Commander’s Decisions: Challenges in Domestic Violence Response

How are changing times impacting on the possibility of collective agency by actors and agencies responding to domestic violence against women in London? The struggle against the domestic abuse of women was grounded in the 1970s women’s liberation movement under the rallying cry of ‘the personal is the political’. Over time, the domestic violence (DV) response has become professionalised and mainstreamed, located in public sector agencies and charities, with small feminist groups challenging gender inequalities in different settings. These combined efforts are having no impact on the incidence of DV, and recent years have seen dramatic cuts in DV services. A snowball sample of 25 professionals, policy makers and activists across the DV response engaged in semi-structured interviews exploring their work experiences, particularly experiences of ‘multi-sectoral collaboration’, the professional instantiation of collective agency. Thematic analysis depicted an exhausted and divided sector. Nearly all informants saw DV as rooted in gender inequalities, and viewed collaborative working as essential for tackling its interlocking individual and social drivers. However, contemporary feminism was seen as completely irrelevant to the daily realities of professionals’ work. The paper explores how the current economic, political and cultural contexts of interviewees’ work experiences were hostile to the practice of multi-sectoral collaboration. Such contexts actively militated against collaborator solidarity, the inclusion of survivor voices and a social change orientation – preconditions for effective collective agency in tackling such a complex and multi-level social problem.

The current paper presents findings from qualitative research on domestic violence and abuse (DVA) with Christians and Muslims from Ethiopian, Eritrean and Bangladeshi communities in the United Kingdom (UK). The study explored understandings of and attitudes towards DVA and responses that integrated cultural and religious establishments and resources in ethnic minority faith communities. Qualitative research was conducted with the help of community-based researchers. Three researchers conducted 16 interviews and one focus group discussion with eight participants (total n = 24). The study added to the existing evidence on barriers that DVA victims from ethnic minority faith communities face in migration contexts, adding insight into the complex interaction between norms and pressures at country of origin and conditions in the host society, and the role of religious beliefs in this relationship. The study also reinforced the significant role that religious establishments and mediators can play in domestic violence responses, but also their general unpreparedness to do so. Participants proposed that integrating religious institutions and resources in DVA responses would be an effective way forward.

The current paper presents findings from qualitative research on domestic violence and abuse (DVA) with Christians and Muslims from Ethiopian, Eritrean, and Bangladeshi communities in the United Kingdom (UK). The study explored understandings of and attitudes toward DVA and responses that integrated cultural and religious institutions and resources. Qualitative research was conducted with the help of community-based researchers with existing links and relationships of trust in the respective communities. Three researchers conducted 16 interviews and one focus group discussion with eight participants (total n = 24). The study added to the existing evidence on barriers that DVA victims from ethnic minority faith communities face in migration contexts, adding insight into the complex interactions between norms and pressures at country of origin and conditions in the host society, and the role of religious beliefs as culturally contextualized in this relationship. The study also reinforced the significant role that religious establishments and mediators can play in domestic violence responses, but also their general unpreparedness to do so. Participants proposed that integrating religious institutions and resources in DVA responses would be an effective way forward.

Domestic violence is a global phenomenon, but it takes on specific modalities in different cultural and geo-political settings. Drawing on evidence from the Northern Irish case, this article is concerned with exploring the relationship between domestic violence and the international and national sociopolitical context which domestic violence is perpetrated in and responded to. The Northern Irish case reveals a high level of political, religious and ethnic contestation at a societal level, a patriarchal social structure and conservative attitudes, each of which influence experiences of and responses to domestic violence. These factors exist alongside a number of groundbreaking changes to the overall political context and to domestic violence policies in Northern Ireland. This article seeks to explore the impact of these sociopolitical factors and changes on patterns of domestic violence in Northern Ireland over the last thirty years. The article is concerned with identifying how domestic violence responses are shaped by the sociopolitical context, what progress has been made in policy responses to domestic violence and the gaps that remain.

This study compares perceptions of domestic violence for college students planning to work in law enforcement with students aspiring to careers in social work and non-law-enforcement criminal justice (N = 491). The study involves students attending four public universities across one Southern state who completed a survey (spring of 2006) measuring whether various scenarios were (1) related to domestic violence, and (2) worthy of being reported to law enforcement. Findings indicate that all student groups (law enforcement, non-law-enforcement criminal justice, and social work) tended to identify the various scenarios as domestic violence (and worthy of being reported) regardless of the person's sexual orientation, violence severity, and offender's or victim's gender. However, law enforcement students are less sensitive to domestic violence when compared with social work and non-law enforcement criminal justice students. Findings reveal that (1) graduate students, (2) female students, and (3) White students (compared with African American students in general) attending majority White universities were more likely to identify domestic violence and its worthiness of being reported.The data in this study indicate that criminal justice programs produce graduates who are reasonably sensitive toward the importance of appropriate domestic violence response but could still improve using the techniques employed within social work programs.

