Colors of Resistance: Visual Representations of Ukrainian History in Popular Editions at the Turn of the 19th and 20th Centuries

The article is devoted to two engravings depicting Jesus Christ and the Mother of God in lush ornamental cartouches. They are well known to Serbian art critics and are published in the catalogs of Serbian metal engravings of the 18th century. Copper engraved boards of these engravings, which Serbian researchers attribute to the end of the 18th or the beginning of the 19th century, are preserved in the Krka Monastery. Prints from them of the 18th-19th centuries are unknown in Serbian collections. In Serbia, the first prints from these boards were made in the 20th century. However, prints from these engravings were well known in Russia in the 17th-18th centuries. They were primarily used as illustrations in Russian manuscript books. The engravings were made by a Russian master at the end of the 17th century. According to the features of engraving, manner, and stylistics, they can be attributed to Moscow engraver Leonty Bunin. In Russian manuscripts, they were usually used as illustrations in the book The Passion of Christ along with the 14-sheet series The Passion of Christ by Leonty Bunin. Cases of using them as independent illustrations are known. In the 1730s, these engravings disappeared from the illustrations in The Passion of Christ series in Russian manuscript books. Their later prints are unknown in Russia. The history of their appearance in Serbia, in the Krka Monastery, remains unknown. Perhaps they appeared there as gifts from Russia which the monastery regularly received. In the 18th century, Serbian religious art experienced a powerful influence from Dutch graphics. As iconographic sources, Serbian masters used Flemish and Dutch engravings of the 16th and 17th centuries. They were the same ones that were used by Russian masters of the 17th century, especially of the second half of the century, as iconographic examples. The identity of the artistic processes that took place in the art of Serbia in the 18th century and Russia of the 17th century turned out to be so close that Serbian art historians regarded the Russian prints of the 17th century by Leonty Bunin as Serbian works of an unknown engraver of the late 17th - early 19th centuries. The biography of Leonty Bunin is considered in detail in the article, some facts of his life are presented for the first time.

Statement of the problem and its relevance. After the Russian aggression, an increasing number of citizens began to realize the importance of the Ukrainian language and culture for the preservation of their territory and the integrity of the state. This raises the question of the need at the state level to create all the necessary conditions for strengthening the communicative and demographic potential of the Ukrainian language, improving the linguistic culture of the population, increasing the share of Ukrainian- language cultural and informational products, and enhancing the status of the Ukrainian language as a language of interethnic communication and understanding. The aim of the research and its main objectives are to investigate the state and issues related to the formation of the Ukrainian national information space in the context of war, substantiate the need for improving the state language policy towards the promotion of the Ukrainian language, and strengthening the Ukrainian language in the communicative and information space of Ukraine. Analysis of recent research and publications. The development of the information society in Ukraine and the issues of state information policy in Ukraine have been studied by I. Binko, V. Karpenko, O. Kondratenko, O. Lytvynenko, S. Matviyenko, and Yu. Shmalenko. The delineation of previously unresolved parts of the overall problem. Unresolved important issues include the formation of the Ukrainian national information space, where the Ukrainian state language would dominate, and the quality of Ukrainian- language content. This has become particularly relevant during the war, as the functioning of the Ukrainian national information space impacts national consolidation and the formation of Ukrainian national identity. Teaching the main research material with an explanation of the obtained results. The national information space is an important factor in ensuring the informational component of national security and the formation of national identity. It should be based on objective information, quality national informational products in the state language, and cultural diversity. A crucial aspect in the process of shaping and operating the Ukrainian information space in accordance with new socio-political realities is ensuring citizens' rights to receive objective information in the state language and the creation of high-quality Ukrainian- language content. The legal basis for these processes is provided by the laws of Ukraine "On Ensuring the Functioning of the Ukrainian Language as the State Language" and "On Media." Conclusions and Prospects for Further Research. In the process of shaping the Ukrainian language and information space and defending national interests in the information sphere, it is advisable to ensure: legislative recognition of the status of the national information space, protection at the legislative level of the Ukrainian information space from foreign influences; state support (tax, financial, organizational) in the creation and popularization of quality Ukrainian-language cultural and informational products; filling the media space of Ukraine (television, radio), internet resources with Ukrainian- language cultural products; monitoring compliance with legislation regarding the functioning of the Ukrainian language as a state language. The subject of further scientific research will be the question of public initiatives to promote the formation and protection of the Ukrainian national information space.

