Commentary on Buechele et al. (2023): Communicating Across the Divide – a Place for Physics in Music?

Research on intonation has mainly sought for classifying and/or expressive explanations for performers’ strategies. In the field of music psychology and music perception, such explanations have been explored in terms of interval direction, size, or type; in the field of performance analysis, to which this article belongs, investigation on intonation has been not only scarce but also limited to short excerpts. In this context, this article explores Pau Casals’ intonational practice specific to his recording of Bach’s E flat major prelude for solo cello. To do so, on the basis of exact empirical measurements, it places such practice alongside the cellist’s conscious, theoretical recommendations apropos what he called “expressive” string intonation, showing that the interpretation of the latter should is not straightforward. It also proposes several reference points and tuning systems which could serve as models for Casals’ practice and looks for explanations beyond simple interval classification. In this manner, it ultimately proposes a structural function for intonation, in partnership with tempo and dynamics. Similarly, it understands Casals’ intonational practice not as a choice between but as a compromise for multiple options in tuning systems (mostly equal temperament and Pythagorean tuning), reference points (the fundamental note of the chord and the immediately preceding tone), the nature of the compositional materials (harmonic and melodic), and, most importantly, structure and expression.

Tuning systems in many musical cultures in Southeast Asia as well as in India are often considerably different from Western tuning systems. Within these cultures, the literature as well as oral tradition on theoretical reflections of why choosing which tuning system are scarce. For Western scholars, only considering the pitches played or the tuning of instruments is not perfectly satisfying, as it lacks insight into the reasons for certain tunings. Still when considering ecological constraints, like ensemble setups, instrument building, or the acoustics involved, often the reasons for choosing a special tuning becomes clear. The paper presents examples from fieldwork in this regions between 1999 and 2014, and often finds musicians wanting to get close to just intonation, but deviating from it mainly because of three constraints: The need to switch between different ensemble types, constraints of instrument building, and acoustical constraints. The paper therefore suggests that many tunings in Southeast Asia are temperaments in the sense of compromises between a desired system, often just intonation, and such constraints.

In the last decade some of the most significant research in ethnomusicology has resulted from anthropologically orientated inquiries into the nature of musical cognition. We have witnessed the development of a ethnomusicology; based on the exploration of emic notions about music. Some studies have been directed specifically to explore these cognitive representations, for example: Zemp (1979) on the panpipe ensembles of the 'Are'are; Feld (1981) on descriptions of melodic contour amongst the Kaluli of New Guinea, and Sakata (1983) on musical ethnosemantics amongst Persian speakers in Afghanistan. Others have tackled these issues as part of wider ranging studies, such as Blacking (1967:20-1) on the naming of pipes in the end-blown reed-pipe ensembles of the Venda, and Berliner (1978:2-7, 54-9) on the system of note names for the keys on the Shona mbira. From such research we have discovered that many societies have well articulated analytical music theories which describe tonal or tuning systems and ascribe names to the various pitches they employ and/or to the intervals between them. Most musicians, in global terms, probably operate cognitively in terms of melodic pattern gestalten, in contours, rather than in discrete elements (Harwood 1976), but in an analytical music theory we deal with single pitches. A society that can articulate such an analytical music theory has already made some kind of an ethno-scientific analysis of the structure of its own music, or borrowed a theory from elsewhere which fits it. Many questions arise when we examine the significance of verbalised analytical music theory. Why do some societies have such music theories and not others? What is their relationship to differing types of music, and are there some kinds of music which cannot be readily learned/performed unless one acquires this formal knowledge? What is the cognitive role of music theory? Is such knowledge a static representational model that describes what the musician already knows but which has little or no direct role in performance? Or is it an operational model that has a dynamic role in the control of ongoing musical performance? The terms operational model and representational model have been borrowed from Caws (1974) but are used here in this particular sense. Such questions take us beyond anthropology and into the domain of psychology. The anthropological approach to musical cognition is limited to what can be verbally articulated (including musical demonstrations framed in verbal terms), while cognitive psychology is, in principle, able to explore those subconscious and quasi-conscious processes which lie beyond the reach of anthropological methodology. While it may be argued that the differences between the orientations, methods, analytical

The present article describes the approaches of five ensembles specialized in transcultural music-making in the context of contemporary music in Germany, the Netherlands, Uzbekistan and Turkey. While facing similar underlying conceptual and practical challenges in the process of combining different musical traditions and cultural backgrounds, such as the question of how to merge oral and notated traditions, tuning systems or musical perceptions, and their presentational performance practices, each ensemble suggests different strategies of implementation, depending on their political, historical and geographical circumstances.The article examines the way in which music derives representational functions within processes of affiliation, delimitation, representation and identity construction.