The Malaysian police force has a history of poorly responding to domestic violence crime, but this poor response has never been academically discussed or studied. Interviews were conducted with Malaysian domestic violence victims, local women’s rights NGO leaders, Malaysian social workers, lawyers, and police officers to betterunderstand this problem, and this study seeks to identify specific problems and potentialsolutions. The problems identified by this study were rooted in poor understanding of domestic violence crime among the police force, and a systemic unwillingness to respond to the problem. The suggested recommendations come from social workers and domestic violence victims, and all highlight the role of the police force in domestic violence response and prevention in Malaysia.

The intersection of public policy and legislation addressing children and domestic violence is fraught with complexity. Domestic violence responses, child protection responses and family law responses, all potentially collide where a child witnesses or experiences domestic violence. These responses not only operate with different purposes and assumptions, but also construct the problem of domestic violence in different ways. This article is based on the preliminary findings of a larger research project exploring the history of domestic violence policy in Australia. Drawing on Bacchi's (1999) `what's the problem represented to be?' approach we consider how children's experiences of domestic violence are named and framed in Australian and New Zealand law and policy. In identifying and making apparent these particular understandings, and considering the implications of these meanings for current responses, we seek to open up debates on the future direction of domestic violence policy and legislation concerned with children.

Domestic violence within Pakistan continues not because there is no law at all, but because protection is patchy, enforcement is patchy, and institutional responses often devolve into delay, disbelief, or pressure to "settle" within the family. This paper discusses the discrepancy between the formal legal protections and the lived experience of domestic-violence survivors. 3 Interlocking layers of the issue are discussed: (i) the social and historical conditions of the occurrence of domestic abuse and state responses, (ii) the current legal regime - constitutional guarantees, criminal law remedies and special provincial legislation - and (iii) (where the enforcement regime and victim protection fail to operate in line with legal intent). Drawing on human rights reporting and work on gender-based violence, the paper advocates that the domestic violence response in Pakistan remains structurally handicapped by underreporting, procedures, police unwillingness, informal mechanisms of dispute resolution (including the rationales linked to honor by jirgas), and shelter and legal aid capacity. The analysis points to the development of Sindh Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Act, 2013 as a relatively developed statutory model - especially the processes of protection/residence and institutional roles - and examines some of the federal level attempts, such as the Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Bill, 2021, which is stalled and provides a snapshot of the political and normative contestation. A brief hypothetical case study (clearly marked as such) demonstrates how procedural law - particularly FIR registration - could serve as a gatekeeping mechanism, not a point of entry to justice. The paper concludes with reforms based on constitutional rights (Articles 9 and 25) of Pakistan, international obligations of Pakistan and practical administrative interventions - survivor-centered policing, functional protection orders systems, accountability measures and sustained investments in shelters and legal aids.

This paper examines domestic violence reporting in a community in New Zealand struck by a snow storm. Previous theory and empirical studies are discussed to provide context for the study being presented. The results are based on in-depth interviews with representatives of agencies involved in domestic violence response and emergency management as well as statistics and case file summaries from the predominant non-statutory domestic violence agency in the community. Interviewees were asked about domestic violence reporting and their awareness of any changes during the disaster. Changes were then measured against the statistics made available. Policy and planning in place at the time of the snow storm were examined to determine if agencies were prepared for any changes in domestic violence reporting in the aftermath of the snow storm. Issues that arose from a lack of planning or policy are discussed, and suggestions are made for improving both emergency management planning, but also the planning and policies of domestic violence agencies that must continue to provide services during disasters.

Domestic violence is commonly assumed to be a bipartisan, nonpolitical issue, with politicians welcoming headlines saying they are working against family violence. Nevertheless, the Violence Against Women Act expired for over 500 days between 2012 and 2013 due to disagreements between the U.S. Senate and House, demonstrating that legal protections for survivors of domestic abuse are both highly political and highly vulnerable. Racial and gender politics, the move toward criminalization, reproductive justice concerns, gun control debates, and other factors and political interests are increasingly shaping responses to domestic violence, demonstrating the necessity for a true understanding of the dynamic between politics, domestic violence, and the law. The Politicization of Safety will provide a critical historical perspective on domestic violence responses in the United States. It will grapple with the ways in which child welfare systems and civil and criminal justice responses intersect, and considers the different, overlapping ways in which survivors of domestic abuse are forced to cope with institutionalized discrimination, including arenas of race, gender, sexual orientation, and immigration status, not to mention cases of police-perpetrated domestic abuse.