Viktor Brekhunenko, Kozaky na stepovomu kordoni levropy: Typolohiia kozats 'kykh spil'not XVI--pershoi polovyny XVII st. (Cossacks on Europe's Steppe Frontier: Typology of Cossack Communities in the 16th and First Half of the 17th Centuries). 504 pp. Kyiv: Natsional'na akademiia nauk Ukrainy, 2011. ISBN-13 978-9660258440. Zenon Kohut, Making Ukraine: Studies on Political Culture, Historical Narrative, and Identity. 340 pp. Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, 2011. ISBN-13 978-1894865210. Tat'iana Tairova-Iakovleva, Ivan Mazepa i Rossiiskaia imperiia: Istoriia predatel 'stva (Ivan Mazepa and the Russian Empire: A Story of Betrayal). 528 pp. Moscow: Tsentrpoligraf, 2011. ISBN-13 978-5227025784. This review's title is deliberately at variance with Andreas Kappeler's 2003 article on the position of Ukrainians in the ethnic hierarchy of the Russian Empire. This informal order in Russia, as in other premodern multiethnic empires, was based on criteria of political loyalty, estate, and social and cultural affiliation. The stratification of Ukrainians made it possible to attribute them to different categories: khokhly, mostly peasants; malorossy, Russian-speaking Ukrainians loyal to the Romanov dynasty; or Mazepists (mazepintsy), those forging Ukrainian cultural and national identity. Kappeler noted that these categories were interwoven, and the position of Ukrainians in the Russian Empire was therefore extremely complex. (1) This complexity represents key subject for several recent publications about early modern Ukraine. In particular, the Cossack past, construed as historical precursor to the contemporary Ukrainian state, plays crucial role both in scholarly debates and in the national narrative. (2) The issues of loyalties, identities, and cultural, religious, and political entanglements are also of key interest, and they occupy prominent place in the studies under review here. (3) Writing in Canada, Ukraine, and Russia, the authors are acclaimed experts in early modern studies, and their new publications strengthen, advance, and sometimes revise their own earlier work. Collectively they offer broad spectrum of approaches and methodological insights and show how complex and controversial research in Ukrainian history can be. In volume encompassing 12 articles published between 1977 and 2006 and three new studies, Zenon Kohut focuses on elite culture, predominantly in the 18th century, and on identity transformations. (4) The book spans the whole modern era from the 17th through the 20th centuries. Kohut offers revisionist view on some positions and concepts declared in his previous publications and stresses that the construction of the modern Ukrainian state and began in the early modern period (xi). Working with the same sources, he emphasizes new aspects: for instance, in his reading of the famous 17th-century Kyivan Synopsis. While Kohut previously delineated the linkage between Ukraine and Russia through dynasty, religion, state structure, and ethnicity, he now refers to this text as an address to all the Slavs, not to any specific East Slavic people or nation (xii). (5) Kohut's novel emphasis on proto-nationalist and nationalist movements is linked to an acknowledgment of the multiplicity of trajectories leading from the Ruthenian to the contemporary Ukrainian nation. This variety of paths, often interwoven and complex, are the focus of Kohut's book. For the 17th and 18th centuries Kohut defines two competing state-building projects: the Hetmanate and the Russian Empire. He identifies major conflict between the idea of the centrally regulated absolutist monarchy and the notion of Little Russian rights and liberties. For Kohut these were two incompatible poles, and the clash was inevitable. In this regard, the analysis touches on the classical question of whether contemporary Ukraine can be considered a non-historical nation. …

European historiography changed considerably during the nineteenth century. Formation of historical source study as a separate science, on the one hand, and awareness of the connection between the historical narrative of the past with political interests, on the other hand, gave impetus to the writing of historical works on national history, the so-called grand narratives. They relied on historical sources, but chose what served the actual political interests, and ignored or interpreted otherwise what they did not fit. The territorial organization of living space has become a priority task of national development in the nineteenth century, and the recognition of land, borders, and people as own should have been historically grounded. The difficulty for Ukrainians was that the traces of Ukrainian-Russ statehood were lost in ancient times, while the neighbors, primarily Russians and Poles, tried to draw both the territory and the past of Ukraine into their own concepts of the creation of modern nation. The creation of the Ukrainian grand narrative was influenced by external factors: the division of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the collapse of its once unified political, cultural and intellectual space, and the policy of the Russian authorities, aimed to separate «Little Rus’» from western civilization. Russian censorship successfully removed memory of Polish-Ukrainian ties from historical works and replaced it with the image of the invading