The affinity between mathematics and music has always spurred musicians to define various aspects of their practice in formal terms. This led historically to important innovations in tuning systems , design of new sounds and advances in music theory as well as emergence of new musical languages and their cultural expressions . Today the technology offers more intelligent and complex ways for automatic manipulation of musical knowledge and structure. This raises new challenges for understanding aspects of music creativity and music perception that have largely remained beyond the reach of formal algorithmic composition and generative music procedures . In this chapter we will consider the role of creative music systems in music making today and speculate whether this is going to be the next revolution in music cultures. Autonomous (music for games), human assisted (meta-creation) and recombinant and audience interactive systems (music apps) will be considered as examples of novel directions in music creation and public engagement with musical contents. It is argued that modeling of creative processes in music can be done within a framework of cognitive probabilistic modeling , laying the foundation for novel research on music information dynamics and action-cognition models applied to music.

The theory of planned behaviour (TPB) states that food consumption is preceded by an intention, which is shaped by behavioural beliefs and attitudes. To mitigate criticism of the TPB’s lack of cultural context, researchers have tested extended models with culturally specific variables included. This scoping review maps the use of the extended TPB across Western and Non-Western cultures in the context of sustainable food consumption, which includes meat consumption, food waste and organic food purchases. 3924 abstracts and 241 articles were screened. The final review included 95 articles. The number of Western and Non-Western studies was similar, but sample sizes were larger in Western cultures. Generally, the inclusion of culturally specific variables improved models that predicted organic food purchases and food waste, but not for meat consumption. The current findings highlight a lack of consensus regarding the selection of culturally specific variables. Instead, future cross-cultural research that explores similar factors could facilitate the development of a universal model of sustainable food. This model is required to drive a global approach towards encouraging sustainable diets. Incorporating cultural nuances and targeting common core values and attitudes may improve generalisability and efficacy of subsequent interventions that target sustainable food consumption across cultures.

Background Occupational therapy's origins draw from Western culture, values, and beliefs which may impact the application of traditional occupational therapy practice in non-Western cultures. Purpose This study explored how occupational therapists in Jordan facilitate occupational therapy practice within Islamic Eastern culture. Method A phenomenological approach was used in this study. Semistructured interviews were conducted with eleven occupational therapists that work in Jordan and have at least two years of experience. Data were analyzed using thematic analysis methods. Results Three central themes emerged: impact of Jordanian culture and Islamic beliefs about independence and disability on occupational therapy practice, the therapists' notions of ideal occupational therapy practice vs. daily reality, and challenges posed by workspace and the availability of equipment. Conclusion This study highlights the growing need to translate and expand the core values of occupational therapy to align with cultures in non-Western countries and cultures.

Prior research suggests that listeners from different cultural backgrounds appreciate music differently. Although music mood/emotion is an important part of music seeking and appreciation, few cross-cultural music information retrieval (MIR) studies focus on music mood. Moreover, existing studies on crosscultural music perception often only compare listeners from two cultures, in most cases, Western vs. Nonwestern cultures. In order to fill these gaps, this study compares music mood perceptions of listeners from three distinct cultures: American, Korean, and Chinese. Our findings reveal that the perceptions of the three cultural groups are generally different, but in many aspects, Korean listeners are situated in between listeners from the two other cultures. This paper describes the comparison of the three cultural groups from the perspectives of mood perceptions, musical (stimuli) characteristics, and listeners’ (subjects) characteristics. The findings of this study have implications for the design of cross-cultural and global MIR systems.