Domestic Violence Response

Domestic Violence Response in Caseworkers Survey

Domestic violence is a pervasive public health issue worldwide and within Oman, where cultural barriers and systemic challenges hinder victims’ reporting and healthcare responses. Emergency nurses are vital frontline responders, with a key role in recognizing, supporting, and reporting cases of domestic violence. This study aimed to assess the legal knowledge and attitudes of emergency nurses toward domestic violence in Oman. A cross-sectional descriptive design was employed. A convenience sampling method was used to recruit 227 registered emergency nurses working in tertiary hospitals across Oman between January and March 2024. Data were collected via an online survey, which included demographic questions, the Attitudes toward Domestic Violence Scale, and a legal knowledge questionnaire adapted from validated instruments. The average attitude score was 3.2/5 (SD = 0.8), with 54.6% scoring above the median. 62% correctly identified reporting procedures, but only 43% knew reporting contact numbers. 55.5% had encountered and reported domestic violence cases. More experienced nurses (over 5 years) had significantly more positive attitudes (p = 0.014), and those on evening shifts reported cases more frequently (p = 0.03). Enhancing nurses’ legal knowledge and creating a supportive organizational environment are important steps toward improving domestic violence response in Oman’s emergency departments. While many nurses demonstrate moderate attitudes and some report cases, gaps in legal awareness and organizational support remain. Targeted training programs and clear policies are essential to increase reporting practices and improve outcomes for domestic violence victims, leading to a more effective and compassionate healthcare response.

The Dongtan kidnapping and murder case, which occurred on May 12th, is a prime example of how the victim was left unprotected due to inadequate police response despite repeated reports and accusations. This case not only exposes the structural limitations of Korea's domestic violence response system, but also vividly demonstrates how intimate relationships, domestic violence, and stalking can ultimately lead to the victim's death or murder. Women account for the overwhelming majority of victims of intimate partner violence and murder, both in Korea and globally. According to UN data, 140 women were murdered every day in 2023 alone by intimate partners, including family members, spouses, ex-spouses, lovers, and ex-lovers. According to South Korea's homicide statistics, which have been more detailed since 2023, 192 murders occurred in 2023 alone, involving spouses, partners, and romantic partners. Meanwhile, the Korea Women's Hotline, based on media reports, estimated that at least 181 women were murdered by their male partners in intimate relationships, such as spouses or lovers, in 2024, a big increase by 31.2% from 138 in 2023. These figures demonstrate that violence against women is a common and recurring phenomenon, transcending simple interpersonal conflicts and becoming a structural problem rooted in gender-discriminatory social structures and cultural practices. The UN also attributes femicide to harmful social norms, such as discriminatory attitudes and practices toward women and girls, imbalanced power relations, and prejudiced gender role stereotypes. Therefore, the UN and relevant scholars assert that violence and murder in intimate relationships, such as spouses or lovers, are not inevitable phenomena, but rather crimes that can be entirely prevented through social, cultural, and legal interventions. So, what social, cultural, and legal issues are present in the response systems for dating, stalking, and domestic violence in intimate relationships? What social, cultural, and legal improvements can we identify to address these issues? This paper raises the following questions: First, based on a general analysis of violence and murder in intimate relationships, is legislation addressing stalking crimes in intimate relationships, such as dating violence and domestic violence, necessary as a prerequisite for improving the response system from a social, cultural, and legal perspective? Second, as seen in the two fatal cases involving victims in Korea, including the “Dongtan kidnapping and murder,” what caused the victims to fail to seek police assistance despite their requests, ultimately leading to their deaths? Third, based on the analysis of these fatal cases, we examine the problems in responding to intimate partner violence, stalking, and domestic violence, as well as overseas legislative precedents. Based on these findings, what legislative and policy improvements are available to prevent and eradicate “femicide” in intimate partner relationships? Consequently, this paper proposes the following as “improvement measures for the response system to dating violence, stalking, and domestic violence, based on an analysis of cases of violence and murder in intimate relationships.” First, we should include dating relationships within the scope of domestic violence regulations. Second, introduce a special provision for mandatory arrest for flagrant offenders and establish criteria for judging mutual assault. Third, establish a provision prohibiting coercive dating. Fourth, introduce a GPS electronic monitoring system to proactively recognize stalking crimes. Fifth, eliminate the requirement for non-punishment without consent and improve risk assessment. In particular, for the “special provision for mandatory arrest for flagrant offenders” to be effective, several institutional improvements are necessary, and among them, eliminating the provision for non-punishment without consent should be a top pr

In 1996, in Geneva, the World Health Assembly declared the violence as a major and growing public health problem. Others have gone further in describing (sexual) violence against women as a weapon of terror. In the local community of Hamilton, Ontario Canada (population approximately 500,000), domestic violence represents 25% of the workload of the local police service. The literature has shown that violence in general, and domestic violence in particular, presents tremendous social and health impacts for individuals and communities. In this local community, however, an evaluation of a recently piloted cutting edge domestic violence response system highlights how difficult it is to place domestic violence on the policy and/or public health agendas. Qualitative interviews with 23 key stakeholders were undertaken to assess their views on the success of the program. While overall findings indicate that the success of this brief (11 month) pilot project was limited, important insights emerged around responding to the domestic violence issue, at the community level.