Poles. The traumatic, post-war experience, idealization of images of Cossack soldiers was the favorable ground for this. As a result, in Ukrainian historical grand narrative the «Polish-Lithuanian» period was interpreted as an external occupation, a break in the «correct» history of Ukraine. The whole complex of everyday life, cultural and political influences of Ukrainians in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth remained beyond history. Its main content was recognized by the Polish-Ukrainian conflicts. The views on the legacy of the Commonwealth in the Ukrainian society of the nineteenth century can also be analyzed from the perspective of the intellectual biographies of their creators and take into account the experience of relations with the Poles, the private image and repression of the Russian government. An unbiased rethinking by professional historians of the past of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth from the point of view of the interactions of various cultural spaces in the nineteenth century was not a matter of time. Keywords Ukrainian-Polish relations in the nineteenth century, Ukrainian-Russian relations in the nineteenth century, Ukrainian historiography of the nineteenth century, intellectual biography, cultural and intellectual heritage of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries Ukraine did not have a national state, was divided into two large regions, which were part of the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires. Therefore, Ukrainian intellectuals had to live and work in difficult political conditions, often going to very substantial compromises with imperial forces, represented by both Russian officials and comparatively more numerous Russian intellectual circles. This had a significant impact on the nature and tasks of the Ukrainian movement, substantially corrected both tactical steps and a general strategic course towards its own autonomy and statehood. It is important to note that the evolution of Ukrainian national ideology took place under the influence of European ideas. They, however, captured the thoughts of very narrow circles of humanitarians, most of whom engaged in the study of ethnographic and folklore spheres of peasant life, and therefore, were concerned about a relatively limited range of issues. At the same time, the comprehension of the past and present problems took place against the background of the involvement of a new generation of public figures in the movement. In the territory of Naddniprianshchyna, it was formed in conditions of rapid modernization, while maintaining the imperial (autocratic) system of power. After analyzing all the key aspects of the proposed problem, the author came to the conclusion that in relation to social processes (realities) at the beginning of the 20th century in the Naddniprianshchyna, the Ukrainian intelligentsia focused on socio-cultural, national, regional, and, to a lesser extent, economic and social life. The choice between "culture and politics" was too limited. In a situation, where many forces needed to solve internal (party, interpersonal, etc.) problems, such a local orientation significantly weakened the influence of intellectual circles on society, particularly the peasantry. At that time, when the Ukrainian intelligentsia claimed to be the main driving force of national affirmation, the establishment of ties between the Western (sub-Austrian) and the Eastern (sub-Russian) communities, it did little to its influence among the general population, the common people, that was a gross mistake in the new historical conditions.

The article focuses on the beginning of the process of formation of museum collections relevant to the military past of the Dnieper Ukraine in the 19th — first decade of the 20th century. It is determined, in the research scope, that the process of creating museum exhibits, which consisted of monuments of military historical heritage, was influenced by the following: the development of archaeological research, which was stimulated by the domination of classicism, which induced interest in the ancient past, the imperial power ideologizing the historical process, the Ukrainian nobility (descendants of the Cossacks elders) preserving historical memory of the victorious past of their people, and so on. It is found, that during the 19th century, museumification of the 19th and early 20th centuries military heritage had several trends: the creation of “propaganda” exposition, which would remind of the key, from the tsarist regime point of view, imperial army victories, foster respect for the imperial family and the royal power institution self, commemorate imperial myths, the formation of the Cossacks antiquities collections, initiated by Ukrainian intellectuals and scholars; expositions formed by the military according to purely professional interest. During the 19th and early 20th centuries, a number of museums, which had monuments of military history as a part of their collections, were founded. Some of the aforementioned museums are the following: the Museum of Ukrainian Antiquities in Chernihiv, the Museum of Heroic Defense and the Liberation of the City of Sevastopol, the Museum of Poltava Battle, etc. Museumification of the military heritage has stimulated the development of various areas of special military-historical research.