Recently new trends labeled ”the interpretative turn” or ”the new cultural history” have stressed the inadequacy of established categories of analysis and the malleable quality of words, ”facts” and the texts constructed from them. Instead of investigating structural relationships among institutions, groups, and ideas, they examine systems of thought and action through which people interact and power is manifested. Rejecting pursuit of ”true” descriptions of reality, they stress the changeable and culturally constructed nature of historical texts. Other developments have affected the kinds of favored research topics and subjects of debate among historians. The end of the Cold War has encouraged rejection of Marxist analysis and a reorientation toward studies of social movements and ”civil society.” An upsurge in nationalism and ethnic conflicts has renewed interest in studying their origins and nature. A growing sense of ”globalism” has led to reexamination of earlier notions about the characteristics of world systems and their historical production and maintenance. And expansion of interest in gender issues has led to a profusion of studies on these topics and influenced analysis of other subjects. This combination of world events and evolving viewpoints has significantly affected the general study of historical relations between Western and non-Western cultures, and also American studies of China. Among the results of these developments has been a rethinking of established conceptions of worldwide historical cultural interactions, greater impetus toward interdisciplinary cross-fertilization in academic research, and a stronger recognition of the changeability and interpretability of even the most seemingly ”natural” and durable human institutions, cultural concepts, and forms of representation. In the general study of relations among Western and non-Western cultures, one fruitful area of activity has been the critique, modification, and extension of the concept of ”Orientalism.” Work in this vein on topics such as colonial discourse, travel, and the dynamics of initial trans-cultural contacts stresses that Western expansion involved mutual interaction rather than simply the one-way imposition of Western control, the vulnerabilities of colonial rule and the selectivity with which Western concepts were absorbed by the colonized, and the entanglement of gender issues in all aspects of colonialism. Such studies have also prompted new work on subordinated (”subaltern”) groups within colonies, and on the forms of resistance they used. Among the aims of all of these academic trends have been to develop analytical viewpoints that avoid Eurocentric, Orientalist assumptions, while also making better sense of the changing patterns of interaction among the world's peoples. Efforts along these lines have manifested themselves in notable upsurges of interest in studying-and arguing over-issues of nationalism, postcolonialism, and globalism. The nature of China's interactions with imperialism suggests that these new trends are also relevant to it, and has prompted recent scholarly interest in reevaluating the ”state of the field” and many of its paradigms and concepts. This has led to reassessments of the conception and significance of venerable topics such as nationalism, modernization, and revolution; reevaluation of the long-term salience of traditionally accepted historical ”divides” such as 1949 and 1911; expansion and redirection of studies of social and cultural history to more effectively include issues such as subalternity, gender, and sexuality; and more consideration of the complexities involved in applying Western analytical concepts in a Chinese cultural context.

