countries. Briefly and specific few policies are suggested as: first, improve productive consumption providing nutritional intake to all the excluded people of the society; second, dismal the social blocking and create the base for bridging social capital formation; third, improve school enrollment and strengthen the feeling of togetherness; fourth, design school curriculum as per need base; and fifth, develop institutions and improve capacity building.Social implications– The Government expenditure policy should be focused more on productive consumption rather than unproductive consumption. The government should concentrate on the development of education and health sectors.Originality/value– The inclusive economic growth process overcomes low-level equilibrium trap. The predictions of the model are examined empirically for a cross-section of countries and have substantial support in the chosen sample data.

  • Research Article
  • 10.30091/jcdnchu.201012.0005
論梁啟超《墨學微》的「致用」思想
  • Dec 1, 2010
  • 黃佳駿

At late Qing Dynasty, the study of Taoism, Motse, Legalist is found with significant development with the revival of diversified schools of philosophers. Besides, Motse thought has also been affected by western study and academic atmosphere for statecraft of practical purpose. In addition to the use of traditional ”textual criticism” method, it has also combined statecraft for practical purpose, and methods from western study so that it has demonstrated unique value and meaning among diversified schools of philosophers in late Qing Dynasty.”Study of Motse” by Liang Qi-chao is considered to be of important work by Philosophers' Study at late Qing Dynasty and early Republican. The organization of the work is believed to found on the four major notions of belief of Motse study, which is linked up by religion, social utility, altruistic love, and politics and other issues. To a great extent, Liang places much focus on the relationship between the academics and contemporary development of the society. In such a way, the perspective of ”practical purpose” is employed to cut profoundly into its mindset and it can be rather helpful in exploring exploration the endowment of Motse study. Furthermore, Liang Qi-chao is also found with research vision seeing the development of western study, and his concept and thought of ”practical purpose” is undoubtedly smeared with trace of western study. For instances, his elaboration on ghost and spirit, economics, country, and national is closely connected with western philosophy, and it can be well explicated by the fact that Liang Qi-chao has well versed with academic perspective of Chinese and western studies. Furthermore, Liang considers that the realization of theory by Motse can be anticipated within the domain of politics, and it is why issues as ”race,” ”Great Harmony,” ”freedom and equality,” and ”rule of law” discussed by contemporary scholars can, as well, be linked to the political ideal of Motse thought through the reform of polity.

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