The article describes legal status of Kabarda enshrined in interstate treaties: the Belgrade Treatise between Russia and the Ottoman Empire in 1739, the Kiuchuk-Kainardzhiiskii Peace Treaty concluded in 1774 between the Russian and Ottoman Empire. An attempt to determine the influence of Kabarda in the process of joining Crimea to Russia in the 18th century was made. A normative prohibition on the use of significant military support of Kabarda for conflicting parties is substantiated; a special legal protection of Kabardinian amanats and the possibility of their staying in two opposing states and vassal Crimean khanate are determined. It is argued that Belgrade Peace Treaty is the basis for international legal consolidation and recognition of a new subject of “Bolshaia and Malaia Kabarda” to establish diplomatic relations with it, both from the Russian Empire and the Ottoman Empire and the Crimean Khanate in resolving the issue of military support. The status of “free” Kabarda until signing of the Kiuchuk-Kainardzhiiskii Peace Treaty is characterized. It is established that during this period of confrontation among Russia and the Ottoman Empire and the Crimean Khanate, free Kabarda continued to adhere to the pro-Russian orientation and enjoy regular military support from Russia. It is argued that the period of “free” Kabarda is characterized by constant attempts to “pull” it from the Russian Empire and the Ottoman Empire and the Crimean Khanate. It is substantiated that representatives of Kabardian nobility continued to adhere to pro-Russian orientation and to resist claims of the Crimean Khanate.

This article reports on a case study in which illustrations were used as prompts as a way of disrupting automatic colonised thoughts. The aim of this was to awaken deep rather than surface responses in pre-service teachers, and to introduce reflexivity as a means of introducing border thinking, which we saw as having the potential to impact positively on identity formation. Identity formation is of crucial importance for pre-service teacher education given that the system has not transformed significantly to accommodate diversification and inclusivity as a social and human rights issue. The article draws on theories designed to counteract the coloniality/modernity imaginary; it introduces border-thinking through defamiliarisation with the aim of enhancing senses of agency among pre-service teachers. Students were encouraged to draw themselves in relation to the global world. Following on from this, students participated in blogs in which they discussed their own drawings while also commenting on the drawings of others. The analysis is partially content–focussed and partially discourse-focussed. The findings reveal that the intervention prompted students to review their identities reflexively in relation to globalisation. The results show, firstly, that the intervention had positive results in terms of enhancing students’ senses of agency, and, secondly, they demonstrate, or suggest, possible ways in which the defamiliarisation process can lead to border thinking, thereby addressing coloniality.

Europeanization of the Balkans, or Balkanization of Europe? Vasko Naumovski (bio) The European Union enlargement process has been a substantial benefit for European citizens and has proved to be the most successful transition of the post-communist countries. Nevertheless, the Balkans region remains without a clear perspective for full integration into the EU, creating potential for further uncertainty and even conflict. In attempting to contain the "Powder Keg of Europe," greater attention needs to be paid to the ending of bilateral disputes and the enabling of selfsustainability in the region. This article analyzes the conflicting concepts of Europeanization and Balkanization, discussing the place of the Balkans in the European Union and internal challenges to the EU such as the rise of nationalism, security threats, the migrant crisis, the lack of consensus, and even fragmentation. Challenges faced by the EU today are different from those in the 1980s or 1990s, yet these past lessons should be taken into consideration while defining the future developments of the Union, including its final borders, decision-making reforms, and values shared by all of its current and potential members states. A History of Fragmentation The Balkans have a reputation for normalized conflict and bloodshed. History, religion, ethnicity, territory, and political ideology have served to provoke violence in what has seemed like a never-ending cycle. Overlapping foreign interests and intervention, as well as independence movements, have increased the explosive potential, earning the Balkans the nickname "Powder Keg of Europe." In the past, nearly all Balkan ethnic groups struggled to create their "great nation-states"—often at the expense of their neighbors. In the years before the First World War, ideas of "pan-Slavic" unity in the Balkans promoted by Imperial Russia, as well as attempts to expand the spheres of influence of the Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman Empires, created a volatile environment in which local events often led to major regional conflicts. The 20th-century fragmentation of the Balkan Peninsula began with the defeat of the Ottoman Empire. Subsequent divisions of its remaining territory took place during the Balkan Wars, the First and Second World Wars, and eventually culminated in the fall of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. The decline of the Ottoman Empire1 (mainly due to failed reform attempts, inefficient bureaucracy and repeated uprisings), the formation of national identities, and the rise of newly created nation-states significantly increased the potential for conflict in the Balkans at the end of the 19th century. The annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908 by Russia and its increased pressure on the region were merely additions to the powder keg. Subsequently, these tensions were heightened by the outbreak of World [End Page 120] War I, as neither Balkan war seemed to satisfy the aspirations of the countries involved. After World War I, the creation of a unified South Slavic state—into what ultimately became Yugoslavia—seemed to have stabilized most of the region until the second half of the 20th century. Nevertheless, the region's proximity to both the Eastern and Western military blocs during the Cold War, internal ethnic-based irredentism, a failing economy, and ideological diversity led to the most violent clashes in Europe after World War II. In particular, the breakup of Yugoslavia and its aftermath caused a number of conflicts across its territory: the 1991 conflict between the Yugoslav People's Army (YPA) and Slovenian Defense Forces; the Croatian Serbs/YPA versus Croatia in 1991–95; the Bosnian Serbs/YPA against Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks) and Bosnian Croats in 1992–95; the Army of Yugoslavia versus the Kosovo Liberation Army in 1998–99; the 1999 NATO campaign against the Army of Yugoslavia; the Army of Yugoslavia versus the Liberation Army of Preshevo, Medvedja, and Bujanovac in 1992–2001; and the Army of the Republic of Macedonia against the National Liberation Army in 2001. All of these developments gave rise to the term "Balkanization," which refers to ethnic conflict within multiethnic states, as well as, more specifically, the ethnic cleansing and civil war that often occur following the dis-integration of such states.2 Similarly, it has been described as the act of breaking up regions or groups into smaller, often hostile units.3 The...