Even the best amplification technology is rendered useless when patients do not accept their hearing loss or when they resist improving their situation. Audiologists are ideally positioned to provide the psychological and emotional support that patients need as they progress through the help-seeking process. However, most audiologists have not received training in counseling. Because of the impact that hearing loss has on self-concept and interpersonal relationships, audiologists are generally aware that they must attend to each patient's psychological and emotional states.1–3 They know they must ask questions such as, is the patient uncomfortable asking for help? Is he self-conscious about his body image? Does she prefer the status quo to the discomfort involved with change? Is he experiencing family or occupational stress because of hearing loss? Is she angry, upset, withdrawn, overwhelmed, or depressed because hearing loss has adversely affected her life? Audiologists must not only note these reactions in patients, but also respond to them. The appropriate re-sponse will help patients address their fears, work through self-imposed barriers, and “choose growth.”4 Ineffective responses, of course, will leave the patient even more upset, more angry, and more determined to reject help. The process of recognizing and responding to these reactions in a supportive manner is the essence of “audiologic counseling.”5 Counseling is an acknowledged part of the audiologist's scope of practice.6 However, master's level training programs in audiology have usually not addressed the development of counseling skills. In 1986, McCarthy, Culpepper, and Lucks found that only 12% of audiology programs reported requiring counseling coursework.7 Little change was noted in follow-up studies in 1994 and 1997.8,9 Yet, when students were required to take a counseling course, most of them indicated receiving a moderate to major improvement in their counseling ability.10,11 In the last few years, the number of doctor of audiology (AuD) programs has increased dramatically. The purpose of this study was to answer two questions: (1) How many AuD programs include audiologic counseling in their curricula, and (2) what are the learning objectives of the courses offered? The latter question was posed to describe overall trends in course instruction. METHODS Our project consisted of two phases. Phase1: A review of web sites We first reviewed a web site (www.asha.org/gradguide) that lists all programs accredited by the Council on Academic Accreditation in Audiology and Speech-Language Pathology (CAA). At that time (September 2004), the web site listed 56 universities offering the AuD degree. We excluded programs with “candidate” status from the review. We then examined these 56 universities' web sites to determine if a counseling course was required in their AuD program. Because web site information can be incomplete or out of date, we also telephoned all the programs whose site did not mention a counseling course to confirm that none was offered. Although we made several attempts, we were unable to obtain information from five programs. The results are represented in Figure 1: Of the 56 AuD programs operating at the time, 40 (71%) indicated that they required a counseling course. In addition, eight programs (14%) reported that, although they did not require a specific counseling course, they had actively integrated counseling into other courses (e.g., aural rehabilitation or educational audiology). Two programs (4%) did not require a course, but recommended it as an elective. One program (2%) required no course, had not actively integrated counseling into other courses, and had not recommended a course as an elective. As mentioned above, no information could be obtained from five programs (9%).Figure 1: How counseling is taught in 56 AuD programs.To summarize, 85% of the AuD programs either required a class in counseling or incorporated counseling content into other courses. This represented a marked increase in counseling classes from earlier reports. It appears that the shortcomings in counseling training reported by Culpepper et al.8 and others are being addressed. Phase 2: A survey of instructors During September-November 2004, we e-mailed or called the 40 programs that reported requiring a counseling course to obtain the name of the course instructor. We then contacted instructors by e-mail with a request to send their stated learning objectives from course syllabi. We sent one follow-up request to non-responding departments or instructors. Twenty-one instructors (52%) responded. Seven instructors indicated that their course, although “on the books,” had not yet been taught, and therefore learning objectives had not been developed. One instructor submitted a syllabus that did not include learning objectives. The remaining 13 instructors provided a total of 82 learning objectives. We analyzed these learning objectives as qualitative data, using the “grounded theory method” as described by Have.12 The grounded theory method uses concurrent sampling and analysis, constant comparisons, and theoretical sampling. Constant comparisons are done by comparing data from different subjects, comparing data with an emerging category, and comparing a specific category with other categories. Comparisons are made until saturation occurs and recurring themes are identified. We analyzed course objectives using a file-card system. Each objective was written on individual file cards and reviewed to identify recurring themes, which were used as coding strategies. We organized the file cards by coding categories in order to identify the most prevalent objectives in counseling courses. We independently analyzed data to identify recurring themes, and then compared results in order to achieve joint agreement concerning emerging themes. This last process, called “triangulation,” provides a method of validating information by having multiple data sources, methods, investigators, or theories.13 RESULTS This qualitative analysis of 82 learning objectives indicated a strong consensus among instructors regarding course content. We discarded four learning objectives as lacking a strict application to personal adjustment counseling (e.g., conducting an aural rehabilitation assessment). From the remaining 78 learning objectives, four themes emerged: (1) the pyscho-emotional effects of hearing loss, (2) counseling theories, (3) counseling skills, and (4) the role of the audiologist in counseling. Additionally, one minor theme (less frequently reported, but not rare enough to be considered an outlier) also emerged: understanding a culturally diverse population with respect to disability, the role of the health professional, and interpersonal communication behaviors. The five themes are developed below with composite learning objectives: (1) Students will describe the psychological, emotional, and social effects of living with impaired hearing. Concepts include: denial, grief and loss, self-concept, impact on family, life-span concerns, locus of control, social isolation, defense mechanisms, coping mechanisms, empathy. (2) Students will compare and contrast current counseling theories, provide historical perspectives, and apply these theories to audiologic practice. Concepts include: behavioral therapy, person-centered (humanist) therapy, rational-emotive behavioral therapy, narrative therapy, Erickson's theory of cognitive-emotional development, existentialist therapy, family systems therapy, Kubler-Ross's theory of the grief cycle, the help-seeking process. (3) Students will demonstrate a set of effective counseling skills via role-playing, self-reflective journaling, video self-monitoring, and/or peer or instructor evaluation in simulated or actual clinical situations. Skills include: recognizing patient reactions and responding with affirmations, reflective or active listening, paraphrasing, or clinical silence; effective interviewing (when to use different types of questions); group counseling; promoting acceptance and growth; conveying difficult news; identifying and avoiding communication mismatch; recognizing crisis; developing awareness of one's own reactions and responses; using appropriate and inappropriate reassurance; using self-assessments as counseling tools. (4) Students will define the role of the audiologist in counseling. Concepts include: patient-practitioner dynamics, ethics, the role of helper, professional boundaries, knowing when to refer to professional counselors, referring for genetic counseling, recognizing one's own stress responses, professional burnout, the difference between professional and non-professional counseling. (5) Students will describe differences observed among Western and non-Western cultures, and describe how audiologic counseling should be modified accordingly. Concepts include: non-Western cultures' perceptions of disability, the role of the healthcare professional, family roles, etc.; non-Western cultures' communication styles and their impact on counseling efforts; developing relationships among members of the cultures served to ask for information on how best to be of help. SUMMARY By the end of 2004, most audiology doctorate programs had incorporated counseling training into their curricula either by requiring a course specializing in this content or by integrating counseling content into existing courses. This represents a substantial change from the days when few master's degree programs in audiology provided any preparation in counseling. A review of the learning objectives generously shared by course instructors indicates a strong consensus about course content and expected student outcomes. Although these learning objectives represent only one-third of programs requiring counseling courses, this level of consensus is noteworthy since it evolved in something of a vacuum, that is, without formal discussion among instructors or published standards for desired student outcomes. Still to be determined is the student perspective. What are the concerns of AuD students about interacting with, communicating with, and counseling patients and their families? Is there a possible mismatch between student needs and instructional goals? To find out, a follow-up study is being conducted to determine students' learning objectives in the area of audiologic counseling.