The study highlights the attempt to characterize and systematize the main measures tocommemorate the memory of T. Shevchenko among representatives of Ukrainian intellectuals. The article gives a general description of the process of becoming the tradition of celebrating Shevchenko anniversaries, as a form of association of Ukrainian intellectuals. It is revealed that the tradition of the annual commemoration of T. Shevchenko emerged during the evenings in the family circle of the advanced nationally conscious Ukrainian intellectuals.
 Studying the memories of the leading representatives of the Ukrainian intellectuals, the process of disseminating the idea of the annual celebration and commemoration of Kobzar from his closest intellectual environment to the intellectual centers of Ukrainians in the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires is presented. Considering various forms of commemoration of T. Shevchenko’s memory, their description and influence on both: the Ukrainian intellectuals and Ukrainian society are presented.
 The tradition of honoring T. Shevchenko’s memory, forming it as an ideal of the Ukrainian national liberation movement was a key factor in the process of establishing the corporate identity of Ukrainian intellectuals.
 Keywords: Intellectuals, Shevchenko, Shevchenko anniversaries, traditions of intellectuals, the unionof intellectuals

The purpose of the article is to study the peculiarities of the development of pilgrimage to the Holy Land in the context of the dialogue between the Russian Church and the Anglicans in the second half of the 19th century. This process was inextricably linked with the diplomatic relations of the Russian Empire and Great Britain. In the 19th century, the territory of Central Asia and the Middle East attracted the attention of Russia and England. In addition to diplomatic methods of expanding the sphere of influence in this region, missionary work was also used. The problem of the article is to determine the relationship between the pilgrimage process and church diplomacy in the relations between the Russian Empire and Great Britain. The intensification of pilgrimage activity in Russia was associated not only with the desire of believers to visit holy places. This process was also associated with the state ideology of Russia at that time. It is necessary to determine the relationship between the relations of the Russian Church with the Anglicans, the interaction of the Anglicans with the Orthodox of the East in the context of the development of missionary work and pilgrimage to the Holy Land in the context of the confrontation between the Russian and British empires. The historical and genetic method was used in the process of preparing the article. This method made it possible to clarify the initial period of interaction between the Russian Church and the Anglican Church, as well as to trace the development of missionary activity of the Anglicans in the Holy Land. The historical-chronological method was also used. Thanks to it, it was possible to establish the main stages in the development of relations between the Russian and Anglican churches in the context of the development of missionary activity in the Holy Land. The historical-problem method made it possible to identify the relationship between church diplomacy and politics in relations between the Russian Empire and Great Britain in the period considered in the article. The conducted research made it possible to identify the conditions for the development of pilgrimage. It is noted that the intensification of this process occurred against the background of an intensified dialogue between the Orthodox and the Anglicans. It is determined that pilgrimage to the Holy Land intensified in the mid-19th century, when the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission began its activities (1847). Later, this activity was actively supported by the Orthodox Palestine Society founded in 1882. Based on the conducted research, it is possible to further work on studying the features of the development of pilgrimage activity in the context of the dialogue between the Russian Church and the Anglicans at the beginning of the 20th century. As a result of the conducted research, the conditions of the pilgrimage of Russian Orthodox to the Holy Land were determined. The importance of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Palestine in organizing this process was noted. The prerequisites and reasons for the emergence of the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society were identified. The characteristics of the foreign policy situation during the period of intensification of pilgrimage activity were given. It is indicated that the pilgrimage to the Holy Land took place against the backdrop of the desire of the Russian Empire to strengthen its position in the Middle East during the period of rivalry with Great Britain in this region. The process of foreign policy interaction between Russia and England took place in the context of the dialogue between the Russian Church and the Anglicans.

The article is devoted to a comparative analysis of the composition and dynamics of the development of the anti-epidemic response of state, scientific, medical and public institutions of the leading countries of Western Europe, the Russian and Ottoman empires during the five cholera pandemic waves in the 19th - early 20th centuries. The difference in the unique features of social, cultural, political life and, at the same time, a general orientation towards one vector of development (western trend) make the analysis possible and relevant. The actuality layed not only in the general scientific sense, but also applicable to the current anti-epidemic practice of the emerging covid-19 pandemic. The comparative study is based on a comprehensive analysis of Russian, American, English and Turkish historiography. The work proves that the development of an anti-epidemic strategy is always the product of the already established tendencies of perception and response to emergencies and extraordinary situations in society, formats or patterns of “responses” to a global “challenge”, which in the course of events are only subject to certain adjustments, additions, updates. Confidence in the chosen strategy or the search for a strategy, the harmony of the chosen path or its search for social trends, plays a huge role. So, the general situation in Western European countries with a set of social characteristics inherent in them by the beginning of the 19th century (secularism, the leading role science and its self-developing potential, the development of public life and civil society institutions) only reinforced the chosen direction of the search for anti-epidemic policy algorithms, despite the delayed result, led to positive shifts both in the fight against cholera and the development of medicine in society as a whole (health care system, social hygiene, sanitation, preventive vaccination, etc.). Irregularities in the development of these social signs, with a general orientation towards a search path similar to Western Europe, the inconsistency of the relationship between power, medicine and society in the Russian Empire, did not lead, despite noticeable successes in certain clusters, to the organization of a common national health system till the beginning of the XX century subject to the vast territorial extent of the country, the key to effective implementation of choleratic measures. The transition to the European principles of anti-epidemic response in the harsh conditions of constant foreign policy pressure, the almost complete absence of a social foundation for the accumulation of innovations, or its deliberately secondary nature for social dispositions, the unpreparedness of the social system to massively rigid introduction of new principles, institutions, methods, practices and rules in society, as happened with the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century, did not contribute, despite the creation of almost all links and the maintenance of their performance, the addition of a national health system capable of developing an effective anti-epidemic response system in the conditions of the Ottoman society.

The article deals with the creative legacy of film director Oleksandr Dovzhenko during World War II, primarily the film story "Ukraine on Fire", and its modern context. Despite the realities that minimized the presence of Ukrainians in the historical field, the artist presents Ukrainianness as an authoritative subject of the military confrontation of peoples. The song-romantic image of the people overcoming all the terrible trials of wartime is recreated. he story was subjected to devastating criticism by Joseph Stalin and banned as a nationalist work, one that revises the very foundations of the Soviet state system. An analysis of Dovzhenko's texts from the war years suggests that the artist perceived the terrible cataclysms that brought the very existence of the Ukrainian people to the brink of catastrophe as a systemic sin of the Bolshevik regime led by Stalin. A regime that opposed itself to Europe not only ideologically, but also as an autonomous socio-cultural organism. This corresponded to the concept of the German philosopher Oswald Spengler, which was based on the idea that there is no holistic world culture, it is made up of autonomous cultural organisms. Each of which has its own genetic program of development, from birth to death. Western European ("Faustian") culture, according to Spengler, is in a stage of total aging, degradation, transition to civilization (ossification of cultural organisms) and needs "donor assistance" from younger cultures. Among the latter is the youngest, which was born in the territories of the former Russian Empire, including Ukraine. Mykola Khvylovyi built his own idea of the German philosopher's concept, based on the Asian Renaissance, Ukraine as the vanguard of the newest cultural and historical type, an organic compound, cosmic in its naturalness. It is through it that Europe will renew itself, refreshing its strength, its energy. Simultaneously, Ukraine itself will borrow something from Europe from its acquisitions, the process here is mutual. Dovzhenko's work is also in the context of similar ideas, from the film "Earth", the film story "Ukraine on Fire" to "The Enchanted Desna". According to Samuel Huntington's popular concept of the "clash of civilizations", the borders that divide humanity in the modern world are determined not by ideology, not by economics, but by culture. It is not nation-states that are in conflict, but nations and groups belonging to different civilizations, and their clash is the dominant factor in world politics. Despite the idea, once formed by Francis Fukuyama, that the history of global conflicts effectively ended at the end of the 20th century. The current Russian-Ukrainian war in the above-mentioned context is a war for the affirmation of civilizational meanings and attitudes. From the Ukrainian side, it is a struggle for a return to Western civilization. A struggle that was defined and discussed by Ukrainian intellectuals, among them Dovzhenko, back in the 1920s and 1930s.