Cultural differences are real and arresting. They are noted, discussed and debated in bioethics, as in contemporary social and political life in general. But cultural differences can be very tricky to interpret. Their factual status, moral meanings and political implications are rarely, if ever, as straightforward as they appear. Cultural differences can be seriously misconceived, misinterpreted, misrepresented and misused in various ways. Empirically problematic perceptions, ethically dubious judgments, and practically contentious resolutions can easily become entangled when considering matters of cultural difference. Many works on cross-cultural bioethics have often merely served to reinforce deeply rooted stereotypes and myths regarding both Western and non-Western cultures, especially the latter. A glaring example of such confusion is the appeal to perceived cultural differences as an ethical justification for rejecting those norms perceived as originating in the West and strongly advocated there – such as truth-telling by medical professionals, informed consent, patients’ rights, women’s rights and human rights in general. It is argued and widely held in certain circles that such practices and values are irrelevant and inapplicable to non-Western societies and cultures. In this paper, I will critically examine “the cultural differences” argument as it has been formulated against medical truth-telling in the Chinese context. I will demonstrate that, despite its popularity and apparent plausibility, the argument is seriously flawed both descriptively and normatively. Elsewhere, through comparisons between China and the West and supported by extensive primary Chinese materials, I have shown that direct disclosure is far from culturally alien to China and that, on the contrary, there was once a long, though forgotten, tradition of medical truth-telling in China (Nie 2011: Chapter 6). Here, I argue that, even if medical truth-telling were culturally alien to China, as usually assumed, ethical imperatives exist to reform the contemporary mainstream Chinese practice of nondisclosure or indirect disclosure through family members. Moreover, I will offer a Confucian defence of truth-telling as a fundamental ethical principle and a cardinal personal and social virtue which physicians would do well to take seriously. In the process, I expose some common intellectual barriers to cross-cultural understanding: dichotomizing different