REVIEWS 511 ~ xto spodivaitcja (K) ‘that put their trust [in him]’ (p. 178), spasennje (M) ~ spasennja (K) ‘salvation’ (p. 178), peščera (M) ~ pečera (K) ‘cave’ (p. 185), čystyj (M) ~ ščyryj (K) ‘righteous’ (p. 185), čudesa (M) ~ dyva (K) ‘wondrous works’ (p. 186); some long-naturalized (regional) Polonisms are also changed with ‘more’ vernacular forms of the type kotryj (M) ~ jakyj (K) ‘which’ (p. 180) and papir (M) ~ bomaha (K) ‘[the volume of the] book’ (p. 183); one can also add here a northern Ukrainian form typical of the previous literary tradition — pljundrovaty (M) next to modern pljundruvaty (K) ‘to plunder’ (p. 188). No doubt, the translation of Moračevs’kyj is a true trove of data reflecting the vagaries of the formation of new standard Ukrainian, including its high style. Yet this process would have appeared more nuanced had the authors of the introduction placed the creation of the Ukrainian Psalter in the wider context of similar translations made not only before Moračevs’kyj but also after him. In this regard, one should mention Pantelejmon Kuliš whose first paraphrases of Psalms 1 and 13 appeared in 1868, and Oleksandr Navroc’kyj and Volodymyr Aleksandrov who paraphrased the Psalter, under the influence of Kuliš, in the 1880s. Needless to say, publication of their works in the future would complement the edition of the pioneering translation made by Moračevs’kyj in 1865 and prepared for publication by Hnatenko 150 years later. Department of Modern Languages and Cultures Andrii Danylenko Pace University Offord, Derek; Ryazanova-Clarke, Lara; Rjéoutski, Vladislav and Argent, Gesine (eds). French and Russian in Imperial Russia. Volume 1: Language Use Among the Russian Elite. Russian Language and Society. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 2015. xviii + 270 pp. Figures. Tables. Notes. Bibliographies. Index. £75.00. Offord, Derek; Ryazanova-Clarke, Lara; Rjéoutski, Vladislav and Argent, Gesine (eds). French and Russian in Imperial Russia. Volume 2: Language Attitudes and Identity. Russian Language and Society. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 2015. xviii + 266 pp. Illustrations. Notes. Bibliographies. Index. £75.00. In January 1868, suffering from a periodic inflammation of the eye, P. A. Valuev, soon to be deposed as Alexander II’s Minister of Internal Affairs, was obliged to dictate his diary to his wife. Whereas he habitually recorded his thoughts in Russian, she preferred to write in French. Depressed by developments in St Petersburg and pessimistic about the state of Russian morals, the aloof Europeanized statesman was prompted to reflect, not for the first time, that it was ‘not natural’ that French should have become ‘more or less’ the SEER, 94, 3, july 2016 512 most influential language in Russian society: ‘Le chinois nous conviendrait beaucoup mieux.’ What motivated individual language choices in imperial Russia? And what can such choices tell us about the formation, consolidation and fragmentation of personal, social and national identities? Though isolated attempts have been made to answer such questions in the past, the subject has never been tackled in the concerted way represented by these two selfstanding but complementary volumes. Remarkably, the effort has finally been made neither in Russia nor in France, but in Britain, where a conference on ‘Enlightened Russian’, organized by Lara Ryazanova-Clarke at the University of Edinburgh in 2012, provided one of the sources for these books. The other was the Arts and Humanities Research Council project on ‘The History of the French Language in Russia’, led by Derek Offord at the University of Bristol with the collaboration of the remaining two editors. Though he generously acknowledges the extent to which this was a collective enterprise, Offord was clearly its guiding mind. Not the least of his contributions has been to translate more than a third of the twenty-four essays that comprise these two richly rewarding volumes. Written by an international cast of authors, ranging from doctoral candidates to senior scholars, the essays probe an impressively wide variety of published and unpublished materials. Beginning with a general consideration of the use of French and Russian in Catherine II’s Russia (Derek Offord, Gesine Argent and Vladislav Rjéoutski), the first volume goes on to discuss the empress’s letters to Grimm (Georges Dulac), language use by the Stroganovs...

Imperial Russia’s Civil Society, 1750–1917 Mary Schaeffer Conroy A. S. Tumanova, Obshchestvennye organizatsii Rossii v gody Pervoi mirovoi voiny (1914–fevraĺ 1917 g.). ( Public/Civic Organizations in Russia during World War I [1914–February 1917]). 327 pp., illus. Moscow: R osspen, 2014. ISBN-13 978-5824319002. A. S. Tumanova, ed., Samoorganizatsiia rossiiskoi obshchestvennosti v poslednei treti XVIII–nachale XX v. ( Self-Organization of the Russian Public from the Last Third of the 18th Century to the Beginning of the 20th Century). 883 pp. Moscow: Rosspen, 2011. ISBN-13 978-5824315288. The two works under review—a compilation describing self-organization of society in imperial Russia from the 18th century through the beginning of the 20th century, which Anastasiia Tumanova has edited and to which she contributes four chapters, and Tumanova’s monograph on Russian society during World War I—determine the strength and liveliness of civil society in imperial Russia. These works leave no doubt that the still influential view of pre-Soviet Russia as an agrarian backwater, whose populace was devoid of initiative and cowed by a capricious, authoritarian government, and the correlative theory that political repression precipitated the revolutions of 1917 must both be relegated to the dustbin. The publications under review document that the Russian government was paternalistic, intrusive, and often moved at a glacial pace. Still, sometimes the government moved with lightning speed, implementing the Great Reforms in the 1860s and 1870s and establishing the State Duma, the reformed State Council, and a modicum of civil rights in 1905–6. Moreover, and this is important, the imperial Russian government did allow Russian citizens space in which to manage their own affairs. Tumanova’s two works, under review here, emphasize that Russian citizens had plenty of capacity for self-organization. The 1991 American compilation [End Page 193] Between Tsar and People: Educated Society and the Quest for Public Identity in Late Imperial Russiaprovided introductory information on diverse voluntary and civic groups. 1Tumanova’s edited volume and her monograph are more detailed and, additionally, focus on the laws and legal aspects of establishing civic societies and maintaining them in imperial Russia. The compilation is an encyclopedic tome, synthesizing secondary sources and newly available archival evidence. Its 14 packed chapters analyze a myriad of voluntary societies and contain more than 20 pages listing voluntary societies. V. Ia. Grosul’s chapter 1, Tumanova’s chapter 2, and I. S. Rozental´’s chapter 6 recount that educated wealthy nobles, following familiarity with organizations in Western Europe, began to organize themselves into clubs in the 18th and early 19th centuries. These chapters and Tumanova’s chapters 3 and 4 (proffering precise statistics), as well as her chapter 7, co-authored with Rozental´, affirm that even though in Russia, as in Germany and Austria, societies had to be approved by the government, from the mid-19th-century clubs and societies of all kinds—philanthropic, literary and artistic, educational, leisure, nature, sports-related, devoted to gambling and to politics—proliferated astronomically among merchants and broad swaths of the rest of the population, including religious organizations and members of the imperial family. Tumanova’s forte is legal analysis, and she reviews in detail how legislation affected the organization of societies and clubs (193–216). In particular, she emphasizes that the Temporary Regulation on Societies, issued by the tsar in March 1906, speeded up this process (209–16). The volume also vividly illustrates peasant involvement in voluntary societies. The Russian Empire was predominantly agrarian, and more than 80 percent of the population was listed under the rubric of “peasant.” However, the peasantry was very diverse and not inert. Although, until 1861, half the peasants were serfs, nonpersons who had no right to own property or sue in a court of law, peasants did so anyway. As early as the 1960s, Jerome Blum detailed that both serfs and so-called state peasants established businesses—some small but others large—which indicated initiative and gave considerable autonomy. 2Ben Eklof documented that some peasant communes hired teachers in the 19th century. 3Charles A. Ruud illustrated peasant social [End Page 194]mobility in his biography of Ivan Sytin, illiterate peasant turned publishing magnate. 4...