Does music induce emotion in the listener or do we project emotion to music? It is the latter opinion that is supported most frequently in music psychology research. Various studies demonstrate that a variety of physiological and psychological changes occur when listening to music, although it is not yet clear how these changes are brought about, related directly to musical qualities. The question how music influences the listener is of importance to music therapy. Music therapy and music psychology generally function as separate disciplines. In this review article it is proposed that music therapy and music psychology can benefit from each other's work in a living–apart–together relationship. Keywords: emotion – music – music psychology – music therapy – research

MOST PEOPLE TEACHING HISTORY in colleges or universities today must deal with Western Civilization. Even when Western Civ has been replaced by World Civ, historians are faced with the inescapable fact, perhaps regrettable, that western civilization has been dominant in the modem world. And as the twentieth century expands to claim more of the subject matter of general introductory courses, and as non-western cultures are given more attention in these same courses, teachers must find ways to condense without unduly distorting the earlier periods treated in their

THIS paper discusses the hypothesis that the symptoms of functional psychoses can be caused by culturally structured spontaneous trances that may be reactions to environmental stress and psychological trauma. Findings are reviewed of anthropological studies of meditative trance experiences in Indian yogis characterized by divided consciousness (dissociation), religious auditory and visual hallucinations, and beliefs in their own spiritual powers. An explanation of the psychological mechanisms of meditative trance is also provided, highlighting trance-related alteration of consciousness within an Indian cultural context. It is suggested that the psychological mechanisms of meditative trance are similar in structure to spontaneous trances underlying the symptoms of some functional psychoses. Findings from cross-cultural studies are also reviewed, highlighting the effects of culture on the symptoms, indigenous diagnoses, treatments, and outcomes of functional psychoses. In non-Western cultures, transient functional psychoses with complete recovery are 10 times more common than in Western cultures. It is suggested that egocentrism and a loss of spiritual explanations for psychosis in Western cultures constructs a clinical situation in which persons with functional psychoses are treated for a biogenetic (incurable) brain disease rather than a curable spiritual illness. This difference in cultural belief systems leads to poorer outcomes for Western patients compared to non-Western patients. Recognizing cultural differences in symptoms, indigenous diagnoses, and treatment for functional psychoses can help explain the dramatic cross-cultural differences in outcome.

This article aims to offer Yi Kwangsu’s The Heartless (Mujŏng, 1917), the first modern Korean novel, as an emblem of hybrid religiosity in colonial modernity that sheds light on an ambivalent alterity in the problem of hell in non-Western cultures. To the extent that the problem of hell in Christianity pertains to the question of why God allows evil to exist eternally, God’s omnipotent authority with justice and fairness beyond the grave is placed at the center of the inquiry into the ultimate standard of moral goodness the religious feasibility of which justifies the existence of sinners suffering eternal damnation in hell. But the co-existence of the omnipotent God and unrepentant sinners is not always questioned in the religiosity of hell in non-Western cultures. The Christian imaginary of hell in non-Western cultures often demarcates the question of God’s sovereignty from the sufferings of sinners in the problem of hell. Based on these observations, this article will investigate Yi’s narratives of hell in The Heartless, which are associated with Christianity but intertwined with his ethical demands for shaping a new individuality beyond the traditional hybrid religiosity of hell. Specifically, first, we will show that Yi’s Christian imaginary of hell is reformulated through the traditional imaginaries of hell in which, regardless of the existence of God’s sovereignty over the created order, the sufferings of sinners in hell function to secure social norms and orders. In doing so, we claim that the Christian imaginary of hell in The Heartless is relegated to a rhetorical means to beget the need for the self-awakening of the inner-self through which individual desires can be freed from the influences of Confucian morality as well as Christian theodicy. Second, in comparison with Lu Xun’s sympathetic relocation of Christian spirituality within the traditional Chinese imaginaries of hell in his longing for modern subjectivity, we explore Yi’s hybrid religiosity within colonial modernity, the vitality of which cannot be confined within the simple dichotomy between Western and non-Western cultures. At this juncture, the upshot of Yi’s hybrid religiosity within colonial modernity is that the theodicy of hell in Christianity can be displaced and thereby disenfranchised from the centrality of the search for a new individuality.